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"My Memoirs of Georyia Politics" 

WRITTEN AND PUBI,ISHED BY v-> '-4 if ^ 

Mrs. William H. Felton 



AFTER SHE HAD REACHED HER 
75th birthday. 



// was her husband^s request that she should collect 
and publish the story of his Congressional and 
Legislative life as connected with Georgia 
politics — froyn 1874 — during more 
than twenty years of public 
service in State and Nat- 
ional Legislation. 



1911 



Atlanta, Ga. 

Thb Index Printing Company 

Printers and Binders 

1911 



PREFACE 



WHY THIS BOOK WAS WRITTEN. 

There came a time in Georgia, soon after the war, when 
even well-informed men, and honest politicians seemed to be 
impervious to the dictates of reason and prudence, in their 
political efforts. Sectional prejudice completely blinded their 
political judgment. 

War experiences were too recent perhaps for the complete 
exercise of sound judgment or even common business sense. 

The people despised carpet-baggers. They became disgusted 
with Bullockism. Down at the bottom of their unrest was the 
ever present dread of negro domination. The negro and his 
future in politics became a bug-bear — a scarecrow, used by 
crafty office-seekers to infuriate the minds of Southern men 
and women. It was the clamp that held thousands of good 
men to the Democratic party after it was known to be domi- 
nated by industrious grafters, who worked the party for per- 
sonal ends with selfish motives. 

It became a choice of evils to a great many patriots in the 
South, especially the old Whig element. They held on to what 
they could not approve, because of the Republican party and 
its alliance with the negro. 

The "Solid South," really meant antagonism to negro- 
ism. It was skilfully worked to perpetuate in office many of 
the men who urged on the war, and who now fanned this war 
prejudice into fury, for political success, regardless of prog- 
ress or financial development. 

We could not obtain clear vision on either side of Mason 
and Dixon's line. The Northern politicians worked in a simi- 
lar way to produce the same political effect — on fanatical 
negropolists. 

Demagogues in both the great parties discovered a rare op- 
portunity and snatched it. The negro was the popular subject 
worked ad nauseam. At the North they professed false friend- 
ship for him. In the South they perpetually lambasted him, 



8 Preface 

required a man of courage to step out into the open and "de- 
fend the bridge at Rome." 

Both the great national parties had swollen to immense pro- 
portions by covering up graft and condoning the vices and 
immoralities, which disgraced free government. This luxuri- 
ance evidenced the rankness of the soil, and the tree was 
known by its fruit. 

We reached a place in Congress where the blight of Pacific 
Lobby money overshadowed legislation. We reached a place 
in Georgia where a State treasurer, plead guilty and offered 
to resign. The indignant people said impeach him — the House 
of Representatives indicted him — but a weak Senate pro- 
nounced "Not guilty." Public opinion located a collar un- 
der some of the elegant neckties of that awful era. 

Nothing was left to a patriot but a protest, weak or loud, 
according to the manner of the man. A conscientious voter 
had the choice of throwing away a vote, or staying at home. 

But the man who staked his reputation, his peace of mind, 
his strength and maybe his life on a protest, was certain to 
meet tlie ' ' paid detractors and purchased calumniators. ' ' Also 
shot and shell from the fort, called "organized Democracy," 
but which was officered by grafters in many cases — and some 
of Bullock's old veterans were in command — very frequently. 

The hullaballoo was deafening. The "rebel yell," from tlie 
mouths of the detractors and calumniators was tremendous 
and the party lash cracked incessantly, so it is not strange 
that the timid, and especially the ignorant, were carried by 
this flood of slush and vituperation to the polls for the speci- 
fied purpose here indicated. 

That it brought suffering to men of patriotic motives, who 
were exhibiting lofty courage, and noble resolves, to be so un- 
justly defamed and recklessly disparaged does without saying, 
and while disappointment was keen and the remembrance of 
stuffed ballot boxes very sore to the sufferer, the deepest grief 
still lingered around the patriot's wail, "How long. Oh Lord, 
how long!" 

From Bullock's time until those lease profits expired by 
limitation and until their feet went down on death's sound- 
less shore ; no oligarchy was ever more absolute or more formid- 



I^Jfl*v 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 9 

able than Bullockism in Georgia under its new name of "or- 
ganized Democracy." And bossism in Georgia filled every of- 
fice in the State for nearly thirty years, except in a few notable 
instances. 

The "catchword" was "loyalty to party decisions," and 
the bosses issued the decrees and announced the decisions. 
The real issue was "Drive Independents to the wall and crush 
them eternally." So long as the decisions could not be con- 
troverted, obedience was the only thing left to the faithful! 
Senator Hill expressed it tersely and accurately: "You must 
join them, let them alone or fight them!" 

But the pity of it lay in the transformation, in my native 
State. From being known everywhere, among all men, as 
one of the bravest, most patriotic and most capable of the 
Confederate States, our public men seemed to shrink into an 
attitude of cowardly fear and endured most surprisingly the 
party lash in the hands of those who were filling their own 
pocket-books with the revenues belonging to the tax payers. 
Their supreme attention was given to their own Democracy, 
and a perpetual defense of its quality, before the assumacy of 
their political masters. 

A capable governor, who succeeded to the position as 
president of the Georgia Senate, was outlawed because he 
wrote a few friendly letters to Governor Bullock — and yet the 
highest ofiice in the State of Georgia was given to Bullock's 
ex-Chief Justice — by a Simon-pure Democratic governor- of 
Georgia. Old veteran troopers under Bullock came over and 
acted as "Drum Majors" in these political drillings, and the 
chieftains of that veteran army drove the Band Wagon and 
conducted the nominating conventions, otherwise "pulling- 
mills" belonging to the Boss! 

At the North the Republican party sunk so low in morale 
that Mr. Blaine, convicted and exposed in the famous "Mulli- 
gan letters," secured the nomination for the Presidency in 
1884. He nearly succeeded twice before — in 1876 and 1880. 

In Georgia, our Democratic judiciary declined in morale 
until a sham trial for ex-Governor Bullock was gone through 
with before the astonished eyes of a Georgia public. The ex- 
Governor fled the State in a spasm of guilty fear and was 



10 Preface 

indicted and brought back to Georgia a prisoner. His guilty 
haste was needless. He was secure in the house of his friends. 
The power of corrupt politics was never more clearly ex- 
emplified — nor the peculiar quality of our political judiciary 
more accurately and definitely exposed. 

In truth, character seemed to have gone out of politics. 
There were plenty of legislative investigations, but they proved 
to be nil. Each failure evidenced our helplessness as a people 
and as tax payers. 

The moral salt of character could not be rescued, inside the 
party, controlled by such machinery. A real demand for 
higher standards of political duty was obliged to come from 
outside or from elsewhere. These men in the saddle were 
full, fat and saucy ! No genuine Republican candidate had the 
ghost of a chance. Bullockism, with carpet-baggism, Loyal 
Leagues and negroism, put them out of the running. A rescue 
party was obliged to be either insurgent or independent. No 
Lisurgent could live and try to expose the inside — and it was 
only an Independent who could raise a banner and cry out for 
reform. 

Some made the effort, with varying success and astonish- 
ing fortitude. Reform, like salvation, comes through suffering. 

There have been many Gethsemanes in political life. Not 
all the martyrs were burned at the stake ! 

For more than fifty years I walked side by side with a 
reformer — a native-born, independent son of Georgia. The 
full story of his protest and what followed in the wake of 
protestation would fill more than one volume like this one. 

What I saw — felt — suffered in sympathy and endurance, is 
graven on mind and heart as with an iron pen in the rock 
forever ! Perhaps I have waited too long to give the story the 
vigorous force it deserves — but my life has been busy — full of 
work. It was Dr. Felton's earnest desire — often expressed, 
particularly in his last days — that I should address myself to 
the task. I did begin the story in his lifetime. He approved 
the outline and begged me not to delay. I have reinforced 
every chapter with the contents of my voluminous scrap-books. 
I preserved the data, that others might also be quoted in con- 
firmation and with accuracy. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 11 

I have been impressed with the necessity for thirty years. 
I have seen paid detractors spring up to warp quoted asser- 
tions into sinister meanings. This chronicle should be given 
to the public — the facts should be printed — this story of 
politicail heroism and forced contact with political desperadoes, 
great and small, should be given a place on the book shelves 
of our people. 

The young men of Georgia should read it. They have heard 
but one side elaborated — the other is misty in tradition and 
necessarily meagre and indefinite — when the press was cen- 
sored. 

There are true things in this book of national importance 
that a venal press in Georgia was hired not to print. There 
are calumnies and detractions that have been glossed over 
by their employers and instigators. But above all, here is the 
story of unpurchasable patriotism — which accepted defeat, 
where thrift could follow "fawning" — as a patriot's duty to 
his country. It will show where timid people were not ready 
to push a glorious cause to victory — with all that victory meant 
to their own financial progress. 

Dr. Felton's modesty made him decline to hire "boosters," 
as many public men have done. He left the work of this 
volume to his companion in all these struggles — whose loyal 
comradeship and zeal for the right had been tested and ap- 
proved for more than half a century ! 

The work has been laborious — but duty always has its com- 
pensations. 

SHORT SKETCH OF DR. FELTON'S LIFE FROM 
"MEMOIRS OF GEORGIA." 

Dr. Felton was born in Oglethorpe county, June 19, 1823. 
He was the only child of John and Mary D. Felton. His 
father was born and reared in Oglethorpe county, where he 
lived until 1835, when he moved to Athens for the purpose of 
educating his son. In 1847, John Felton, his wife and son, 
Dr. William H. Felton, moved into Cass, now Bartow, county, 
where John Felton died in 1870. 

William H. Felton was reared on a farm and received his 



12 Preface 

preparatory education in the "old field" schools. When he 
was twelve years old he entered the grammar school under the 
preeeptorship of Ebenezer Newton. He matriculated in Frank- 
lin College in 1838 and graduated from the State University 
in 1842. He became known as a speaker in the society debates 
in which he took part. He was a member of the Demosthenian 
Literary Society. After leaving college Dr. Felton took up 
the study of medicine under Dr. Richard D. Moore, a famous 
practitioner of Athens. He graduated from the Medical Col- 
lege of Georgia at Augusta, in 1844, the valedictorian of a 
large class of students. 

Dr. Felton was twice married: first to Miss Ann Carlton, 
daughter of J. R. Carlton, of Athens, whom he married in 
1844. She died in 1851, leaving one daughter, now Mrs. Ann 
Gibbons, of Arkansas. 

His second wife, who is now living, was Miss Rebecca 
Latimer, daughter of IMajor Charles Latimer, late of DeKalb 
county. Mrs. Felton is no less famed than her husband, for 
she has long been known as a writer and lecturer through the 
Southern States. It is said that there has perhaps not lived 
a couple in Georgia who have, independent of each other, 
gained so much fame for themselves as Dr. Felton and his 
wife. 

Dr. Felton joined the Methodist church in 1839, when only 
sixteen years of age, and was made superintendent of the 
Sunday School by his pastor, Rev. W. J. Parks. Upon moving to 
Bartow county Dr. Felton entered upon the practice of medi- 
cine, but the strain of the work was too much for his nervous 
system, and he was forced to give it up. He i^iirsiieu iiis 
literary studies, however, and entered upon an agricultural 
life. 

In 1848 he was licensed as a local preacher by the Methodist 
church. For more than forty years he filled preaching ap- 
pointments in this and other counties. He preached the first 
sermon that was ever delivered in a Methodist church in Car- 
tersville, and for nearly half a century he filled his appoinments 
without ever receiving one cent of salary. It is said that Dr. 
Felton performed more marriage ceremonies than any man 
of his generation. He was made a deacon of the Methodist 
church by Bishop Andrew. He was later ordained an Elder 
by Bishop George F. Pierce. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 13 

The political career of Dr. Felton has been most remarkable. 
He joined the Whig party in early life, and his first vote for 
president was cast for Henry Clay. He made his first political 
speech in Watkinsville, Ga. He went from Cass county as a 
"Whig representative to the Legislature in 1851. He became a 
Democrat after the Civil War. He was in sympathy with the 
cause of the South, and served as a volunteer surgeon at 
Macon, Ga. 

In 1874 Dr. Felton made the race for Congress from the 
Seventh district as an independent candidate. His campaign 
lasted over a period of more than six months. The fight was 
so picturesque and stirring that it gave the cognomen, "the 
Bloody Seventh," to this district. Dr. Felton had perhaps no 
superior as a political speaker, and his campaign over several 
counties in this campaign is remembered as one of the most 
notable events in the history of the district and he was elected 
to the Forty-fourth Congress by eighty-two votes. 

In Congress, he soon distinguished himself by his matchless 
oratory, and gained the reputation of a national character as 
a statesman. He was appointed by the speaker on the com- 
mittee of commerce, with the rivers and harbor improvements. 
He succeeded in placing the Coosa river upon the list of 
federal undertakings. 

Perhaps the most distinguishing feature of his career in this 
Congress was his skillful diagnosis of the financial'depression 
then afflicting the country. He brilliantly advocated the re- 
monetization of the silver dollar. His speeches read like 
prophecy in the light of present financial disasters. Hon. 
Alexander H. Stephens pronounced his famous "wrecker 
speech" to be the equal of the finest efforts of the early states- 
men of this republic, when orators were giants in debate. He 
stood for equal valuation of treasury notes, gold and silver 
coin, and maintained his position that each should have equal 
purchasing power, and that they should be interchangeable 
at the treasury of the United States : that they should all be 
legal tender for the payment of public and private debts. It 
is said that his idea presented the clearest system of practical 
finance ever known to this government. 

He introduced a bill, which passed, making national quar- 
antine effective. 

Dr. Felton was placed upon the ways and means committee 
of the forty-sixth Congress by Speaker Randall. His colleagues 



14 Preface 

were such men as Garfield, afterwards president of the United 
States; Fernando Wood and Carlisle. 

Dr. Felton secured a revision of the tariff which admitted 
the much-needed drug, quinine, to the free list. He stood for 
a tariff for revenue, raised from the luxuries of life. 

In 1880 Dr. Felton was defeated for Congress. 

In 1884 he was elected as representative from Bartow county. 
While there he earnestly advocated the passage of the local 
option law. The measure was passed. 

He opposed the sale of the Western and Atlantic railroad 
and through his efforts largely, it is said, the lease of the road 
was made to the Louisville and Nashville road at a rental )f 
$35,000 per month. 

It will be seen that the honest work of the "Grand Old 
Man of Bartow" will have caused more than $12,000,000 to roll 
into the treasury of the State within the twenty-nine years, 
the term of the lease, one-half of which sum is devoted to the 
schools of the State. 

While in the General Assembly, Dr. Felton was the author 
of two bills seeking to establish reformatories for juvenile 
convicts. He advocated his measure through a storm of per- 
sonal abuse and criticism, but, as history has proven, the seed 
that he then east upon the ground have brought forth good 
fruit. 

Dr. Felton was behind a number of reforms that were 
brought about in the convict system of Georgia. 

The defense of the railroad commission, when that body 
was threatened by the Legislature, will go down in history as 
one of the grandest achievements in the life of Dr. Felton. 

Dr. Felton has always been a thinker upon financial ques- 
tions, and, in 1894, on account of his belief in free coinage of 
silver and the issuance of treasury notes by the government, 
he joined the People's party and allowed his name to go be- 
fore the convention. He led the Populist forces through a 
heated campaign. 



Letters of Sympathy 



What Senator A. S. Clay Thought of Him — And He Always 
Fought Dr. Felton. And What Hon. Thos. E. Watson Said 
of Him — Who Never Fought Him. 

My Dear Mrs. Felton: My heart goes out to you and your 
son in the deepest sympathy in the death of Dr. Felton. 1 
would have attended his funeral, but I have been in bad health 
for two years and have not been well for the last two weeks. 
In fact, I did not feel well enough to go to Cartersville. Dr. 
Felton had no superior in Georgia. I served with him in the 
Legislature for six years and his splendid work in behalf of 
a better system of education for our girls and boys and in 
favor of just treatment for that class of our unfortunate 
citizens — convicted of crime, will always be remembered and 
appreciated by the best thought of the State. He took special 
interest in looking after the lunatic asylum. He was, beyond 
question, one of the ablest, if not the ablest, member of the 
Legislature — always faithful to the best interest of the people 
of Georgia. 

As a public speaker he had no superior in the State. He 
had opinions of his own and, regardless of popularity, pressed 
them with great force and power. He served his district in 
Congress for six years and made a brilliant record. If Dr. 
Felton had been in line with his party, he would have re- 
mained in Congress a quarter of a century. What valuable 
history he would have made for Georgia and the South. In 
my judgment, we have sent no man to Congress from Georgia, 
during my recollection, better equipped for congressional life 
than Dr. Felton. 

I wish I could see you and talk to you and give you such 
sympathy as I really feel. I am now in my fifty-seventh year 
and during the last few years my health has been so precarious 
that I am mentally depressed. I have ap idea that I will never 
live to serve out my present term in the Senate. Our work in 
this life is soon finished — we may live to be old, but it is only 
a short while till the end comes. If we have served our day 



16 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

and generation well, we should feel content to go when the 
time comes. 

Dr. Felton lived an honest, industrious and useful life. As 
an orator and debater he had no siiperior in this State. He 
was recognized as one of the best informed men in Georgia. 
Above all, Dr. Felton possessed strong religious convictions 
and lived and practiced what he taught and believed. Please 
accept my heartfelt sympathy in this, the greatest sorrow of 
your life. Your friend, A. S. CLAY. 

The following is from "The Jeffersonian:" 

Dr. Felton Dead. 

An orator of the first class: a constructive statesman: a 
pure-minded and high-minded man : he soared above the storm 
as the eagle does ; he yearned passionately to serve his people : 
he never held an office that he did not adorn, and never had 
an opportunity to do good for the public that he did not fill 
with fruit-bearing work; he was cast aside because he did 
not bow to every idol of the market-place, did not bend his 
neck to every yoke that smaller men wanted him to bear. 

A whole generation has come and gone, during the long 
afternoon in which William H. Felton sat at his hearthstone 
in isolation, sadness, amid heart-eating memories. 

At length, the prisoner is free. At length the Outlaw can 
join the kindred spirits of the other outlaws who stole fire 
from the heavens, for the benefit of benighted mankind, and 
reaped the bitter reward of ingratitude that gnaws and gnaws 
the vitals. 

Farewell, old soldier! The Great Commander never had a 
faithfuller standard-bearer than you. No flag was ever dipped 
to the foe, while you held it ; and never once did you say to 
triumphant Wrong, "I surrender." 

You had fought a good fight : your day was over ; you were 
tired and in pain : you have fallen on sleep and are at rest. 
Peace to your great and fearless soul! 



Introductory Chapter 



It seems like going a long way back, to write about the 
Harrison campaign of 1840, but I can remember some of the 
striking events of that period clearly. I was only five years 
old, but the workings of an active child's mind can begin very 
soon. I was born in DeKalb county, ten miles below Decatur. 
My parents owned a plantation through which ran the main 
road leading from Decatur to Covington, Madison, Greens- 
boro and on to Augusta. The only public transporta- 
tion at that time was confined to stage coaches. The mails 
were carried in the same way. I thought then nothing could 
be grander than to see a great stage coach, with an immense 
leather boot attached to the rear, drawn by four sleek, well- 
groomed horses, coming down the big road in a sweeping gallop 
while all the folks gathered about the store-house door to 
watch the travelers or wait for the mail bag to be opened. 
The stage-driver sounded a horn about a mile or three-quarters 
distant, so that the hostlers might be ready with another team 
of horses, to be driven another ten miles, either up or down. 

We had a stage stand at our place, where the horses were 
stabled for the stage contractors, and these stage stands were 
placed ten miles apart, all the way to Augusta. The city of 
Augusta was the great market place of Eastern Georgia in my 
babyhood. "When my father went to buy goods, either in 
Augusta or Charleston, he traveled by the stage coach and it 
was a journey to be talked about and long remembered. Our 
place was very popular at that time. In addition to the stage 
stand and plantation equipment, my father owned a store, a 
wood shop and blacksmith's shop. An excellent school-house 
was erected on an eminence fronting our dwelling place. There 
was a militia court ground there also and muster days oc- 
casionally. I have distinct remembrance of those muster days, 
for my father was a militia major, and always bore the title 
afterwards. 

There was considerable travel in private conveyances and 



l8 My MEMores of Georgia Politics 

so few lodging places, outside of the towns, that a hetel be- 
came a necessity at our place. These hotels were called taverns 
and I remember the pride I indulged in to look up and see 
the long sign-board swinging on high with ''Latimer's Tavern" 
thereon, in bright gold letters with a sable background. 

But few people indulged in the luxury of a weekly news- 
paper — in fact, but few were able to read a paper if they had 
subscribed for one. So, after the stage coach resumed its trip 
it was the most natural thing in the world for my father (also 
the postmaster) to read aloud to the eager people, who learned 
all they knew of national politics in that way. I became 
familiar also with ' ' Tippecanoe and Tyler too ! ' ' 

I can look backwards, through a long vista, and see a little 
girl with pantalets and short dresses, as she stood beside her 
father and listened to the wonderful things going on in the 
outside, busy world. There was inspiration in those 
well-intentioned, uncultured neighbors' faces and great 
delight to me in the clear tones of my father's voice as he 
read from the "Southern Recorder," which was coming to my 
home when I could first remember, and continued to come as 
long as it had existence as a newspaper before the war. I have 
known my father to send off $20 at a time to the "Recorder," 
to encourage the editor and he didn't propose to lose a copy — 
the publications were so interesting to his loyal Whig 
principles. 

I remember also the "Saturday Evening Post," which was 
my dear mother's paper, and she told me of the wonderful 
stories and the illustrations were charming to me. 

Our cook's fine waffles and beautiful biscuit became well 
advertised from one end of the stage line to the other. Well- 
to-do people who traveled in luxurious carriages were fond of 
resting at our house — and I expect I had as familiar acquaint- 
ance with the faces of Georgia notables as anybody of my size 
or larger. I heard a great deal of discussion among the 
politicians — and once when the Editor of the "Southern 
Recorder" stopped over with us for several days, I remember 
walking around him and wondering to myself how such an 
average-sized man could know so much and write so well ! His 
wife wore an elegant velvet dress and lace that my mother 



imi 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 19 

pronounced to be real, and according to my estimate of things 
in general, she was as highly honored in being the partner of 
this great man as if she was born to royalty. My ignorance 
was bliss, and continued until I began to make personal ac- 
quaintance with some of the newspaper fraternity in later 
years — in the Seventh district. 

My father was a Whig of the rankest sort, and I followed 
along in the faith with equal loyalty. I decided that Henry 
Clay was the greatest man in the American nation, and as I 
did not hear any other political doctrine, I am sure I have no 
reason now to complain or apologize. "With such training in 
babyhood, it is not surprising that I became a loyal politician 
after I came to years of maturity. I confess to a real liking 
for political questions. It was my habit for many years to 
keep up with the progress of great questions in the national 
Congress and I found interest and food for thought in the daily, 
but dull. Congressional Record. 

But there were so few books and papers seventy years ago 
in the South that Georgia people could do nothing more than 
to take sides in politics — Whig or Democrat. They read no 
papers on the opposing side, and voted solidly for the can- 
didate of their party on election day. There was no buying 
of votes, and a man who was known to be dishonorable in 
public or private life, had no showing at all. He might drink, 
as many did — or play cards, as was common, but a lobbyist, or 
liar, perjurer, or grafter, was an unknown quantity among 
our early Georgia politicians. 

The Georgia Railroad was in process of construction for a 
number of years. Some of the civil engineers of that under- 
taking were frequent sojourners in my father's house. They 
were cultured gentlemen and interesting to me, because they 
were kind and obliging to the little girl, in the way of highly- 
prized books and pictures. Only a short time since I cam.3 
across a delightful letter written by Col. L. P. Grant, Atlanta's 
worthy citizen and benefactor as long as he lived. His kind 
allusions to my comfortable home and the devotion of my 
parents to me, are still most pleasing to remember and recall. 

When the W. & A. Railroad was almost ready to use a train, 



20 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

an engine was brought from Camak, the then terminus of the 
Georgia Railroad, over the dirt road — also one freight ear and 
a small passenger coach. It required twenty mules to pull the 
engine. The dirt road, as before mentioned, ran by our home 
and I remember well the excitement which prevailed when this 
scanty equipment of the Stat€ road was halted near our house, 
and I was allowed to walk through the passenger car and 
carefully survey the others from the outside. They were all 
tiny affairs compared to railroad engines and cars of today, 
but the show was equal to a circus for drawing a crowd. 

After the three indispensables were conveyed to Marthas- 
ville, the authorities decided to have an excursion to Marietta, 
with a banquet and dance at Kilby's hotel. My delight was 
boundless when I found I was to accompany my parents, as 
invited guests of the generous-hearted civil engineer corps, 
and the whole affair was faithfully photographed on my mem- 
ory, never to be dimmed or erased. With a new dress for the 
occasion — the pleasure that came to me was unalloyed. The 
excursion trip was only twenty miles long, but it occupied a 
considerable part of a cold winter's afternoon and many dis- 
tinguished Georgians were on hand to inaugurate the opening 
of this wonderful line of railway — to be owned and operated 
by the State of Georgia — and which was then the most mo- 
mentous public improvement known to a Southern State. 

I was nearly nine years old when the Polk and Clay cam- 
paign begun. It was hot from the start. There were no car- 
toonists then, but Polk stalks and Clay roots were sufficient to 
create a diversion. We had some near kinspeople who were 
rampant Democrats, and I remember that my mother was 
more than anxious that they might not make us a visit while 
this political tempest was rushing over the land. 

It was a terrible affair — it ruptured friendships, split up 
neighborhoods and got among church people. Commend me 
to politics to break down friendships in church as well as state. 
Hearing but one side of the subject, and as loyal to my father's 
politics as it was possible for a child to be and a girl child, at 
that, I read the papers very diligently — only to be assured that 
Henry Clay's election was a foregone conclusion. His ability 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 21 

as a statesman was so transcendent ; defeat was unthinkable, 
and I was equally certain that the country would certainly go 
to the "demnition bow-wows" if Jas. K. Polk happened to 
get in. Perhaps I did not lose much sleep, but I certainly kept 
busy in the daytime — with a comparison of the records of the 
opposing candidates — and while I could do very little, I cer- 
tainly could show my father there was one loyal heart on his 
side in politics. I have always understood since that time how 
the soldiers felt at Thermopylae or at Waterloo ! 

And a Waterloo it was for us ! 

I remember the last days — when the crisis was at hand. The 
mail-bag was eagerly grasped and opened. There seemed to 
be some sort of a hitch down in Louisiana. ''Harry of the 
West" had some supposed adherents who were not truly loyal! 
The news not only traveled slowly, but the returns were dif- 
ficult to gather. It was perplexing. It got to be exasperating. 
The Democrats begun to push in and claim the victory, but 
final figures were still in doubt. The stage occasionally had 
an accident or got water-bound. There were no telegraphs, no 
telephones, no wireless messages — nothing but stage coaches 
and weekly newspapers. (The first telegraphic dispatch sent 
in America was in 1844.) But at last the horn sounded over 
the long red hills, and directly the stage coach hove in sight, 
the horses coming at break-neck speed and the crowd eagerly 
expectant. I trembled so, with my little hand in my father's 
strong, loving clasp, that I am not able to say whether he 
trembled or otherwise, but it was a sad blow to his hopes, 
lie had been so confident, and had said so many positive things 
concerning the election that I was timid in looking up into his 
face. I wanted to hide out and I guess he did also. 

In Decatur, the jollification of the Democrats was something 
that made me angry to think about. They got a coffin and 
set it on the front porch of a rabid Clay man. They groaned 
and they moaned, in mock sympathy with the patriot inside, 
and called on him to come forth with a candle and let them 
pray in company. 

I was glad we lived ten miles distant. I wanted to move 
away from our home, the Democratic cheering was so uncom- 
fortable, as I listened from my play room, up in the garret 



22 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 



and where Black Mammy carded the wool and cotton rolls 
and sung the tunes of "Ole Virginny." It kinder made me 
weak to hear the stage-horn blow — and I lost some of my 
exuberant faith in the "Southern Recorder!" 

A few days later a man came along with a bridle in his 
hand and passed a few words with my dear father, as he sat 
on the store-house piazza. I saw him point to "Big Jim's" 
stable and the man with the bridle soon led out the handsomest 
bay horse we owned, and went off with him. I burst into tears, 
ran to my mother, who quietly remarked: "It is an election 
bet, my child. I told your father so." .Ever since that time 
I have had a holy terror concerning election bets ! 

But I was only suffering through sympathy. My zeal was 
without knowledge, and my good mother tried to laugh me 
out of the whole thing, but I never did take kindly to President 
Polk, and was never reconciled to the situation until General 
Taylor made the trip and gained the Presidency, in 1848. 

That was an exciting time, to be sure — at the close of the 
Mexican War. We were sojourning on our river plantation, 
seventeen miles below Atlanta, and I was largely restricted to 
the newspapers for my acquaintance with political news, but 
there came a memorable afternoon — when my father returned 
from a great political mass meeting — and told us of a bloody 
encounter between Judge Cone and Hon. A. H. Stephens, which 
had taken place in Thompson's Hotel in Atlanta. Father was 
still an extreme Whig and of course greatly incensed against 
Judge Cone because of the attack on "Little Aleck," but when 
he told us how the horses were taken out of "Little Aleck's" 
carriage and the Whigs caught hold of a long rope fastened 
to the vehicle and pulled the Whig speaker over town — mother 
quietly remarked, "Well, they must have looked and felt like 
a set of donkeys. ' ' Down inside of me I thought she was about 
right. Judge Cone was contemptuous also — said something 
and hence the bloody scuffle that took place in Thompson's 
Hotel ; but it was a ten-strike for Mr. Stephens, and effectually 
retired Judge Cone from activity in Georgia politics. 

I doubt if Mr. Stephens ever was nearer to the zenith of his 
fame. It was a political lesson in which he went up head and 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 23 

Judge Cone went down foot the same day in the political 
spelling class. 

Mr. Stephens always had the advantage which physical 
weakness recognizes, and he always could retire himself out 
of difficulties by falling back "on the state of his health." 
How often he declined to run for office, pleading ill health, 
merely to take a running start over his political opponents — 
I can hardly count on my fingers and toes. Georgia history is 
full of it, and nobody ever worked this particular scheme to 
greater perfection or with more success. 

The Mexican War — made General Taylor President, and 
the Whigs won the victory because a war President always 
gets there. I enjoyed the newspapers, played the Mexican airs 
that our soldiers picked up and was a loyal "Whig as usual — 
but there was no enthusiasm like that experienced in the Polk 
and Clay campaign. Henry Clay, to the Whigs, was like Lin- 
coln's name to the Republicans, and after the demise of Clay 
the Whigs never touched high-water mark any more. 

When Franklin Pierce was nominated, I remember my father 
said: ''At their old game — digging up a candidate. If the 
Democrats should be forced to put up one of their real leaders, 
his record would floor him. They must dig up somebody, and 
he can run because nobody knows anything about him — and 
they elect him because he is nondescript." 

I have noticed so much of this policy in modern elections 
that I am constrained to believe it has become one of the 
established rules of modern Democracy. Some few men have 
been promoted on merit, but modern politics is mostly com- 
mercial, and the men who are useful to their promoters are 
those who serve them best and therefore longest. 

Large wealth sometimes seeks political preferment, as a rich 
Americaa girl buys a titled husband, because it comes high 
and excites envy — but the nondescript is the fellow who holds 
on and does but little, except to hold on. We seem to be, 
therefore, living in a day of small men, politically. 

My political fervor waned as I became interested in college 
life and when I married a Whig, and not an office holder, my 
interest in politics was neither compelling or annoying. 

A few years later a Temperance Convention was called to 



24 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 



meet in Atlanta and to nominate a candidate for the office of 
governor. When Dr. Felton reached the place he found he 
was their choice for president of the Convention. Hon. Basil 
H. Overby was made the standard bearer, and a gallant 
standard bearer he became, with his zeal and his in 
tellectual capacity — but the great State of Georgia was joined 
to its idols and Mr. Overby polled only a few votes — against 
liquor domination. A little over six thousand votes for gov- 
ernor of Georgia, all told. 

I preserved the newspaper accounts of the Temperance Con- 
vention until a few years since, when another Temperance 
ticket was placed in the field. A Georgia editor borrowed my 
newspaper and promised faithfully to return it, and it was 
full of distinguished names, who had participated in Mr. 
Overby 's nomination, but I never saw that paper any more ! 
I suppose the office cat ate it up ! 

It effectually deprived me of the paper — for I couldn't ob- 
tain temperance ammunition to fire on the faithless ones who 
blcs^ hot and cold out of the same mouth forty years ago ! 
I have always been willing to allow any seeker of truth or 
facts to copy from my scrap-books, but I don 't loan any more ! 

Dr. Felton served a term in the Georgia Legislature — 1851-52 
— and our wedding day was October 11, 1853, but he did not 
seem to care or evidence any disposition to seek public office 
for more than twenty years afterwards. He had tlie ability, of 
course, but his thoughts did not drift, apparently, towards 
active politics. Therefore I had no disposition to clip nev\'s- 
papers or paste away the sayings of politicians, and if he had 
never entered the political arena it is doubtful if I ever should 
have been sufficiently- interested to keep a newspaper file or 
do more than bewail the trend of commercial politics in the 
State and nation in my later life. 

Disunion and Secession began to loom up, as a dark cloud 
on the horizon, in the late 50 's and Congress was in a lurid 
state of smouldering indignation — North and South — on the 
subject of slavery and the extension of slavery in the Terri- 
tories. 

Dr. Felton supported Governor J. E. Brown in his four cam- 
paigns for Governor. At first, because he liked his policy 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 25 

better than the others, and lastly because he feared to swap 
horses in the middle of the stream. We were in such danger- 
ous places that unity a»d loyalty to the Confederacy seemed 
to be imperative. I have always been surprised that Governor 
Brown should have been so unremitting in his political an- 
tagonism to Dr. Felton. Hon. Ben Hill, Dr. Felton's college- 
mate, ran one race for governor, and Hon. Warren Akin, also, 
in his own county. There was a severe test of party principle 
in each case, and yet Dr. Felton supported our war governor. 
It was claimed by Governor Brown's friends that he never was 
known to forsake a friend or forgive an enemy, but I can bear 
witness that Governor Brown never failed to support the 
people who fought Dr. Felton and never refused to use all his 
influence with the State's railroad, the convict lease or with 
Bullock Democrats and Bullock Republicans to beat him down 
— and he was, for a third of a century, the ruling spirit of the 
Democratic party. 

It was an awful crisis to me when we were brought face to 
face with secession from the Federal Union. I never shall for- 
get the night when cannons were fired in Rome, Ga., and the 
guns were heard by us, twenty-five miles distant, to celebrate 
the passage of the Ordinance of Secession. It gave me almost 
a nervous chill — because a woman's intuition furnished me the 
forebodings that we were plunging headlong into the dark un- 
known. 

I was not a secessionist. I almost wept when my small son, 
John (long since dead) came home one day from town with 
a blue secession cockade pinned on his little hat. "My baby," 
I cried, "you may live to suffer and die for this !" Nothing but 
my endeavor to keep within bounds, because Dr. Felton was a 
secessionist, made me remain quiet in this emergency. I loved 
my country. No heart ever was more loyal to the South and 
Southern honor — but danger lurked in every passing breeze 
and was concealed under every hasty legislative act of our 
political war leaders. 

I have in my possession today the official record of the 
Georgia Secession Convention. The front pages have dropped 
off from use and abuse, but the proceedings of January 19, 



26 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 



1861, the day the Ordinance of Secession passed, are still intact 
and perfect. There were 208 yeas and 89 nays. On motion 
of Mr. Toombs, the ordinance was twice read. B. H. Hill 
sought to amend, with ex-Governor Johnson's resolutions, but 
everything was voted down until the ordinance was brought 
to a final vote. Herschel V. Johnson and A. H. Stephens voted 
nay— but B. H. Hill voted with Toombs, Nisbet, the Cobbs, 
et al. President George W. Crawford voted yea, and then 
said, "it was his privilege and his pleasure to pronounce Geor- 
gia free, sovereign and independent." 

It makes my heart sink within me, to know how easily the 
tide could be turned — when the tide-turners set about doing 
it, and I shall always believe that Messrs. Hill, Stephens and 
Johnson could have gained time enough for Georgia to "stop 
and consider," but for the fact that Hill and Stephens were 
bitter political enemies. 

HOW GEORGIA WENT OUT OF THE UNION. 



(- I 



In all great revolutions there is a beginning — a fountain head 
— a well-defined leadership that will develop and become 
tangible in course of time and in progress of events. This is 
especially true in regard to the secession of the Southern 
States and the formation of the Southern Confederacy in the 
year 1861. South Carolina has been charged with the initia- 
tion of the scheme, and it is true that South Carolina passed 
the first Ordinance of Secession — closely followed by Alabama, 
Mississippi and Florida, but their revolutionary intentions 
would have remained unimportant had not Georgia enlisted on 
their side and cast its political fortunes with the dissenters. 
In 1860 no Southern State was more prominent than Georgia 
in national legislation. For a decade Mr. Toombs had made a 
business of "firing the Southern heart" against anti-slavery 
agitation in Congress. Hon. Herschel V. Johnson was a can- 
didate for the vice presidency on the Douglas ticket, and Hon. 
Howell Cobb was President Buchanan's Secretary of the Treas- 
ury when Mr. Lincoln was first elected. Hon. A. H. Stephens 
enjoyed national reputation, and Governor Joseph E. Brown 



My IVIemoirs of Georgia Politics 27 

had been elected tjipe^ times in Georgia as a "fire-eater," or 
State 's right politician. This was a formidable array of talenl , 
sagacity and authority, unparalled in any of the Confederate 
States after the organization was completed and Civil War 
inaugurated. The completion of the Confederate organization 
was largely due to the influence of the persons named — which 
was harmonious for a time, but which culminated in disastrous 
dissensions among themselves before the Confederacy col- 
lapsed. The historian who omits their dominating influence 
in chronicling the rise and fall of this short-lived confederation 
will certainly fail to discover the main-spring of the movement 
and the etfect would resemble the playing of Hamlet, with the 
character of Hamlet left out. 

Had Georgia refused to leave the Federal Union, neither 
Tennessee, North Carolina or Virginia would have passed 
Ordinances of Secession, for their great reluctance to secede 
was ' ' known of all men. ' ' 

Without the help of Georgia, the schism would have frit- 
tered into nothingness except for the time being — but the 
secession of Georgia solidified the whole and put the under- 
taking upon a footing that was both serious and dangerous. 
During the year 1860 this State was filled with political 
excitement. Breckinridge, Bell and Douglas had each an elec- 
toral ticket, and the strife was so general that every hamlet 
in its limits was permeated by heated politics. All united in 
defending slavery and in denouncing the election of Lincoln 
and when the success of the Republican ticket was officially 
reported a prominent member of the Legislature, then in ses- 
sion, introduced the following : 

"The election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin 
having shown that it is incompatible with the interest and 
honor of Georgia longer to remain a member of this Confed- 
eracy; Therefore be it resolved: That it is the sense of this 
General Assembly that the State of Georgia ought to recall the 
powers she has delegated to the General Government and re- 
sume the position of independent sovereignty. ' ' 

On the same day a bill was read for the second time in the 
Senate authorizing "retaliatory legislation" on the States of 
Maine, Vermont, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Connecticut, 



28 



J\Iy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 



Pennsjdvania, Michigan and Wisconsin, "who had virtually 
nullified the fugitive slave law." 

These movements were formidable and were so recognized 
by friend and foe. Another resolution was unanimously passed 
asking the distinguished gentlemen already mentioned in this 
article, with others, to address the Legislature and "to unite 
in recommending some line of policy which will save us our 
honor and our rights, and which will save our people from fur- 
ther dissensions among themselves, and from all the sad con- 
sequences of such dissensions." 

The words here italicized are full of meaning — and were 
ominous in the light of future events. "Dissensions among 
themselves" had marked the canvass of the fateful year 1860, 
and it would appear that some persons were sufficiently 
divested of passion and prejudice to see the danger which 
threatened a "house divided within itself." Responses came, 
quick and emphatic. Messrs. Cobb and Toombs lost no time in 
advocating immediate action. They denied the constitution- 
ality of Lincoln's election. They declared it the power of the 
Legislature to take Georgia out of the Union, instanter. Both 
advised unconditional secession. Mr. Toombs, then in the vigor 
of mature manhood, a profound master of the arts of eloquence, 
closed his impassioned speech to a cheering, clapping, shouting 
multitude with the words : "He that dallies is a dastard — he 
that doubts, is damned!" 

Governor Brown addressed the State Military Convention, 
then in session at the capitol, and the building was packed to 
its utmost capacity. He advocated resistance to Lincoln's ad- 
ministration. He said: "For thirty years the South had sub- 
mitted to aggression upon aggression, and forbearance had 
ceased to be a virtue." He rejoiced that the State had ap- 
propriated a million of dollars to reorganize her military. He 
closed with this extraordinary statement: "Should Georgia 
see fit to secede and any effort be made to coerce her back, I 
would resist to the last extremity — that every Georgian that 
was killed in the act of resistance should be avenged by the 
death of two of those whom he was fighting." 

Hon. A. H. Stephens was the next speaker in order and he 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 29 

might have applied to Georgia what he sarcastically said of 
Virginia: "The Virginians will debate and speak though war 
be at the gates of their city." When he had occasion thus to 
estimate Virginian oratory — he was a commissioner from the 
seceding States to prevail on Virginia to follow Georgia's ex- 
ample — a successful attempt despite the debaters, whom he de- 
precated. 

Mr. Stephens was recognized as a Unionist in some particu- 
lars and his argument was listened to with anxious hearts, for 
there were thousands of Georgians who were determined to 
hold on to the Federal government so long as it was possible 
to do so. He said: "My countrymen, I tell you frankly, can- 
didly and earnestly, I do not think we ought to secede because 
Mr. Lincoln has been elected. To make a point of resistance 
to the government — to withdraw from it because a man has 
been constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. We arc 
pledged to maintain the Constitution — many of us have sworn 
to support it. Whatever may be said of Georgia, never let it 
be said we were untrue to our national engagements. I do not 
think Mr. Lincoln will do anything to jeopardize our safety 
and security. He can do nothing unless backed by the power 
of Congress and it is against him — a large majority in the 
House and four in the Senate. Why should we disrupt the 
Union when his hands are tied? I think one of the evils that 
beset us, is a surfeit of liberty. Mr. Cobb said the other night 
the government had proven a failure. There is no failure in 
the government yet. Some of our public men have failed in 
their aspirations — that is true — from that comes the great part 
of our troubles. As to the retaliatory measures, I think we 
have the right to pass them — provided they be in accordance 
with the Constitution of the United States. ' ' So far, the speech 
was super-excellent, but the speaker, knowing the hot-headed 
people he was addressing, threw a sop to Cerberus — with fatal 
effect. "Let us call a convention. Let all these matters be 
submitted to it. The State should wait until Mr. Lincoln com- 
mits some unconstitutional act." Mr. Toombs, interrupting, 
"Commit some overt act?" Mr. Stephens: "No; I did not say 
that. I use the word unconstiutional act, which our people un- 
derstand better. Reaffirm the Georgia platform" — which made 



30 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 



the abolishment of slavery in the District of Columbia, with 
out the consent of the slave-holders or in the slave-holding 
states, or repressing the slave-trade between the Southern 
States, or a refusal to admit slave-holding states or territories, 
or prohibiting slavery in Utah or IMexico, or the repealing oi 
modifying of the fugitive slave law — a full and sufficient cause 
or causes for the "disruption of every tie which binds her 
(Georgia) to the Union." 

Mr. Lincoln, everybody knew, was elected on that very issue 
— that he would throw his influence towards promoting such 
legislation — was morally certain and Mr. Stephens' labored 
effort failed to stop the tide of disunion, simply because the 
factions differed solely as to the time to begin hostilities. There 
was no sort of difference as to their attitude when the accepted 
time arrived. Toombs, Brown and Cobb shrieked "Now, 
now!" Mr. Stephens said, "wait awhile — until we are in- 
sulted, then I'll help you fight." They rejoined, "We are in- 
sulted now!" "To arms!" 

A convention was called and Mr. Stephens won a small vic- 
tory for his conciliatory argument. Hon. B. H. Hill was the 
next speaker. He had been a candidate for governor against 
Governor Brown in one of his races, therefore it was not prob- 
able he would side with his opponent's extreme views. He 
and Mr. Stephens had had an acrimonious political controversy 
on knoAV-nothingism, which induced the latter to fall back on 
the code duello, and forward a challenge to the rising states- 
man, whose eloquence at the bar placed him head and shoulders 
above his colleagues in all legal contests, but Mr. Hill was well 
aware that he could not risk a ridiculous personal rencontre 
with the meagre, diminutive, irascible politician who tipped 
the scales at seventy pounds. So, with infinite tact and policy, 
he made the following reply to Mr. Stephens ' second : "I have 
a conscience and a family. I cannot afford to fight Mr. 
Stephens, who has neither." This episode had not been for- 
gotten when the great secession debate was en tapis. It was 
agreed that the gulf was too deep to bridge the chasm thus 
easily, and therefore both sides claimed him — and sure enough 
he talked for both sides ! 

He set out by showing the Republican party to be the only 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 31 

disunionists in sight — that they were destroying the govern- 
ment "as the only hope of the slave." He quoted from the 
record, a bold, bleak declaration made by an Abolitionist 
speaker, "the dissolution of the Union is the abolition of 
slavery." He declared eternal, unconquerable resistance to 
such a party "at all hazards." "The safety and peace of the 
slave-holder and the Union demand this agitation shall not 
longer be allowed. I believe we can make Mr. Lincoln obey 
the laws, for if fifteen Southern States will take the Constitu- 
tion and the laws, and his oath, and shake them in the face of 
the President, and demand their enforcement and observance 
he cannot refuse. If we succeed Law will triumph over mob- 
ocracy — if we fail, we cannot be damaged, but great benefits 
will be secured by the effort. We shall. have time to get ready 
for secession. We are not prepared now. While we seek to 
redress our wrong in the Union we can go forward getting 
ready to go out, if necessary. It is our right certainly to go 
peaceably any way. The government has no right to coerce 
back a seceding State. But the attempt might be made and 
the peace broken. Let all the Southern States get ready and 
go out together and no earthly power will interfere and 
molest. ' ' 

There remained only Hon. Herschel V. Johnson to be heard 
from, among the towering intellects of the State. When he 
spoke, he made, or begun to make, a genuine union speech, 
which filled the rampant fire-eaters with dismay. The noon 
hour approached before he finished. An adjournment for 
dinner was carried — the speech to be concluded in the after- 
noon. The dinner was good — the wines skillfully mixed, and 
temptingly plied, until the company including the speaker, 
were hors du combat. The hopes of the country perished in 
the hands of trusted leaders, and liberty veiled her face and 
wept for the coming woes of a section which suffered from 
a ' ' surfeit of liberty. ' ' 

The convention passed the ordinance of secession. Having 
cut the bridges in the rear, Georgia bent every energy to carry 
other States out of the Union. The blame of it — the wrong of 
it — the injustice of it is chargeable to the men who were dis- 
appointed in their ambitious purposes, and who hoped to float 



32 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

into safety, after they had scuttled the ship of State, and the 
wreck was scattered in mid-ocean. 

Georgia went out, with waving banners, pealing drums, and 
salvos of artillery. After Mr. Lincoln's death, a letter of his 
came to light, addressed to a prominent Georgian, who was a 
member of that fatal convention, in which he allayed, as far as 
possible, any apprehension concerning his action as President, 
in which letter he asked : ' ' Do the people of the South really 
entertain fears that a Republican administration would di- 
rectly or indirectly interfere with the slaves, or with them 
about the slaves? If they do I wish to assure you as once a 
friend, and still I hope not an enemy, that there is no cause 
for such fears. The South would be in no more danger than 
in the days of "Washington. I suppose this does not meet the 
case. You think slavery is right and ought to be extended. 
\ think it is wrong and ought to be abolished. This I suppose 
is the rub. It is the only substantial difference between us. 
Yours truly, A. Lincoln, Dec. 22, 1860." 

I remember, when a child, seeing two great oxen crossing a 
bridge, without railing or banisters. They took a stubborn 
fit, and butted against each other. They glared, they pushed, 
they shoved until their very backs were in contact before they 
at last went over into the rushing waters. They were yoked 
to the same wagon tongue, and they were rescued with dif- 
ficulty. Our ambitious Southern leaders were, in some cases, 
as ready to fight each other as to fight the Yankees, and the 
pity of it was their ability to pull overboard the loaded wagon 
and all the wagon was conveying to a supposed place of safety. 

The secession convention then proceeded to name the Con- 
gressmen, who were to represent Georgia at Montgomery, the 
Confederate Capital. They made up a slate for themselves 
and then the willing convention answered: "Yes." To read 
over the names of those who picked their own places of honor, 
it almost fatigues one's disrespect and disgust to the destruc- 
tion and outrage of common patience and common decency. 
Having successfully forced Georgia to the war point, they fixed 
nice shelter nooks, immediately for their majesties! 

Not one of these Congressmen had been voted on by their 
respective districts — the common people at home had no more 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 35 

say-so about it than an empty shell in last year's bird nest has 
power to procreate itself into a living bird, and all over the 
whole South and, in every State the heat of prejudice was 
successfully fanned into a tornado of scorching heat and 
flame ! ! Wendell Phillips once said : prejudice is the strongest 
motor in the whole wide world. He instanced the crusades of 
Peter, the Hermit, where "a crazy sentimentalism flung the 
half of Europe over Asia, and changed the destinies of many 
kingdoms. ' ' 

After Lincoln's election, the South went actually crazy, be- 
cause of his election, forgetting that the South had put three 
presidential tickets in the field against his one ticket, and his 
consequent election was as easy as falling off a log. Volumes 
would be insufficient to carefully review the high-handed legis- 
lation authorized by that secession convention, and my space 
is too limited in this book to even mention all the disputes 
and controversies between men in the political offices of the 
Confederacy, or the fatal disagreements between the men in 
the executive departments of the short-lived government, or 
the rivalries among the military authorities in camp and field. 

From all I can gather, the North was full of the same sort 
of disagreements, controversies, disputes and disorders, be- 
cause even General Garfield was shown to be a traitor to Gen- 
eral Rosecrans, his commanding officer, and conniving at his 
overthrow, at a time Avhen the Federal advance failed at Chat- 
tanooga, and the entire North was in a state of suspicious 
anxiety as to the dire influences at work behind the army of 
the Tennessee. 

Hon. Mr. Stephens, the Vice-President of the Confederacy, 
was inimical to Hon. Jefferson Davis, the President of the same. 
Senator Hill, who was not on speaking terms with Stephens, 
was in close alliance with Jefferson Davis, while Gov. Brown 
was at daggers point with Mr. Davis and in close intimacy with 
Vice-President A. H. Stephens. Charges and countercharges 
were constantly heard in Richmond and echoed throughout 
the ten seceding States. Generals were displaced and other 
generals were installed, and there were quarrels in the Cabinet 
and rivalries in the camp. But for the solid fighting strength 
and dogged loyalty of the common soldiers and the patience 



34 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

and fortitude of the women at home, the whole thing would 
have gone to pieces like Holmes', "one-horse shay — "long be- 
fore the bottom dropped out at Appomattox, wliich left the 
deluded, unhappy and disappointed South to the "tender mer- 
cies" of the conqueror with all its hopes and former prosperity, 
stranded on a barren shore. 

Vice-President Stephens quit Richmond in "disgust (some 
people spelt it sulks), came back to his home in Crawfordville, 
Ga., and talked freely about his dissatisfaction, etc. He went 
down to Fortress Monroe on a supposed peace mission and 
had an interview with Mr. Lincoln from which the poor blood- 
drenched South expected great things, but it all petered out 
into nothingness. I have always believed Mr. Stephens had 
promised himself to appear in the role of Deliverer or Libera- 
tor, or some sort of a Pacificator after the Hampton Roads 
Conference, and that he did not get what he went after. He 
grew more and more uncomfortable in Richmond and deter- 
mined to come home and talk where there was nobody to reply 
to him. To be heralded abroad as such an important consulta- 
tion there have been the fewest of explanations, and the 
scantiest of declarations presented to the reading public. I 
have been living for more than forty-five years since that 
world-wide event was chronicled, and all I have extracted from 
ir, good, bad or indifferent, was a joke from Mr. Lincoln. 

Hon. Mr. Stephens was a very delicate person, weakly in 
body and anemic in looks. He wore clothes upon clothes, 
wraps over wraps, undercoats and overcoats until he felt him- 
self sufficiently screened from the outside cold. It is said that 
Mr. Lincoln was not far off when the unwrapping took place 
on that occasion, and he watched the performance with lively 
interest. At last the Georgia statesman was sufficiently un- 
loosed from these outside entanglements to seat himself in 
his appointed chair. Mr. Lincoln, in a half whisper, remarked : 
"That's the very smallest nubbin to the amount of shuck that 
has come my way!" En passant I will add, that Hampton 
Roads Conference was the biggest shell, without any kernel 
that ever came my way. 

It has not been a week ago since an astute editor inquired 
if I had ever gathered anything from anybody, or anywhere, 



/ 



/ 



My INIemoirs op Georgia Politics 35 

concerning what was really done by the Confederacy led by 
Mr. Stephens, and the Federal Union, led by Mr. Lincoln, 
when they met under a flag of truce, to stop carnage and put 
an end to hostilities ? I replied : ' ' Nothing except that nobody 
did anything that they dared to speak about in the open. ' ' So 
the carnage went on, and hostilities were quickly renewed — 
i. e., if they had ever stopped. "Madness ruled the hour." 
There was nothing left but blood and carnage to the end. 

I attended a public meeting in Cartersville just after Geor- 
gia seceded. A distinguished politician, afterwards judge of 
the Superior Court, rose up to say: "I am ready to drink 
every drop of blood that secession will bring to this country. 
iT ankees will not fight ; one Southern man could whip a dozen 
lany where." He did not estimate the size of his contract. It 
ffvas reported at the close he did not get near enough to a 
Rattle field to see any blood, much less to undertake to drink a 
jdrop of it. On this sort of bravado our people were fed, and 
'I am satisfied that there never was a section of country where 
the masses were so completely deceived as to the future, ahead 
of them. 

Georgia furnished as many, perhaps more, active politicians 
than any State South of Mason and Dixon's line. Gov. Joseph 
E. Brown was the foremost of our war governors. Before 
Georgia seceded, he gave orders to Col. Francis Bartow to 
seize Fort Pulaski. He seized the Augusta arsenal three days 
after the ordinance of secession became a law. These seizures 
took place in January, 1861. In less than four months he and 
Col. Bartow were at loggerheads, and the whole South stood up 
to watch the scrimmage and see how it ended. Colonel, then 
Gen. Bartow, was soon killed in the first Manassas battle, in 
July of the same year. 

Hon. B. H. Hill was a member of the Confederate Congress 
in Montgomery, Ala., before the seat of government was moved 
to Richmond, Va. During a debate in the Confederate Con- 
gress, he and William L. Yancey, of Alabama, got into a fight 
and Hill threw an inkstand in Yancey's face. There a breach 
was made that never was bridged over and which had serious 
effect on the fortunes of the Confederacy. From what I know 
of our Georgia politicians and what I have heard of the other 



36 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Confederate politicians, it does seem a pity that we should 
have selected so many crowing roosters from the same game- 
cock variety! 

Gov. Brown kept up a fiery correspondence with President 
Davis for four solid months, beginning in April, 1862, and 
ending in July of the same year, a controversy over the Con- 
script Act, etc. If words could have been made hotter they 
would have scorched the paper on which they were written. 
A biographer of Gov. Brown, Mr. I. W. Avery, says the "gov- 
ernor wrote a letter dated July 22, 1862, which struck Mr. 
Davis a center stroke," and then the controversy ended. 

Stop and think of what was going on in camp and field, in j 
hospitals, in the homes of widows and orphans all over the^j 
entire country, North and South, and then consider these ehieft 
politicians playing battledore and shuttlecock with uewspa^l 
pers and what quarrels did with the destinies of the tottering/ 
Confederacy ! The ' ' center stroke ' ' was a combined affair. lU 
struck a deadly shot everywhere ! For there can be no possible* 
doubt, concerning the deleterious influence of these conteutiouslj 
politicians, on the destinies of the Southern people. 

I hold printed copies of the correspondence between GovJ 
Brown and Secretary Sedden, of Confederate War Departj 
ment. The governor was really after his chief, the president,! 
but that voluminous correspondence was like the speeches de\ 
livered before the legislature in Milledgeville just before thej 
secession convention met in January, 1861. It was a time j 
when everything seemed hell-bent, and every politician in j 
public position was "spilin' for a fight." The armies in the ' 
field were equipped with guns and ammunition, and the poli- 
ticians had pens, ink and general stationery with a ''diarrhea 
of epithets." I 

It was the natural bent of our Georgia politicians. They 
were in the constant habit of "dropping into it" on every pos- 
sible occasion. I have Hon. Ben Hill's "Notes on the Situa- 
tion," published soon after the war ended, and ex-Gov. Brown's j 
replies to Hill's assertions. It demonstrated the apparent fact 
that they couldn 't help it ; the habit was so fixed and the in- j 
clination so strong. War had swept off billions of values and I 
thousands of brave men had died on the battlefield and in ' 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 37 

hospitals, but the smoke had hardly been lifted, long enough 
to view the damage and desolation, until these two game-cocks 
were at it again, despite their bloody combs, and drooping 
tail feathers ! They were so full of personal animosity that 
they stepped lightly over the collapsed Confederacy, and all 
the rotting-dead-men's bones, from the Potomac to the Ri>> 
Grande; and amazed the startled suffering people in their 
poverty-stricken homes, with a first-class chicken fight in and 
around the Capital City of the State. And what did this polit i ■ 
cal rivalry and exhibit of passion stand for? They were sim- 
ply sparring for position, and each trying to outwit the other 
in control of the politics of the State of Georgia! It was the 
same old political rivalry before the war, rejuvenated, and 
many of the old leaders were dead. 

This old book of the Secession Convention, which lies before 
me as I write, is weather-beaten, dilapidated and was poorly 
gotten up at the start and at least ninety hundredths of the 
300 men who composed the convention are now dead and 
largely forgotten. It is a sadder thing to look at than the 
many cemeteries filled with dead soldiers' graves. Why? 
Because one represents the fateful cause, and the other the 
deadly result. I do not think the world furnishes a more 
complete exhibit of gall, cheek and assumacy than the public 
capers of the two political headlights just named performing 
before the war-swept, blood-soaked and poverty-stricken peo- 
ple of Georgia, when the records proved beyond the shadow 
of a doubt, that both were leaders in the very movement which 
pushed these disasters upon us. I do not question their loyalty 
to their State and section, but I do say the time had arrived 
in the very nature of the prevailing conditions, for both to go 
back and sit down, at least long enough for a season of rest 
and relief from their much talking and writing on public 
business. They had been blind leaders of the blind in 1861; 
they had been active Confederate politicians from 1861 to 
1865 ; they had had full scope and authority and it was not 
modest, or becoming to clutch at the reins of government be- 
fore the military had left the State's borders. It was simply 
the old cases set for trial with Hill vs. Stephens, and Brown 
vs. Davis, and Davis vs. Stephens in renewed political litiga- 



38 My Memoirs of Georgla. Politics 

tion. Their interest in the failing fortunes of the Confederacy- 
waned, of course, but their personal animosities were alive, 
vigorous and rampant under all conditions. Of all these liti- 
gants, President Davis deserved most sympathy for he suf- 
fered more than all the others. He was made the South 's 
vicarious sufferer. On his head the vials of wrath were 
emptied to the last drop. He paid the penalty of supposed 
greatness, and while he was a prisoner in the dungeons of 
Fortress Monroe, all the others were making friends with 
the "mammon of unrighteousness." in a political sense. 

In the year 1877 there was printed in a Georgia newspaper 
some interesting correspondence pertaining to the election of 
United States Senators just after the war closed. Hon. James 
Johnson was made Georgia's provisional governor, and Gen. 
James B. Steadman was Federal commandant of the post, in 
Augusta, Ga. The Georgia Legislature was booked to meet in 
Milledgeville early in January, 1866, and it was proposed to 
elect Senators and Congressmen for the Federal Congress at 
Washington city. The surrender took place in 1865, during 
April, and Hon. A. H. Stephens spent a considerable time in 
Fort Warren as a prisoner of State, but he was in Augusta on 
the 25th of November, 1865, and guest at a supper along with 
Gen. Steadman, Federal major-general. Some time during the 
evening, Gen. Steadman sent the following telegram to Presi- 
dent Andrew Johnson. It was received by the President at 
10 :30 p. m. on the day named : 

' ' To the President of the United States : 

"I am requested to ask you if you would consider it any 
violation of the parole of Hon. A. H. Stephens for him to per- 
mit his name to be used for United States Senator for this 
State. He is a friend of the government, and a sincere sup- 
porter of your policy." 

(Signed) "Jas. B. Steadman, Maj.-Gen., Commanding." 

This telegram, I have learned, was suggested at the supper 
in Augusta, at which both Stephens and Steadman were pres- 
ent. Steadman was always "a warm friend and admirer of 
Stephens," and exerted himself to procure Mr. Stephens' re- 
lease from Fort Warren. Here is President Johnson's reply: 



]\Iy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 39 

"Executive Mansion, Washington, Nov. 26, 1865. 

"Private and confidential. To Maj.-Gen. James B. Steadman, 
Augusta, Ga. 
"I am free to say it would be exceedingly impolitic for Mr. 
A. H. Stephens' name to be used in connection with the sena- 
torial election. If elected, he would not be permitted to take 
his seat, or in other words, he could not take the oath of office 
required, other difficulties being out of the way. He stands 
charged with treason and no disposition has been made of 
his case. His present position will enable him to do more good 
than any other." (What was his position? Was he in a 
coalition with Andy Johnson?). "Mr. Stephens knows there 
is no one whose personal feelings are more kind than mine, 
and have been so since we first met in Congress. The infor- 
mation we have here is that all the members-elect to Con- 
gress from Georgia will not be able to take the oath of office. 
A modification of the oath by the present Congress is ex- 
tremely doubtful. I hope you will confer with Mr. Stephens 
on this subject freely — not as coming from me. There seems 
in many of the elections something like defiance, which is al- 
ways out of place at this time. 

(Signed) "Andrew Johnson." 

Mr. Stephens did have a conference with Gen. Steadman, 
and was given the tenor of the telegram, according to pub- 
lished accounts. "When the Legislature met, Mr. Stephens 
was called to Milledgeville and urged to enter the senatorial 
race. In a letter dated January 22, 1866, and addressed to 
Messrs. J. F. Johnson, Charles H. Smith and others, and pub- 
lished in "Southern Recorder" extra, Mr. Stephens declined 
to address the General Assembly, refused to give his consent 
to the use of his name. "I do trust that no member will give, 
even a complimentary vote to me in the election. 

"Yours truly 

"Alex. H. Stephens.." 

On January 29, 1866, various citizens from Augusta urged 
him to allow the use of his (Stephens') name in the senatorial 
canvass. He made the following reply: 



40 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

"Milledgeville, Jan. 29, 1866. 
"Messrs. Casey, Gibson and others., 

"In reply to your interrogatory, I can only say I can not 
imagine any probable case in which I would refuse to serve 
the people of Georgia in any position that might be assigned 
to me by them with or without my consent. 

"Yours truly, 
"Alexander H. Stephens." 

The next day, January 30th, Hons. A. H. Stephens and 
Herschel V. Johnson were elected Senators. The question then 
arose: "Will they be allowed to take their seats?" (I desire 
to ask: Did Andy Johnson conciliate?) 

It is evident that these legislators were not informed as to 
Mr. Stephens' friendship with Jas. B. Steadman, or that he 
was a "friend to Andy Johnson 's policy." Why Mr. Stephens 
did not afterwards expatiate on this particular episode is 
something strange if Steadman acted with his permission, or 
what is more appreciable, acted without it. It is impossible 
to suppose that Mr. Stephens did not see this telegram of 
Steadman and Johnson's reply printed in the year 1877 if he 
did not see either of them during November, 1865. No person 
Avas more active than Mr. Stephens in keeping watch over 
what Georgia newspapers said of himself. I am forced to 
think, he concluded to let "sleeping dogs lie." Therefore, I 
feel it a duty I owe to my dead husband, who was openly 
denounced in public speeches made in Macon and Atlanta, 
when Hon. A. H. Stephens was candidate for governor of Geor- 
gia in the good year 1882, and when Mr. Stephens not only 
repudiated Dr. Felton's true and tried personal friendship in 
those speeches, but arraigned him as politically unworthy be- 
cause Dr. Felton had said some kind words of President Ar- 
thur and because certain Republicans in Georgia were friendly 
to him. Here is the proof that the Vice-President of the dead 
Confederacy, which went to smash in April, 1865, was on 
November 25, 1865, sitting at a supper table in Augusta, Ga., 
with a Yankee officer and virtually conferring with Andy 
Johnson in Washington City about being elected as United 
States Senator and refusing to "allow a complimentary 
vote" in Milledgeville, two months later. Whether Andy 



My Memoiks of Georgia Politics 41 

Johnson changed his mind before the Legislature met in 
Milledgeville in January, 1866, I am unable to say, or whether 
the "charge of treason" had been taken off the books in Wash- 
ington by active Republican coalitionists with Mr. Stephens 
this record fails to show, but there is positive proof to my 
mind that there was a "capital understanding" and a coalition 
that the young men in the State of Georgia may well read and 
ponder over. More of this coalition politics will appear in 
later chapters, but my scrap-book, containing this publication, 
in which the telegrams of Steadman and Andy Johnson are 
set forth, is open to any person who desires to copy the full 
text of the story which was headed — 

"STEPHENS AS SENATOR. 
A Page of Unrecorded History of Reconstruction." 

I have never seen any vindication of himself furnished by 
Mr. Stephens, but it was daring providence when this aged 
candidate rose before Macon and Atlanta audiences to de- 
nounce a clean-handed man as a "coalitionist with Republi- 
cans in Washington city." 

In this connection I will copy here some paragraphs from 
the official record of the trial of Jefferson Davis, which was 
begun in Richmond, Va., on May 13, 1867, although the indict- 
ment against him was returned in May, 1866. He was im- 
prisoned on 19th April, 1865, and subjected to many and vio- 
lent persecutions as a political prisoner. Chas. 'Conor spoke 
for the defendant, who came into court as a prisoner in charge 
of H. S. Burton, colonel and brevet brigadier general of the 
United States Army. He said: "On this return no reason 
was stated for the imprisonment of Jefferson Davis, and it 
now remains for the court to take such action as was requisite 
on the part of the civil authorities to bring the prisoner within 
the proper limits to meet the indictment." Then Mr. Evarts, 
counsel for the government, rose to say: "In behalf of the 
government, it is not its intention to prosecute the trial of 
the prisoner at the present term of the court." Later the 
question of bail came up and Horace Greely's name was placed 
first on the bond. The court said: "The marshal will dis- 
charge the prisoner," and the house was filled with deafening 



42 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

applause. The place was wild with cheers. "After Mr. Davis 
reached Spotswood House, Rev. Dr. Minnegerode in the com- 
pany of Mr. Davis and his family offered up prayer and thanks- 
giving and directly the weary and worn prisoner with his wife 
went out to the grave of their dead son in Hollywood ceme- 
tery, ' ' so the story was published ! I can not insert more of this 
trial and this scene in Richmond for it is a matter of official re- 
cord and open to all seekers of truth. There was a marked dis- 
tinction and difference in the government's treatment of the 
President and Vice-President. Look at the dates which you 
have just read in the last pages to convince yourselves that 
Andy Johnson's government made fish of one and fowl, (I 
had almost written foul) of the other. But the libraries and 
book shelves are full of this matter, all over the United States, 
and our Georgia politicians have been perpetually explaining 
the whys and the wherefores ; but always, as I think, to con- 
fused purpose and with small effect. 

It may be thought that I have made harsh criticism of the 
Georgia secession leaders, and I agree that I am not varnishing 
any of the facts in the case for history is only a correct report 
of past events. I am here to say that our Georgia leaders, in 
many cases, were afflicted with what somebody has called 
"candidate-phobia," and if it could be properly called a spe- 
cies of rabies, there is no disputing the violence of their malady. 

It is my honest impression that the peaceable division of 
the Methodist church in 1844 had much to do with the politi- 
cal secession of the ten Southern States. I knew Bishop James 
0. Andrew well, over whose head this split took place, or as 
well as an eight-year-old school girl could know a good 
preacher for I went to school in Oxford, Ga., with his daugh- 
ter during my school life. I heard him preach often in Deca- 
tur, Ga., when I was living with my parents in that prosperous 
town for the most of five years where they moved for benefit 
of Dr. Wilson's high school. I have been a member of the 
Methodist church since 1851, and I speak advisedly when I 
say politics and the fight over slavery was at the bottom of 
the split of the Methodist church in 1844. 

Bishop Andrew's wife owned, or inherited, some slave prop- 
erty and the abolitionists of the North and West decided they 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 43 

would not tolerate a slave-holding bishop if they still continued 
their membership in the Methodist church. Thus they came 
to where the roads parted and they each went their separate 
way. Because the preachers divided and departed without 
firearms or gunboats to interfere it became a precedent for 
other separations, divisions or secessions. Our Southern peo- 
ple put up a game of bluff and South Carolina boasted of 
nullification and political courage. After South Carolina went 
out, the other States were implored, urged and prevailed upon 
to do likewise; but it was negro slavery that created the real 
disturbance. If there had been no slaves, there would have 
been no war. It tires me to read about the alleged causes, 
other than the ownership of slave property. It was the owner- 
ship of slaves that made Bishop Andrew obnoxious to his 
abolitionist brethren. It was the ownership and profit that 
went with slave property, which made the North eager to rid 
the nation of negro slaves. They could always stir up dissen- 
sion with angry discussions before Congress and then the 
preachers and the demagogues worked for it. Human kind 
are very much like a flock of sheep. The bell-wether leads them. 
I have seen a stalwart bell-wether take a sudden notion to 
caper, fling his legs about and shake his tail as he cavorted, 
and it is remarkable how the smaller sheep spring up to per- 
form in the same way. I heard a sheep-herder once say he 
could put a stick in front of his bell-wether and make him 
jump high over it. Then his flock would come along and jump 
likewise, although the stick was not in front any more. We 
are all creatures of habit, likewise a nation of imitators or 
political followers. Therefore we were satisfied, when assured 
that there would be a peaceable separation. A great many 
sanguine people believed it would be only a skirmish when the 
two sides came in contact. The North only called for three- 
month volunteers, after Fort Sumter was fired upon, but there 
was one factor which was not appreciated, or reckoned with, 
but fatally overlooked. Behind the slavery question there 
was a politico-religious element, a fanatical host bent on 
be'ating down slave owners as well as freeing the slaves in 
the South. When that crowd tasted blood it ran wild. Down 
in the South there were a great many non-slave owners. When 



44 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

these men were asked: "how would you like to see a black, 
buck negro sitting in church or calling to see your daughter?" 
it woke up a spirit of indignation that was not quenched by 
human gore or starved out in the prison pens of the North. 
The negro was played like a ball from both sides, and the 
preachers played the game along with the politicians and 
many times were first "at the bat." This is plain talk, but 
plain truth! 

After thinking over this dreadful business for more than 
half a century, I am convinced the time had come in the provi- 
dence of God, to give every human creature its title to free- 
dom, and negro slavery was doomed and disappeared! It was 
not the South alone that had sinned on this line for the North 
had brought these slaves over here and made big money with 
the slave trade, and sold them Southward for strictly profit 
and gain, but the slaves were located in the South and this 
theater of current events located in the South made the South 
the battlefield and the sufferer from the devastating inrush of 
armies. 

The hullaballoo in Congress was no more unreasonable or 
intractable or universal than in church gatherings and news- 
paper offices. The country went on "a tare" and stirred up 
the mud under the rottenest mud sills in the United States of 
America. 

I am not going to write about the suffering, the desolation, 
the poverty, the widowhood or orphanage that came along in 
the wake of war, I am only trying to turn our politicians 
around like a dressmaker shapes for me a garment and let you 
see Avhat politics did do or tried to do in flinging misery, ruin 
and death broadcast over our common country, for politics 
did it. 

It was a very significant sentence that Mr. Collis P. Hunting- 
ton, of Pacific Lobby fame, penned for the consideration of 
his partner, Colton, in California. The government had do- 
nated to the Pacific railroads a great deal of land that the 
Railroad King wished to convert into money, so he telegraphed 
the following: 

"Dec. 24, 1876. 
"Friend Colton: 

"I am doing all I can to have the government take 6,000,000 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 45 

acres of land and give the railroad credit for $15,000,000. I 
wish you would have the newspapers take the ground that 
this land ought to be taken by the government and held for 
the people. The demagogues can then work and vote for it. 

''C. P. Huntington." 

Our demagogues worked and voted, and the "newspapers 
took the ground" and the preachers and the politicians were 
coaxed along by shrewd men in the lead until the world stood 
aghast at "man's inhumanity to man." 

Hon. A. H. Stephens, once said in a public speech that he 
warned the people of Georgia, as early as September, 1860, 
of the dangers which were menacing the State, etc. He said 
the listeners were incredulous. The speaker rose to a climax 
and shouted: "You need not be surprised to see this country 
involved in civil war in less than six months. " The gravest men 
in Augusta, my oldest and best friends, said: "Stephens is 
going crazy, the infirmities of his body have gone to his head." 
He continued: "In less than six months, the thunders of war 
were heard. " He said further : "While I believed in the right to 
secede, I never believed in the policy of its assertion." So, 
when he admitted to the members of the secession convention, 
that secession was right, the balance of his prolonged oratory 
was to them simple rot ! All that the demagogues wanted was 
the privilege of working and voting for secession, because 
offices were not in plenty under the government and there 
would be plenty of places when the new Confederate govern- 
ment got to working steadily. Hon. Herschel V. Johnson made 
the best and most clinching argument for non-secession and 
it was freely told afterwards that he was plied with mixed 
liquors until he was unable to finish after the noon recess — for 
to this desperate complexion had it come — to rule or ruin the 
State of Georgia rather than yield to "Republican tyranny" 
in Congress. Both sides were mad! Lincoln's election "was 
a certainty and it took but four years and a half to wreck 
the fortunes of the Confederacy! 

But for the fortitude of the soldiers in the field and the 
fortitude of the women at home, I again repeat, the bottom 
would have dropped out before April, 1865. Such heroism 
was unexampled ! The South has reason to be proud of its 



'yi^t 



46 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

soldiers and its women. The story of their courage will bear 
repeating, because it was genuine, sincere and patriotic. Like 
all other military achievements, the officers earn and receive 
all the honors of war, but it was thp plain soldiers and true- 
hearted women of the defunct Confederacy who deserve the 
medals of merit. 

President Davis had a Herculean undertaking. If his Con- 
^.^ress and the army leaders had been in harmony with him, he 
woul^have been weighted down with care and anxiety. But 
he had dissensions in Congress — rival generals, disappointed 
office-seekers, unfaithful men in his employ, and a desolated 
country to furnish supplies. It was a superhuman task and 
after the blockade an impossible one. He never sought office 
any more. He had enough of it. He was not faultless — he had 
many and violent enemies, and the old antagonisms were 
smouldering even after he went to his Mississippi home to end 
his days. He was victimized by newspaper reporters. Every 
act was scrutinized and enlarged upon — good or bad; but 
nobody ever questioned his loyalty to the Confederacy. He 
gave it the best that was in him — and went down with it iu 
defeat. 

"While such an end has its irritations, because it is human 
to resent injustice, there was in his case the supreme satisfac- 
tion that nobody could question his loyalty to the South — he 
had nothing to show for his service, either in money or later 
political ambitions — but he was entitled to and did receive the 
loyal respect and homage of the plain people of the aforetime 
Confederacy, in default of any other possible tribute to his 
faithfulness. 

There are some things much worse than political defeat. 
A name without tarnish and a record that is unassailable, is 
even far better than success in error. 



Politics After the War 



For a considerable time, after the war, I had too much to 
do, school teaching, making a living and assisting Dr. Felton 
•in restoring our war-swept plantation and home to decent 
shape, to bother very much about the doings of our Georgia 
politicians, in Milledgeville and Atlanta. I had but little 
money to spend. I could not travel much, and our neighbors 
were in the same condition. But there was a lively scrimmage 
going on all the while, and scores of our ever-ready politicians 
hung around Governor Rufus B. Bullock getting all they could 
out of him in jobs and positions, only to become ingrates and 
afterwards to abuse the man unmercifully until they finally 
ran him out of the State. 

The people were clamorous for all in sight, which promised 
either money or office — they used their offices to make money 
and too many of them were not particular as to how they made 
it. They backed up this Republican governor in all his schemes 
for public plunder and then posed as Simon pure Democrats, 
immaculate and truly patriotic. I have often wondered how 
Governor Bullock could hold his tongue when some of these 
Judas Iscariots were hurling anathemas in his very face. I 
can not take time to write down, or to pay for printing the full 
record of this unhappy era in Georgia politics, but I feel sure 
the governor had either the "patience of Job," or was so deep 
in the mire, that he was afraid to reveal the inside secrets. 
If ''Mr. Foster Blodgett's tin box" is ever opened to the pub- 
lic, there will be "richness," a-la-Squeers ! 

In 1870, the Atlanta Constitution published a flaring head- 
line : "Georgians Prepare to Howl." The editor called it a 
"campaign document," and the opening sentences detailed the 
"vile clerk system" of Bullock's Legislature. Then the "pay 
of members" was told in lurid language, then the "Bond is- 
sues" and the other issues which have made a continual text 
for our ever active and money-seeking Democrats. 

One senjbence it will be well to copy here. "Any man who 
will start on the tremendous journey of traveling through the 



48 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

particulars of Gov. Bullock's administration will often pause, 
wearied, heart sick at the dreary waste of official mismanage- 
ment, disregard of law, reckless extravagance and wanton 
favoritism." But when I compared records I found Gov. Bul- 
lock appointed Gov. Joseph E. Brown chief justice, and Gov. 
Colquitt appointed the same man United States Senator. I 
found Mr. Bullock paying Georgia gold bonds, illegally, and 
I found Governor Colquitt pajang Northeastern railroad bonds 
illegally. I found Gov. James M. Smith rasping Bullock about 
the iniquitous convict lease and State road lease entered into 
by spurious Democratic politicians, and I found Gov. Smith 
fastening for twenty years, the same sort of, and a worse 
convict lease on the taxpayers of Georgia. I found Mr. Kim- 
ball cheek by jowl with Gov. Bullock, and I found Gov. Col- 
quitt in the same fix with Gov. Brown, and I concluded that 
it was only ' ' chin music, ' ' and the ' ' outs ' ' were after the " ins " 
in Bullock's time, and that Georgians "howled" all the time. 

There were two acts of Gov. Bullock's administration that 
were absolutely vicious — unworthy and dishonorable, namely, 
the illegal signing of fraudulent railroad bonds and the illegal 
and dishonorable methods used in building or buying the State 
Capitol from Mr. Kimball. The tracks that went in and were 
seen in those transactions were the double tracks of Bullock 
and Kimball, and Kimball was only the governor's "alter ego." 
Neither Dr. Felton or myself were acquainted with, or inter- 
ested in Mr. Bullock or his Democratic helpers until the con- 
gressional campaign had opened in the 7th congressional dis- 
trict in June, 1874. 

A friend, now dead, came to us to tell us that lobbyists were 
making ready to remove Bartow county from its regular Chero- 
kee judicial circuit, and shift it into the Rome judicial circuit — 
that a written contract had been seen in a banlf located in 
Cartersville, where a prominent and wealthy citizen of our 
county had contracted with the most noted lobbyist in Chero- 
kee, Georgia, to pass such a bill through the Legislature, and 
if he did so, then the prominent and wealthy citizen was to 
pay the lobbyist five hundred dollars for securing this legisla- 
tion. 

Judge McCuteheon, the Superior Court judge, had made 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 49 

the citizen angry by some of his decisions and this (Bartow) 
county must be lifted over to the Rome circuit, where a so- 
called Bullock judge had authority and where things would be 
different. 

That begun to wake us up, and we had the best of reasons 
for knowing that this lobby contract had been placed in the 
bank for safekeeping by both parties because one was afraid 
to trust the other. How many of such contracts were in other 
safekeeping we had no means of knowing then or later. 

This was the starter of the most extraordinary campaign 
ever known to the State of Georgia in the Cherokee section 
of Georgia. But the "Atlanta Constitution" was on the 
ground in 1868-69-70 and could speak with authority. 

I have an old copy of the paper containing a long editorial 
on Gov. Bullock, and it was generally understood, at the time 
of writing, that Gov. Brown had weakened on Gov. Bullock 
for some reason. Says the editor: ''The evidence is volumin- 
ous and decisive of boundless guilt. Bullock and Kimball are 
copartners, etc. Bullock allowed Kimball to borrow State 
money and use it privately. He paid out State money on 
Kimball's private loans. Wherever Kimball figured there was 
Bullock. Bullock was a Mitchell heir — was in the opera house 
purchase, etc. Bullock paid $140,000 to forty-two newspapers 
and this was outside State printing or State road printing. 
Of this $28,000 is still unpaid." (Somebody was so unkind as 
to say that if the $28,000 had been paid, all would still have 
been lovely!) Rewards were offered after captures were 
made. The State road was bled to support the "Era" bought 
v/ith the State's money. Bullock borrowed for himself and 
Kimball $3,334,000. There is still due $762,654. Bullock tried 
to subsidize lawyers as well as the press. Bullock pardoned 
523 cases. Bullock sinned broad guage. The penitentiary 
property was stolen. Grant and Alexander paid $5,000 to 
influence Bullock to get convicts ! The committee says Bul- 
lock shared in the plunder. Bullock indorsed the Brunswick 
and Albany Railroad bonds, and lied repeatedly in the matter. 
These are the bonds, which were lobbied before the Georgia 
I legislature, and Charles L. Frost declared upon oath that he 
turned over to Kimball 65 of these thousand-dollar gold bonds 



50 ]\Iy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

to settle the claims of the Trammells for services rendered in 
pushing this Brunswick and Albany Railroad bond legislation 
to success. 

"He paid John Conley $11,500 for an unnecessary analysis of 
the Constitution. If he failed to do a gubernatorial wrong 
it was because he lacked a chance." 

I have not copied one-twentieth of the indictment, but this 
is enough for the present writing. I am moved to make a 
note of this review of Bullock's regime because I found the 
following in an issue of the "Atlanta Journal," twenty years 
later: "If the people of Georgia are willing to welcome an- 
other motley regime, then let them consent to be cudgeled or 
cajoled, by Felton, the veteran trick-master of independent- 
ism." I do not suppose partisan hate ever reached its zenith, 
until that unworthy and malicious slur was cast on the very 
man who did more than any other politican in Georgia to ex- 
pose the corruption that prevailed in Bullock's time. 

It so happened that I found out how Mr. Bullock made sup- 
porters in his line of business. A Georgia Superior Court judge 
was ready to join Bullock, but was afraid he might lose caste, 
etc. Bullock's attorney-general met him in a certain town, 
where he was holding court, and told the judge the time had 
come for him to declare himself. The judge was "not ready." 
"All right," was the reply. "You will declare yourself to- 
day, or there will be another judge on this circuit when I 
reach Atlanta tomorrow." Somebody twitted the judge who 
said: "I am in position to say I have neither politics or a 
country," but he went over to Bullock, body and breeches. It 
was to his court that our Bartow county was to be subjected 
if the lobbyist had not failed to make the removal. 

No one acquainted with Georgia politics will make the mis- 
take of supposing that the Simon pure Democrats were not 
truly indignant. 

The judiciary of the State of Georgia has had, a few men, 
exceptional for probity as well as ability, but there have also 
been various legislative investigations and newspaper contro- 
versies, which have demonstrated to a certainty that politics 
in Bullock's time ruled the bench as well as the Legislature. 

It was a far cry to herald Dr. Felton as a "trick master" 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 51 

like Bullock! With a venal press and a swarming pack of 
Bullock Democrats in the best offices of the state, it was only 
a cry of ' ' stop thief ! ' ' 

In the month of July 23, 1868, Gen. Howell Cobb discoursed 
in Atlanta on Gov. Bullock's judiciary system. You can find 
the speech reported in the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, 
August 12, 1868. "I would say to him, Mr. Bullock, the people 
of Georgia have done you wrong. Remember the circumstances 
under which you have been called to execute the duties of your 
Gubernatorial office and my advice to you is to behave your- 
self just as well as your nature and education v/ill admit. 
You have got a judiciary to appoint. I would advise you to 
send for the official copy of the address of the chairman of the 
Grant and Colfax committee, written by one Joseph E. Brown, 
in which he assumes to announce for you that the judiciary of 
Georgia will be corruptly appointed to subserve base and 
partisan purposes, and when you get it make a bonfire of it, 
and blot from your memory the recollection of its contents!" 

When I saw this publication I was sufficiently interested to 
hunt up the "official copy," and it sets forth the additional 
fact that it was "adopted at a meeting, held in Atlanta on 
the 25th day of June, 1868, and is signed by Joseph E. Brown, 
chairman of the Republican Executive Committee." I find 
still more. "Assemble at your respective county sites and other 
convenient places, on the 4th of July, and send up one united, 
patriotic shout, which shall be heard from the Savannah to the 
Chattahoochee, and from the Seaboard to Chickamauga, rever- 
berating from the mountains to the hill top, echoing and re- 
echoing through every valley and upon every plain — Grant, 
Colfax — Victory, progress ! ' ' 

Listen to it a little further : ' ' The Republican party elected 
several negroes to the legislature, and the so-called Democrats 
regularly nominated two negroes in Houston county as its can- 
didates — one for tax collector and the other for receiver of tax 
returns. The former is elected. The tax collector of Houston 
county, one of the largest and wealthiest counties in the state, 
is a negro, elected as the regular nominee of the Democratic 
party. Why should you longer bend the knee to the pretended 



52 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

aristocracy of the State ? The God of nature made you their 
equal. Arise and assert your equality!" 

I published the foregoing in the year 1886, when Dr. Felton 
was denounced from one end of the state to the other, because 
he was not in favor of General Gordon for governor, as against 
Major (now) Senator Bacon. I did not then copy the de- 
nunciation heaped upon Governor Brown, because Governor 
(afterwards Senator) Brown held his seat in the senate by 
Governor Colquitt's appointment and was again placed there 
by Democratic votes. I said, in 1886, and say it now, I entertain 
no unkind feeling to Senator Brown. He made a far better 
senator than the man who preceded him and, while I may be 
mistaken, I do feel sure that Mr. Brown would not have been 
found in Huntington's employ in Washington City. He had 
plenty of money, and he was not obliged to give up the sena- 
torial seat because he was "heavily in debt, and couldn't sup- 
port his family on the salary," — and General Gordon so ex- 
plained his action in regard to himself in 1886, even while he 
was pleading for the governor's place, with only a $3,000 
salary. I set it down at the time, that Governor Brown was 
quite as good as the men who were on their knees to him for 
his political influence and the "use of his money in elections." 

That Houston county incident recalls a story told me by a 
citizen of Houston county in those troublous times, as to how 
they elected their candidates. The negroes outnumbered the 
whites anywhere from three to five to each white man. At one 
election, when Grant was candidate on one side and maybe 
Greely on the other, the citizens agreed among themselves to 
place a Radical manager at one ballot box for negroes and a 
Democrat at the other. Before the polls opened a squad of 
men had an interview with the Radical manager. They said, 
"Here's $200. You must sign your resignation right here; 
but as the polls are about to open, here's another hundred, if 
you hold the election at the black box today." He held the 
election and it was published far and wide that Houston's 
election was as quiet as you could ask. That night they threw 
out the box, where the Radical took in the votes (because he 
had resigned) with every vote in it. 

Another party has given me a description of the way that 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 53 

Crawford county was counted, and a large majority secured 
in the congressional race between Col. Reuben Arnold and Col. 
Nat Hammond. There was an abandoned precinct that hadn't 
been opened in a year, maybe more. The Hammond men had 
a box fixed with enough majority to defeat Mr. Arnold, ready 
made, and they used it for that purpose with the abandoned 
precinct. 

The whole state of Georgia was run over by such tricksters, 
and it was only, in my opinion, occasionally that an honest 
election was held. 

Governor Brown also, on June 6, 1867, thus reported his 
(Brown's) political views: "I belong to no party organization 
of any character, except the Reconstruction party of Georgia. 
My platform is the Sherman act, with the Wilson amendment. ' ' 
It was this speech, made by Governor Brown (and it was scat- 
tered over Georgia broadcast by thousands) that I now recall 
for these pages. 

On July 16, 1867, a short time after Governor Brown de- 
livered himself so freely, Mr. Hill, in reply, thus expatiated : 
"You will by these measures inaugurate a war of races. 
Some of you are taking the negro by the arm, telling him you 
are his friend — that you gave him his liberty ! Ye hypocrites ! 
Ye whited sepulchers ! You mean in your hearts to deceive 
and buy up the negro vote for your own benefit. If I had an 
enemy and desired him to become forever infamous, I would 
ask no more of him than he should support the hellish schemes 
of those now seeking to subvert the constitution and destroy 
our liberty. He is digging a grave for himself which posterity 
will never water with a tear! How many people in Atlanta 
belong to the Loyal League? Save yourselves before it is too 
late. Destroy all evidence of your membership, bind all your 
comrades to mutual concealment of the fact that you were 
members and come out!" 

"Save yourselves now, or be forever lost to decent society 
and your own self-respect ! " It is now the time and place for 
Governor Brown to say something in his own defense. This 
defense appealed in the columns of the Augusta Chronicle 
under its new editor, Hon. Pat "Walsh, who took charge on 
August 1, 1868. Said Governor Brown: "You have lately 



54 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

published a series of 'Notes on the Situation,' by B. H. Hill, 
in which he thought proper to attack me by name — which 
makes it proper that I notice them appropriately. In No. 14, 
I find the following : ' Sumner and Stevens — Brown and Hol~ 
den are not accidents, nor are they original characters. Such 
men have ever been treacherous by principle, faithless to trust 
and deceitful in professions, but always consistent in the com- 
mon end of destruction to government.' " 

With this for a starter, the governor made it plain that Mr. 
Hill started in life professing to be a Democrat, was defeated 
for congress as a know-nothing in 1855, defeated on the elec- 
toral ticket in 1856, defeated as know-nothing candidate for 
governor in 1857, and elected a state senator from Troup in 
1859, when he advocated War. When Mr. Lincoln was made 
president he was for the union — opposed secession in the con- 
vention, but voted for it and signed it. In the secession con- 
vention, he said there would be no war in a public s^peech, 
and made his way to the Confederate senate over General 
Toombs as a know-nothing. While in the senate he voted 
under oath for the conscript bill. In Milledgeville he was 
very severe on me (Brown) and said the country would have 
been ruined if the bill had not passed. During the war Hill 
volunteered as a private in LaGrange, and then refused to go, 
because it would be unconstitutional for a senator to draw the 
pay of a private soldier. Yet Mr. Hill says in No. 14, 'I never 
felt I made war on the union.' This reckless calminator de- 
nounces the congress of the United States, the president of the 
United States and supreme court — asserts that Longstreet, 
Beauregard and Hampton are no better than a burglar — de- 
nounces Lee, General Johnston and General Gordon, and all 
other Confederate generals who passively submit to the same 
acts in congress." Mr. Hill came back again, of course, in 
reply. "He (Brown) cares not for the suffering of the people 
or the subversion of the people, so that he may reap and rule. 
He was a traitor to the Union — a traitor to the Confederacy, 
and would sell the honor of the people who trusted him, all 
for greed and for place, first from his own people and then 
from his people's oppressors. How can such a man be moved 
by the voice of honor, or made to listen to the appeals of 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 55 

patriotism? How can he, a traitor to truth, be convinced by 
argument? How can he, whose ambition seeks only his own 
good, be turned from his purpose by the exhibition of the 
wrong of others? The fiery flames of sulphurous hell could 
not burn out the lusts of power and pelf from the ambitious 
minds of ambitious Lucifer and his fallen followers ! How 
can truth reach or shake the purpose of the hardened wretch 
— this political Lucifer — who is willing to make a pandemonium 
of this country; because to reign is worth ambition, even in 
hell." 

It is a good time just now to refer to the "Columbus pris- 
oners," — and a season of fearful excitement during the year 
1868. It will be remembered that Governor Brown was em- 
ployed by General Meade to prosecute the Ashburn murderers, 
at a reported salary of $5,000 for the service. It was a mili- 
tary court and conducted for the United States government. 
I, along with thousands of southern women, was enraged at 
the vindictive treatment of those Columbus women at the time. 
Hon. Louis Garrard had a newspaper controversy with Gov- 
ernor Brown in later years, and I will allow him to speak just 
now. "The Columbus prisoners were put on trial in July, 
1868. On July 25 Doctor Kirksey, Messrs. Chipley, Bedell, 
"Wood and five others published a card in the Columbus Sun, 
giving an account of their treatment, which harrows the feel- 
ings of any human being with a heart. General Dunn's 
courtesy during the trial, especially after 'Duke's alibi,' 
was in strong contrast with the vindictive, ungenerous and 
unmanly conduct of Joe Brown. Let it be understood 
what the Duke alibi was. Some of the depraved and sub- 
dued witnesses for the government had sworn that Duke was 
one of the murderers and the truth of the whole testimony was 
based on the fact that Duke was present and fired at Ash- 
burn. Numbers of respectable and intelligent people — the * 
family and neighbors of Duke in Meriwether county, were put 
on the witness stand and proved him at his father's house in 
said county, forty miles from Columbus, on the day of the 
murder, and on the night of the same. The person with whom 
he boarded swore he was not in Columbus, the man who hired 
him the buggy swore to it, so did the man who slept in bed 



56 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

with him on the night in question. A dozen other witnesses 
proved his arrival in Meriwether county that day — among 
them a prominent physician, Dr. Stiles, and others who knew 
the date of certain cotton transactions in LaGrange, and their 
recollection was confirmed by the books of the cotton dealers 
in LaGrange. This was an unquestioned alibi, established and 
not by Columbus witnesses. The cross-examination of Gov- 
ernor Brown on these witnesses of Duke's, as the stern truth 
came out that the witnesses for the government had wilfully 
lied, was a model of its kind — a desperate struggle to beat 
back the truth at all hazards. He did not move to release Mr. 
Duke after such a perfect alibi. After such an alibi one 
moment of imprisonment of Duke was a hideous crime on the 
part of the "powers that were," and Governor Brown says 
it was his contract to control the case after his employment. 
General Meade could not withstand the wrath of the liberty- 
loving people of America, and he published his so-called vin- 
dication. Governor Brown had made civil fame. Was he not 
warned by every means possible that he had better repent 
and vindicate himself then — if he did not intend to go down 
on the pages of history as a renegade and traitor to the people 
who had honored him? Let us see by his own utterances at 
that time if he was in a frame of mind to repent the crime. 
He was made chief justice of Georgia. God save the mark! 
After his appointment (by Governor Bullock) to this exalted 
office, he made a speech on August 10, 1868, to a large assembly 
of negroes in Atlanta in which he is reported to have said : 
"The object of Democracy is to destroy negro suffrage in the 
south. When did you ever hear of four millions of freemen, 
Avith the ballot in their hands, surrendering it without blood- 
shed? They would be less than men if they did. If you let 
them alone they will vote peaceably; if you don't, my white 
friends, you will provoke a state of things in which you will 
be the greatest sufferers. Your houses, your villages and your 
towns are pledged to peace! There are 30,000 white Repub- 
licans in Georgia — there are 90,000 of you, my colored 
friends ! ' ' 

It was a time of great excitement ; the Grant campaign was 
at its highest; the negroes were inflamed and looked upon the 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 57 

whites as their natural enemies, and but a spark was needed 
to inflame them to any violence. Under such circumstances, 
it was this chief justice of the state who suggested to them 
that the houses, villages and towns were pledged to peace. 
How? What did he mean — how was he understood at that 
time? The next issue of the Constitution, alluding to this 
speech, said: 'The thing by whom the office of chief justice 
of this state is to be disgraced has grown violent since his ap- 
pointment to that position. His speech to the negroes on 
Tuesday was highly tinctured with red. Was this the man to 
help Georgia and her people by controlling a trial of citizens 
before a military commission with a full knowledge of all the 
barbarities practiced on the prisoners, before and during the 
trial?" Again, on July 3, 1868, an affidavit was made by one 
Wm. H. Reed, government detective in Washington, D. C, 
which affidavit was presented to the military court and pub- 
lished in the Atlanta papers. This man, Reed, was a sub- 
altern under H. C. Whitley, the chief detective. It detailed 
the barbarities and the means used by Whitley to make wit- 
nesses perjure themselves, as he says: ''These parties gave no 
Evidence until they were imprisoned, tied out and the evidence 
wrung from them," and the witnesses were "drilled to tell 
the same story." Reed says in conclusion, "Whitley re- 
marked to me frequently that this whole case (Ashburn's 
murder) was a political move and the conviction of the pris- 
oners would be a big thing." "Did Governor Brown quit the 
case when this disgusting affidavit, revealing the practices of 
Whitley, was read in the military court? On the contrary, he 
went on as calmly with the business of the day in court as if 
nothing had happened and continued as counsel. Did Whitley 
tell the truth? Was this a "political move," and did Governor 
Brown think to "help Georgia and her people, by aiding the 
Radical party in June and July, as he did in the speech of 
August 19, 1868?" 

(Signed) LOUIS F. GARRARD. 

I append some of Governor Brown's reply to Garrard: "I 
have so demonstrated the correctness of my position and the 
jategrity of my motives in the matter of the Columbus pris- 



58 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

oners, by the statements of gentlemen cognizant of important 
facts at that time," (I recollect Hon. A, H. Stephens remem- 
bered certain things told him by Governor Brown at the time, 
and Gen. Wm. Phillips gave voluminous testimony as to what 
he heard, etc., and I always expected General Phillips to rise 
up and answer when Governor Brown called for him) "that it 
seems this instrument of the prompting committee (Garrard) 
is being required to stand up and reiterate a false charge and 
feels very nervous and disagreeable. He is conscious that 
there is a low vileness about the position of calumny and de- 
traction which he occupies, is so close a-kin to the petty larceny 
of robbing a hen roost, that his only reply to the conclusive 
testimony of Major Campbell Wallace, who gives General 
Meade's statements at the time, which were substantially the 
same as my own, is the fabrication of a hen-roost story." 

Mr. Garrard came back again, and as a contribution to 
Georgia's political history, in regard to the killing of Ash- 
burn in Columbus and the prosecution of certain prisoners, 
for which prosecution it has been frequenty stated General 
Meade employed Governor Brown to do, with a salary or fee 
of $5,000 attached, I will copy from Mr. Garrard's open let- 
ter a part of Reed's affidavit in regard to the witnesses; the 
affidavit was dated July 4, 1868: "At the fort (Pulaski) one 
of the negroes, John Wells, was taken out of his cell and put 
in a chair in one of the casemates with a cannon pointed at 
his head and a soldier hold of the string, ready to snap the 
cap, apparently to shoot the gun — a barber slushed his head 
full of lather and pretended to be ready to shave his head. 
This was done to have him give evidence in regard to killing 
Ashburn, the negro all the time contending he knew nothing 
about the murder. This farce was kept up about ten minutes. 
Finally they put him back in the cell, with the understanding 
if he did not tell something it would be worse for him. They 
took the other negro, John Stapler, and put him before the 
gun with no better success. He was afterwards put in a 
sweat-box and kept there in great punishment for at least 
thirty hours, until his legs swelled. I took him out of the 
sweat-box, because I was convinced he knew nothing of the 
case. * * * Ij2 my frequent conversations with this man, 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 59 

Bennett (one of the main witnesses for the prosecution) his 
prevarications convinced me if any one was guilty of killing 
Ashburn, this man Bennett was guilty. After this, Bennett 
was put in a cell with Betz, to see if he could not draw some 
evidence from him, and later Bennett admitted to me he was 
in the crowd that done the shooting of Ashburn, and persuaded 
Betz and Stevens to acknowledge the complicity of the pris- 
oners arrested with the murder. The witnesses were told that 
the government had offered a large reward and if the parties 
under arrest were convicted they (the witnesses) would get 
their share of the reward offered. He also swore that Whit- 
ley, the chief detective, told him the whole case was a 
"political move." This military commission had no authority 
to try these prisoners, but the military of 1868 did proceed 
with the case, and Governor Brown sought a conviction of 
the Columbus prisoners, after it was apparent by sworn evi- 
dence that the testimony for the government was false, and 
extorted by cruelties unhear^ of in this age and country, and 
as the press of the country at that time termed it, a revival 
of the Inquisition of the twelfth century. ' ' 

This controversy and the revival of the story of the Colum- 
bus prisoners grew out of a legislative investigation of the 
principal keeper of the penitentiary. Governor Brown was in 
the committee room, where this investigation was being car- 
ried on, and Mr. Garrard was one of the committee. The 
governor demanded that his stenographer be allowed to take 
down the testimony, and "that Col. Nelms (principal keeper) 
be permitted and all other parties interested be permitted to 
come before the committee and examine and cross-examine 
witnesses when they have an interest," etc. The committee 
refused his request, as he was only a witness himself. Then 
this irate governor (Brown) called the investigation a "star 
chamber" affair and two of the committee retaliated — told 
him of his connection with the prosecution of the Columbus 
prisoners, eleven years before. Why did I preserve all this 
literature, you will ask ? Because my husband, who had noth- 
ing to do with Bullock and his gang, who was true to his 
state and section, had no dishonest money in his pocket and 
had no alliance with political eorruptionists in Georgia, was 



60 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

being hounded over fourteen counties in the Seventh Con- 
gressional district of Georgia as a "dishonest" politician, as 
"allied with Radicalism," etc., and the pack that pursued and 
the gang that yelped from the Chattahoochee to the Tennessee 
line, were the traders and tricksters who were doing it con- 
tinually, and every mother's son bent the knee in homage to 
ex-Governor Brown ! He placed two of his Bullock Democrats 
in the field against Dr. Felton and it has been said that all 
but one of the rest were secretly tagged with his mark. 

It is an old French saying that you "might scrape the hide 
of the parvenue millionaire, and you would always find the 
sabot." "We never failed to find that Governor Brown had 
either his hand over or under Dr. Felton 's political opponents 
in the Seventh Congressional district. 

I had a personal experience in May, 1865, when I was a 
refugee, that gave me much light on political matters in Geor- 
gia just after the war. 

In our refugee home, near the Clinton road, four or five 
miles from Macon, Georgia, just after the surrender we were 
attacked after dark by an armed man, either black or white, 
we could not be certain which, and Dr. Felton returned the 
fire on him — just outside the yard. We sat up all night, ex- 
pecting to be attacked again. Next morning a good neighbor 
furnished me his buggy and his son, a lad of fourteen, to go 
with me to Macon to ask protection from General Wilson, in 
command of the Federal forces. This was before the capture 
of President Da^ds, and the woods were full of roving people, 
including a number of Confederate soldiers who had not sur- 
rendered. I left Dr. Felton and my ten-year-old son at home 
with a suffering, anxious heart. When I reached Macon I 
drove to Rev. J. W. Burke's house, on the hill, and there found 
a Yankee chaplain to whom I was introduced and who volun- 
teered to accompany me to General Wilson's headquarters, in 
the Lanier House. We went together to the Lanier House, 
and as the general's headquarters were on the second floor 
and the chaplain knew all about his commander, we got half 
way up the steps before we were halted by an officer in full 
regimentals. 

"What's the matter?" said the chaplain. "The general is 




Taken in 1880. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 61 

very busy." "All right," replied the chaplain, "this is some- 
thing that cannot be postponed and I will explain to the gen- 
eral at the door." "But you can't go in," persisted the 
officer. "I have strict orders to admit nobody." "I am not 
going to leave here until I know the reason," retorted the 
now angry chaplain. "Well, I hope you will be quiet and I'll 
tell you. He has been shut up with Governor Brown all the 
forenoon, and I am instructed to allow nobody to go in or 
interrupt." I heard every word myself and the chaplain 
lifted his eyebrows as he remarked, "I guess we will have to 
go elsewhere." "We then crossed over to the provost marshal's 
office and secured a guard, who was with us two weeks and 
while there he learned of the capture of Mr. Davis and brought 
us the news from Macon-. (This episode was written for the 
Macon Telegraph nearly thirty years ago, and was published 
among my "War Reminiscences.") 

I had another encounter in the year 1867 that has remained 
with me. I had a serious spell of illness, and was hardly able 
to be propped in a chair by the window when I saw a hired 
hand come out of my garden with an arm load of young 
roasting-ears before we had gathered any for ourselves. I 
called to him, in remonstrance, and he became insulting and 
abusive. When Dr. Felton came to the house he called the 
negro from his cabin and told him to get off the place, and if 
he appeared again what he would do to him. That afternoon 
Dr. Felton was arrested, carried before the military satrap 
and had the semblance of a trial. A young man, relative of 
mine, waited until the negro came toward the door and then 
he said to him, "If you are in this country after dark tonight, 
your hide won't hold shucks." He disappeared and as there 
was no other witness for him, the trial went by default. But 
for the abounding mercy of the Lord Almighty, this entire 
section might have been like San Domingo, in assassinations 
and bloody violence. 

At the time when Governor Brown received the appoint- 
ment of United States senator from his Excellency Governor 
A. H. Colquitt, ex-Governor James M. Smith had something 
to say of political conditions just after the war. "Permit me 
to direct attention to some features of the history of Governor 



62 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Brown. For years after the war we all felt that every Geor- 
gian at least ought to be a Democrat, to stand squarely with 
his people in sentiment and conduct, but where was Governor 
Brown? In the dark days, when the honor of the state was 
trampled in the dust, did this gentleman show to his people, 
who had honored him so frequently and so highly, that living 
or dying and to the end their fate and fortune should be his? 
When the flag of the Confederacy went down Joseph E. Brown 
left the ranks of the Democratic party, and in so doing de- 
serted southern men and southern interest and aligned him- 
self with the authors of our humiliation and defeat. Why 
did he forsake, and join the ranks of our oppressors? Could 
he not prove to his masters that he submitted to them, with- 
out uniting with them to taunt, insult and revile those who 
had honored and loved him so much? Why did he join the 
Radical party in this state? Why did he go to their conven- 
tions? Why did he assist in nominating their candidates? 
Why did he lend all his powers for the defeat and destruction 
of the Democratic party of this state? Why did he continue 
so to do until the abdication of Governor Bullock showed that 
the Democrats had recovered the government?" 

As I am now concerned with politics just after the war, and 
before the year 1874, when Dr. Felton entered the political 
arena — I think the younger men of the state should know 
something about the State Road lease, which occurred under 
Governor Bullock's sanction, and to the benefit of his friend 
and adviser, Governor Joseph E. Brown. In a congressional 
investigation regarding affairs in the Southern states, a num- 
ber of our most notable people and politicians were sworn and 
testified. I chance to find the testimony of Hon. A. R. Wright 
at my hand — the good Roman friend to whom I owe many 
obligations of good will and good cheer when Dr. Felton was 
fighting with the "Beasts at Ephesus." Hear him: "Before 
the war it (the State Railroad) made $600,000 a year over and 
above expenses. It is owned by the state ; every dollar in it 
was paid by the state. Governor Brown the other day, trying 
to vindicate the smallness of his rental, admitted that the in- 
come for the month of March (1871) was $128,000." Ques- 
tion by Mr. Blair: "You say Governor Brown?" "Yes, sir; 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 63 

he has it now under a release, a fraud on the part of Demo- 
crats and Eadicals. Governor Brown is the head of the com- 
pany, the only man who perhaps was guilty of treason, for he 
captured public property (Fort Pulaski) before Georgia 
seceded, and perhaps was the bitterest man during the war to 
Union men (of whom I am one). Now I am denounced by this 
same class of men, because I did not stand there and see them 
plunder the government." Question: ''These men (Brown 
& Co.) got your road under these circumstances?" "They 
did." ''And it is believed by your people to be a combination, 
and while better than the Blodgett fraud, still a fraud on the 
people?" Answer: "They do regard it as a terrible fraud; 
Governor Brown, in trying to excuse himself about the mean- 
ness of the pittance paid into the treasury, put down the gross 
income for the month of March at $128,000. I wrote to a 
friend in Atlanta to employ some man to go into the record 
(it is difficult to get into these things for information) with- 
out the knowledge of what he is at, and send me the expenses 
of the road under Wallace's administration and when Joe 
Brown was governor. According to the record, the running 
expenses were a little over $30,000. Brown said, if I remember 
correctly, they were $124,000. In order to deceive the people 
he had put in his ordinary expenses — the purchase and refitting 
the road and everything of the sort, for which he is to be paid 
by the state. In the Yazoo Fraud the people of Georgia 
poured down by the thousands and with a glass, by fire from 
the sun, burned up the deeds by which the land was given 
away. If they were justified in that, I think they would be 
in burning up this lease." "Do you believe these secession 
leaders have repented of their acts?" "Very few of them. 
Some of the worst among them have been pardoned by the 
government and put at the head of the present Radical gov- 
ernment down here, and it is the worst element of discontent 
among us. How can I stand to see Brown, who persecuted 
me all through the war, put at the head of the government 
and with more influence with General Grant than any man in 
Georgia?" "Did I understand you to say Governor Brown 
was making a million dollars a year out of the State's road?" 
"In my opinion, he will make this year from half a million 



64 My IMemoirs of Georgia Politics 

to a million dollars, and as soon as he gets the thing a little 
regulated he will make a million clear profit annually — and I 
think the state ought to have it. " "I understand you to think 
there was no honesty in this lease transaction?" Answer: "I 
do not!" 

In the year 1886 General Gordon, in a public speech, de- 
clared that B. H. Hill, United States senator, offered to him 
(Gordon) a share in the State Road lease and his conscience 
was so tender he could not accept, and General Gordon's state- 
ment was investigated by responsible parties, and one of the 
orignal members of the lease declared it to be untrue, for Hill 
had no authority to offer a share to anybody (and his offer to 
Gordon was unknown to the rest), and Mr. Stephens took a 
share, but afterwards returned it to the state (and the state 
never heard of it any more.) The name? of the lessees will 
appear in another place, with their debts and liabilities elim- 
inated from the amounts set to their names, and this original 
lessee in the year 1886 declared he had never in all that inter- 
vening time heard General Gordon's name ever connected with 
the lease, directly or indirectly. 

General Toombs and Mr, A. H, Stephens had a serious rup- 
ture over this lease share returned by Mr. Stephens to the state. 
General Toombs decided to bring the matter before the courts, 
so that the secret inwardness of this lease act might be un- 
covered. Mr. Stephens agreed to the proposition and then 
reconsidered — and in some way there was a letter written by 
General Toombs, directed to Mr. Stephens, in which he called 
for an immediate reply — or perhaps it was Mr. Stephens who 
wrote for an immediate answer, but the letter was directed to 
"Washington, D. C., instead of "Washington, "Wilkes county, 
Georgia, and lay in the post office there three months before 
the dead letter authorities returned it to the writer. Both 
grew fiery hot and the rupture was serious while it lasted, be- 
cause the missing and misdirected letter held the key to the 
mystery. Somewhere in my scrap-books I have the card 
signed by both of these gentlemen, announcing a cessation of 
hostilities and peace between the belligerents. 

General Toombs held Governor Brown in thorough detesta- 
tion and I have a copy of a speech made at Cedartown, by 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 65 

General Toombs, that has in it more concentrated wrath and 
contempt than anything I have ever seen in the English 
language. The speech was delivered on August 25, 1868, 
when the Grant-Colfax campaign was on, and the Columbus 
prisoners were just released, etc. Said Toombs of Brown: 

"He has betrayed his natural and foster mother. More bit- 
ter than a serpent's tooth it is to have a thankless child! 
He is false to nature. What more can I say to commend this 
wretch to your detestation? 

"He has fatigued public indignation; it is no longer equal 
to his crimes! Ignoble villi an! Buoyant solely with corrup- 
tion, he only rises as he rots ! ' ' 

Governor Brown was not silent, by any means, under this 
tide of indignation. Although he went to Washington in 
1880 as a Democratic senator, he sought, in 1868, to be a 
Republican official, in these words: "I am a Republican. I 
expect to give Grant and Colfax a cordial support. I know, 
sir, that your party, the so-called Democracy in Georgia has 
but one common tie that holds it together, and that is op- 
position to the reconstruction measures in congress, and that 
tie will be a rope of sand as soon as congress ceases to legislate 
on the question and to give the leaders of your party new 
causes of agitation and complaint, which enable them to apply 
the party lash to hold the organization together. It is a 
heterogeneous mass of as antagonistic elements as ever banded 
together in one common cause. It is composed of original 
Whigs, Democrats, Knov/-Nothings, Secessionists, Union men, 
white m.en, mestizoes and negroes. Your large majority in 
this state was obtained by unfairness, intimidation and fraud." 
Public Documents, 40th Congress. Third session. 

The governor was a delegate to the National Convention 
that nominated General Grant in 1868, and in connection with 
one George Paschal, of Texas, is reported to have introduced 
a 'rank resolution in behalf of negro suffrage, which even 
Thad Stevens and Joshua Giddings refused to adopt. Some- 
where between 1868 and 1874, Governor Brown turned over 
in his politics and emerged as a rampant Democrat. I pre- 
served an open letter, written in 1874, to some of his Demo- 
cratic friends in Georgia, in which the following sentence 



66 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

occurs: "It was a hard enough fate upon us, for our con- 
querors to abolish slavery and wrest from us, without a dol- 
lar of compensation, the billions of dollars invested in that 
property, then to compel us to stand upon terms of legal 
equality with our former slaves and meet them as equals at 
the ballot box. In my judgment there are but two con- 
tingencies which can avert the evil; one is the overwhelming 
defeat of the Republican party this fall. If this should fail, 
the only remaining hope is the veto power of the president." 
Was there ever such a whirligig in regard to negro suffrage? 

I would like to ask in this connection what president? 

General Grant was president during eight years — from 
March, 1869, to March, 1877 — and this pessimistic wail was 
heard in 1874. Had Governor Brown any idea that General 
Grant would forsake Republicanism for Democracy? I trow 
not. 

President Hayes went in March 4, 1877, and the governor 
denounced his election as the "grandest fraud ever perpetrated 
on the American people. Entertaining these views, I cannot 
recommend my friends to President Hayes for any position 
whatever, and I shall uniformly decline to do so." Signed J. 
E. Brown, Atlanta, March 26, 1877. 

' ' Now pay your money and take your choice ! ' ' The ex- 
tremes are before you. In 1868 his "Radicalism" was oozing 
out in every pore. In 1874, his Democracy was burning him 
up with its fire and fury ! Was this a Janus face, to be turned 
only to patronage? In his bush arbor speech B. H. Hill said: 
"He (Brown) was bought up to co-operate in this foul work" 
(Republicanism). Somebody cried out "Brown!" Said Mr. 
Hill : " I do not call his name, for it should not be mentioned 
in decent company ! ' ' 

Yet Mr. Hill declared Governor Brown to be "a man born 
and reared in the school of fidelity to his party" — namely, 
Democracy — when he went out of his way to eulogize Senator 
Brown's pure politics in the senate — after Governor Colquitt 
gave him the seat. 

Another extraordinary scene occurred in the United States 
senate about the same time — when Senators Bayard and Pen- 
dleton opposed Senator Conkling, who had moved to go into 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 67 

executive session, and Senator Malione, of Virginia, voted for 
an executive session. Mr. Stephens wrote me of Senator Hill's 
outburst against Mahone, in these words: "This attack on 
Mahone was unwise, because it was unjust and unfounded in 
fact. Such unjust attacks as this one makes more heroes than 
anything else upon earth. ' ' The Baltimore American was very 
severe on Mr. Hill. The New York Tribune said: "Mr. Hill 
completely lost his prudence. ' ' The National Republican called 
Hill "The Georgia bull in the Senatorial China shop." The 
Washington Post approved Mahone and decried Hill 's ferocious 
attack. Mr. Hill named Senator Brown again, along with 
Senator Harris, of Tennessee, and Senator Johnston, of Vir- 
ginia, as "men who were born and reared in fidelity to the 
Democratic party." "Who is this one?" speaking against 
Mahone, "who is ambitious to do what no man in the history 
of this country has ever done, to be the first man to stand up 
in this high presence and proclaim from this proud eminence 
that he disgraces the commission he holds?" What did Ma- 
hone say? "The senator has assumed not only to be the cus- 
todian here of the Democratic party of this nation, but as- 
serts his right to speak for the constituency that I have the 
privilege, the proud and honorable privilege on this floor of 
representing without his assent and without the assent of such 
Democracy as he speaks for. I come here as a Virginian to 
represent my people, not to represent the Democracy for which 
you stand. I come with as proud a claim to represent the 
people of Georgia, won on fields where I have vied with Geor- 
gians whom I commanded and others in the cause of my peo- 
ple and of their section in the late unhappy contest. As one 
engaged in it, and who has neither here or elsewhere, any 
apology to make for the part taken ; I am here by my humble 
efforts to bring peace to this whole country — peace and good 
will between sections, not as a partisan, and not to represent 
the bourbonism that has done so much injury to my section 
of the country. Now, this gentleman undertakes to say what 
constitutes a Democrat. I am a better Democrat than he, who 
is nominally committed to a full vote, free ballot and an 
honest count, and I should like to know how he stands for 



68 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

these things in Georgia, where tissue ballots (he should have 
said bogus tickets) are fashionable." 

Still, Mr. Hill failed to understand what he was doing 
against himself. "I say, if he votes as you (Logan) want 
him to vote, God save him, for he is gone!" Up rose Senator 
Hoar, and who then and there administered to Senator Hill 
a scathing rebuke, closing thus: "It is none of the business 
of the senator (Hill) how any other senator shall cast his vote. 
Each of us is responsible to his state, his conscience, to his 
God, and no slave-master or plantation overseer is to wave his 
whip in this way, over the heads of the American senate ! ' ' 

Perhaps it was the effect of his cancer malady that led Mr. 
Hill into such an embarrassing condition, and I am lenient 
enough to hope that it was the same evil ailment which made 
him run amuck in his later tirade against his old school-mate, 
Dr. Felton, but the evidence is plentiful that Mr. Hill's last 
days in the senate were not effective for his state or nation, 
and there is nothing to look back upon that reflects any real 
benefit to his constituency at that time. 

But I have strayed from the era in Georgia politics when 
Governor Brown was Governor Bullock's right hand man, and 
when Mr. Hill made himself an idol among Georgians by con- 
stantly tiptoeing in public to denounce Governor Brown. They 
were both men of strong will and determination, and it should 
not be forgotten that Governor Brown gave Mr. Hill a share 
in the State Road lease directly after these tirades had been 
scattered all over Georgia, as political documents. They were 
never far apart in making profit out of their politics. 

When the Gordon-Newcomb alliance looked to overturning 
the Brown faction in the State Road lease, Mr. Hill stated to 
Dr. Felton in my presence, that he had been retained with 
$10,000 "to prevent the other side from employing him." It 
was also Mr. Hill who said to us, that General Gordon's em- 
ployment with Newcomb was only for two years and $14,000 
for the same two years. 

In my opinion there was no real friendship anywhere. It 
was so much for so much, and "you tickle me and I'll tickle 
you." Governor Brown made his alliance with Governor Bui- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 69 

lock pay him handsome returns in cold cash. The State Road 
lease was a fortune and came to him, as a gift, so to speak. 
But Governor Brown had no difficulty in getting as much or 
more profit out of the convict lease, by managing his Excellency 
James M. Smith. That was another fortune "picked up in the 
road." When he put pressure on Governor Colquitt he went 
to the Senate as easily as if the track had been greased for 
that purpose and nothing else. Governor Brown knew how to 
manage his men, and they were all his men after he had tagged 
them into his employ. I do not mean that their efforts were 
like those of Colonel Trammell or General William Phillips. 
His ownership of the first named was not continuous — but 
sporadic ; with the other gentlemen, it was constitutional. They 
were apparently always ready, in or out of season. 

I could understand why Mr, Julius Brown, deceased, in a 
spasm of contempt, withdrew the bequest in his will which 
looked to building or paying for a seperate monument to 
Messrs. Trammell and Phillips, after he realized a weakening 
of some sort in his father's staunch adherents — during his own 
life. It was sad but significant. 

Governor Brown was always a master-hand in managing 
his men. He never lost sight of what was coming to himself — 
but he was liberal to his candidates, provided they obeyed his 
call. His influence nominated Col. L. N. Trammell in the 
campaign of 1874. The same influence nominated Judge Les- 
ter in 1878. He nominated Colonel Clements in 1880, as we 
understood, and it has been the old, old story, all down the 
line, until death relieved him of the task of ruling Georgia — 
by his peculiar methods, in politics and in owning and man- 
aging the revenues of the state, railroad and convicts. His life 
was stormy but successful, because he knew that money made 
power and both money and power were necessary to run 
politics. Mr. Stephens was never at "outs" with Governor 
Brown after the Confederacy collapsed. He might have been 
fractious, if Governor Brown had ever put his finger in his 
congressional campaigns — but they agreed to stand apart and 
each "tote his own skillet." Governor Brown always regu- 
lated the Bullock Democrats as well as the Bullock Republi- 
cans. They belonged to him — because he knew their inside 



70 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

complications. For a good many years he did not annoy him- 
self with the "Kirkwood Ring," and he had ironical contempt 
for their drum and fife, but there came a time when he either 
knew too much or they were willing to surrender enough to 
give him what the Georgia people had once refused to give 
him — namely, a seat in the senate. 

In this connection I remember a scene which occurred in the 
United States senate, after these two "ambitious Lucifers" 
had reached the goal of their ambitions and were seated side 
by side, when Mr. Hill felt called upon to defend Governor (then 
Senator) Brown's Democracy. These two politicians had done 
as much if not more to plunge Georgia, into war, than any 
two men, living or dead, and both had exhausted themselves 
in acrid vituperation of each other — but Mr. Hill was in no- 
wise embarrassed by those voluminous "Notes on the Situa- 
tion," or his remembrance of "Bullock's Chief Justice," or 
the "Loyal League," or anything pertaining to Radicalism. 
With a face resplendent with his Democratic zeal and per- 
sonal friendship, he pronounced Governor Brown to bo a 
true-blue Democrat from his cradle up. These "Lucifers" 
were billing and cooing like a pair of turtle doves, under 
friendly eaves, and joining forces to beat down Dr. Felton and 
the Independent movement in Georgia. 

VOORHEES AND BROWN. 

Politics Make Strange Bedfellows. 

North Georgia, Aug. 2, 1883. — Editors Telegraph and Mes- 
senger: In yesterday's Atlanta Constitution we find what is 
purported to be the bottom facts of the late Tilden and Hen- 
dricks boom. If the statement was not manufactured in the 
office of that paper, as is sometimes alleged, we may begin to 
see how and where the Tilden barrel is being manipulated, and 
who will tap it. 

After quite a dissertation upon the attitude of Senator Voor- 
hees towards McDonald and Hendricks, these words appear: 

"I think Senator Joe Brown, of Georgia, and Voorhees 
originated the scheme." 

Granting this statement to be true (and it is likely Senator 
Brown previously inspects all the political statements of his 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 71 

organ), it will be well to note the relations that formerly ex- 
isted between these Senators, and to compare them with the 
relations existing at present. 

In the house of representatives, on the 23d day of March, 
1872, Daniel "W. Voorhees made a speech on the "Plunder of 
the Southern States by the Republican party." It will do no 
harm to quote him now, for he will be quoted from it often if 
he and Senator Brown have laid their heads together to foist 
the "Greystone imbecile" upon the Democratic party, at a 
time when it will need all the brains and the physical strength 
of the whole organization. 

If sly Joey B. can by any means reach the second place on 
the ticket, there will be policy in having a head to it that is 
likely to die off conveniently. Tilden's hands are said to be 
already palsied. 

But to return to our muttons, namely. Senator Voorhees and 
Senator Brown. In discussing the plunder of Georgia by 
Brown, Bullock & Co., he uses these eloquent and truthful 
words : 

"Georgia was the fairest and most fertile field that ever 
excited the hungry cupidity of the political pirate and the 
official plunderer. She was full of those mighty substances out 
of which the taxes of a laboring people are always wrung by 
the grasping hand of power. She was the most splendid quarry 
in all history for the vultures, the kites and the carrion crows 
that darken the air at the close of a terrible civil war, and 
whet their filthy beaks over the fallen ; and they speedily set- 
tle down on her in devouring flocks and droves. 

"AVhen the calamities of war broke upon the country in 
1861, Georgia was free from debt. If she had outstanding 
obligations they were for mere nominal amounts. Her people 
felt none of the burdens of taxation. 

' ' The expenses of her State government were almost wholly 
paid by the revenues of a railroad between Chattanooga and 
Atlanta, which was constructed and owned by the State. The 
burdens of- government were easy on her citizens. Taxes were 
trifles lights as air. 

"Now look at her today, under control of the Republican 
party. Her governor is an alien — a stranger spying out the 
possessions of a land that was at his mercy, and embracing 
every opportunity to seize them. He neither knew or cared 
for the people or their wants. I have been reliably informed 
that his advent into the State was as the agent of some express 
company. He went into the South on the wave that bore so 
many eager, inhuman, hungry sharks in quest of prey. 

"The mind recoils, filled with wonder and indignation, in 



72 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

contemplating this fearful and gigantic crime. All the seven 
vials of the Apocalypse have been opened on this great and 
beautiful but unhappy region. 

"The authors of this stupendous burden did the work in 
about three years. In 1868 (the year that Senator Brown voted 
for Grant and Colfax, and was supported for the United States 
Senate by the very worst elements of the Republican party, 
and the same year when he received the position of chief jus- 
tice from the hands of Governor Bullock), a year more fatal 
to the interests of the people of the State than the scourge of 
famine, pestilence or war, the most venal and abandoned body 
of men , ever known outside the boundaries of penal colonies, 
State prisons or Southern reconstruction was chosen as the 
legislature of Georgia. They were the leaders and representa- 
tives of the Republican party. 

"With such a governor as Bullock and such a legislature in 
full and perfect sympathy and harmony with each other, mor- 
ally and politically, a career of villainy at once opened on the 
soil of Georgia which will go down to posterity without a 
peer or rival in the evil and infamous administrations of the 
Vorld." 

After a full, free exposure of the extravagance of the State 
administration, Senator Voorhees gives the inside facts of 
Blodgett's management of the State road, closing thus: 

"But the work of spoliation did not stop with the close of 
Bullock's management. A law was obtained from the legis- 
lature of which I have spoken, authorizing the road to be 
leased in the interest of Bullock and his friends. (Bullock and 
his friends!! Aha!!) Under that law it has been leased for 
$25,000 a month, about half its real value. One of the lessees 
under this most valuable contract is a member of the present 
cabinet, and was so when the lease was made, and another 
is a distinguished Republican member of the Senate ! ' ' 

Will the readers of the "Telegraph and Messenger" give 
careful attention to the new political combination (as set forth 
in the "Constitution") — one part of which stigmatized the 
other with crimes the most infamous in 1872, and which now, 
in 1883, joins hands to resurrect the half-dead Tilden for the 
future success of a far-reaching political scheme? Will the 
Democratic party of Georgia give its allegiance to the plot and 
condone the past record of the plotters? With such leaders, 
can you hope for success? With such agents, banded together 
in a common cause, how can you expect anything but contempt 
and deserved defeat? . Plaindealer. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 73 

BULLOCK'S REGIME ACCORDING TO ATLANTA CON- 
STITUTION IN 1872. 
Republished for the Young Men of the State. 

Editors Telegraph: When historical events are being col- 
lated and arranged for the instruction and guidance of the 
people, it is well to keep all prominent facts in mind, that no 
injustice may be done to the dead, or injury to the living. Gov, 
Bullock had his many faults, but a great many people are of 
the opinion, he was more sinned against by his confederates, 
than sinning. The year 1872 was a notable era in Georgia 
politics. This was the year when Gov. Brown used money to 
corrupt newspapers and buy lobbyists to prevent an impartial 
understanding by the legislature of Gov. Bullock's methods 
in leasing the State road to the present lease company. This 
was the year, that Hon. John C. Nichols, E. F. Hoge, S. A, 
McNeil, W. H. Payne, and C. J. "Welborn, reported on Bul- 
lock's official mismanagement, as governor. Bullock's con- 
nection with the State road "was attended to by another com- 
mittee," to use the editorial language of the Atlanta Consti- 
tution on Wednesday, the 24th July, 1872. "But," says that 
sapient editor, "the committee satisfied itself that Bullock 
was in the frauds." (Alas,^:hat the Constitution could not say 
more !) 

In the resume of Gov. Bullock's sins, now before me, one is 
obliged to smile at such meager notice of the State road lease 
frauds when it is recollected that Governor Brown was paying 
to the Constitution lessee money to influence the legislature 
and public opinion about this very time. He kept no account 
of the amounts, he testified on oath, but he or H. I. Kimball 
always paid up whenever Manager Hemphill called for "more," 
like the horse leech's daughter. This was the notable year in 
which Gov. Brown says on oath Senator Hill placed $15,000 
in the Savings Bank in Atlanta to indemnify the president of 
that savings bank, who went on Foster Blodgett's bond, which 
action was approved by the lessees. (It will be remembered 
just here that Foster Blodgett was also a fugitive from justice. 
and accused of various crimes against the State). On Sep- 
tember 3, 1872, Governor Brown paid J. P. Simmons $1,000 
to obtain his "influence." Simmons gave two receipts. Au- 
gust 5, 1872, Herbert Fielder took $500 from W. C. Morrill, 
State road treasurer, to do the same work. On August 16, 
1872, Herbert Fielder took another $500, this time from Gov- 
ernor Brown. On 7th September Geo. N. Lester gave a receipt 
to Governor Jos. E. Brown for $1,000 for "services rendered 
the lease company." 



74 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

R. B. Knight took another $500 on August 22, 1872, for the 
same work. These things are recalled here merely to give a 
proper estimate to the Atlanta Constitution's review of Bul- 
lock, on July 24, 1872. It is a great pity that Governor Brown 
did not take some sort of a receipt from Mr. Hemphill, for 
we must certainly suppose that the attack on Governor Bul- 
lock's character, which we will presently review, occurred 
before the Constitution began to bank ad libitum on the money 
of both Gov. Brown and H. I. Kimball, Bullock's partner. We 
are compelled to believe that the following expose of Bullock 
induced those two worthies to unloose their purse strings to 
Manager Hemphill, and thus choke off a threatened review in 
their paper of both Brown and Kimball. Oh, for a receipt, 
merely to show the exact date ! 

But let us see for ourselves what the Constitution thought 
of Bullock, who was then a fugitive from justice, and so poor 
in friends that he had to hide out for several years 
afterwards. Blodgett's friends could put up $15,000 in 
bank to save his precious scalp, but poor Bullock, who 
had made the chief justices, solicitor-generals, judges 
and every other official in Georgia by the wholesale, had to 
scuttle off and helplessly read the following criticism in the 
Atlanta Constitution: "The complicity and partnership of 
Bullock and Kimball is clearly proven. E. S. Jones testified 
that Kimball admitted it and enjoined him to 'keep mum.' 
They kept their bank accounts together. As State's agent, 
Kimball borrowed $250,000 and owed $54,000 on the opera 
house. He paid $160,000, leaving $149,000 still due the State. 
Bullock permitted Kimball to borrow money on the State's 
credit and use it privately, and also paid out the State 's money 
interest on Kimball's private loans. Bullock overdrew his 
personal account in the Georgia National Bank, $88,057.98. 
He has a special account in the same bank made up of State 
items to $776,834. 

The balance of this account in said bank due him was $122,- 
953.59. 

Bullock permitted State's money to be used on Kimball's 
account. The purchase of the opera house is shown to have 
been corruptly aided by Bullock. A fraud was perpetrated at 
the start, in which Bullock participated. Bullock framed the 
papers himself. To cover the mortgage of $60,000 on the build- 
ing, Kimball deposited with the governor a certificate for $130,- 
000 of city bonds. The city was only due $100,000 of bonds, 
therefore the certificate was a false one. These bonds were 
apprcpriated by Kimball and Bullock to their private use. 
Bullock was charged with the care of these bonds, and cor- 
ruptly permitted them to pass out of his hands. Kimball was 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 75 

to return $54,500 advanced to him for fixing the opera house. 
Bullock issued all the bonds to him without requiring the re- 
turn of the money. The mortgage of $60,000 is unpaid, the 
bonds to cover the mortgage gone, and Kimball's $54,500 still 
unpaid, all of which is due to Bullock's official corruption and 
venality." 

Mitchell Property. 

"Bullock had an interest in the Mitchell property. Wher- 
ever Kimball figured, there was Bullock. The property 
brought at one time $215,000. The heirs got $50,000. A bid 
was registered offering $100,000; and Bullock sent a message 
to his legislature favoring $35,000. The committee report the 
measure carried through by the most shameless expedients." 

Public Printing. 

"Bullock contracted to the press for advertising and procla- 
mations $140,395, including forty-two papers. This is outside 
public printing and State road printing. Of this amount $28,- 
446 is still unpaid, $111,951 having been paid. The purchase 
of the Era the crowning outrage of this sort of thing. The 
committee report Bullock the real owner of the paper, and 
do not doubt that he bought it with the State's money. Bul- 
lock, the business manager, understood from Dr. Bard, the 
editor, that Bullock was the real owner — that Bullock directed 
the management, retained employes, raised salaries, etc. The 
paper was forced on the State road employes, who were dis- 
charged if they did not take it. The State road was bled to 
support the "Era." 

Borrowed Money. 

"Bullock and Kimball borrowed for the State and them- 
selves .$3,334,267. There is still due $702,054. The Fourth 
National Bank, New York, advanced $1,285,263 for coupons 
and expenses. The committee report against paying $35,000 
to Fulton Bank, of Brooklyn, on $50,000 currency bonds loaned 
to Kimball, against $75,000 to Russell Sage, loaned on $130,- 
000 by Sage to John Rice for Kimball. Bullock subsidized 
lawyers as well as the press. 

]Te paid lawyer's fees to the sum of $49,361. He paid his 
uncle, R. H. Brown, $7,000." 

Pardons. 

"Bullock pardoned broadcast. He pardoned 523 cases. 
Money could get pardons. Some of the governor's staff had 
a pardon brokerage. Pardoning before conviction was a fa- 
vorite practice. Pardon for political fealty was much on 
docket. Bullock sinned broad guage in this particular." 



76 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Penitentiary Stealage. 

"The management of the penitentiary under Bullock was 
a wholesale system of stealage. Keepers are proven to have 
stolen penitentiary property. Grant Alexander & Co. paid 
Hurlburt $5,000 to use his influence with Bullock to let them 
have convicts. The committee conclude that Bullock shared 
in the plunder. The committee looked very little into the State 
road and express no opinion." 

State Aid. 

"Bullock indorsed bonds for railroads and lied repeatedly 
to help the sale of illegally indorsed bonds. He would not 
have repeatedly violated the law, except for pay." 

"Reconstructor" Bullock. 

"The record of Bullock as a "reconstructor" was diaboli- 
cal. George P. Burnett is satisfied that Bullock paid Wash- 
ington expenses out of State road." 

Bullock's Extravagance. 

"He sent through express company $5,533,000 in bonds. 
He paid the express company $6,583 in freights. 

He paid the telegraph companies $2,297. 

He paid a half dozen papers $800 to publish his letter on 
State rights, addressed to Senator Scott. 

He paid John L. Conley $11,500 for unnecessary analysis to 
Constitution of Georgia. The cost of the analysis was $1,924. 
Ht paid Atlanta Intelligencer $2,000 to publish decision in 
the "White case, the publication unauthorized and an infringe- 
ment on vSupreme Court reporter's rights. He paid $32,900 
to minority members of legislature for time never served, and 
which was also paid to those who did serve the time." 

If Bullock failed to do any gubernatorial wrong it was be- 
cause he lacked the "chance." His chance was fine, while it 
lasted, but the Constitution's "chance" came later. Your 
correspondent has, perhaps, been tedious in setting before the 
young men of the State, this fearful indictment of Governor 
Bullock ; but these matters have so far faded from public rec- 
ollection, that the ex-governor was ready to deny everything 
herein charged, even in your columns, during this present 
year, 1887. He had only one trial — if trial it could be called 
— on a single indictment, and that sham affair developed the 
unhappy fact that the conviction of every defaulting Republi- 
can brought to light two rotten Democrats in his shadow, so 
closely connected were Bullock Republicans and Bullock 
Democrats in the days when the State of Georgia was un- 
sparingly bled by both. 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 77 

Young men should not be left in ignorance on these mat- 
ters. Money satisfied the State road lease in the year 1872; 
money bought lobbyists and corrupted newspapers; money 
"talked" in the year 1872 — money is 'talking" now, if signs 
and symptoms are to be relied upon. 

This expose of ex-Gov. Bullock was made when he was in 
exile — and it is remarkable that Bullock's partner, Kimball, 
and Bullock's chief justice, did not extend their sheltering 
wing to the fugitive, in his time of need. It smacks of in- 
gratitude, to say the least of it. Bullock leased the State 
road for $25,000 per month, when $35,000 was rejected. Brown 
and Kimball were active managers to hold this lease, hiring 
lobbyists and corrupting newspapers, at the very time the 
Constitution was so bitter on Bullock, Kimball's former part- 
ner. 

Nothing will cover the situation as a satisfactory explana- 
tion for this treason, except the fact that Bullock was then 
useless as help to both parties, and the lessees of the State 
road had no extra money to spare to Bullock's character, 
while the present need of "influence" was great — and news- 
paper managers were taking the liberty to bleed the lessees 
"whenever they wanted money." 

In the year 1872, "Lex" appeared in the Constitution regu- 
larly. The investigation of 1876, developed the fact that "Lex" 
was Col. Julius Brown, but 'who is "Lex" in the good year 
1887, who hits from the same elevation for the convi(!t 
lease? Governor Brown, when Manager Hemphill was on the 
witness stand, asked the following: "When I wanted the ex- 
clusive use of your columns for our side, didn't you tell me the 
other side was paying you 25 to 50 cents a line for their 
articles?" 

"Yes, sir." 

Didn't you publish a communication signed "Lex," written 
by Mr. Julius Brown, and didn't the opposition keep a stand- 
ing reply in your paper for three weeks?" 

"Yes, sir." 

By Mr. Walsh — "Did you, Mr. Hemphill, charge the lessees 
so much a line?" 

"No, sir." 

By Mr. Peeples — "Who did you make out accounts against?" 

Answer — "When I wanted monej'' I called upon them." 

By McDaniel, chairman — "Was it publicly known that the 
articles published in your paper were paid for in that way?" 

Answer — "I think so." 

Question — "How was it known. Did you make it public?" 

Answer — "No, sir. I keep my business to myself." 

Question — "How then do you suppose it became known?" 



78 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Answer — ''I suppose it must have been taken for granted 
from our publishing so many of them. In such cases, those 
who put the articles in do not want it known that they do it, 
for fear it might destroy their effect." 

Manager Hemphill is worse than Dugald Dalgetty. That 
brave ( ?) soldier hired out his sword for so much money it is 
true, but he cut away in broad daylight. Hemphill hires out 
his sword to anybody and hits in the dark where the victim 
is unsuspecting. 

Therefore, the young men of the State can read his columns 
understandingly. When he advocates a scheme he is supposed 
to be doing it for somebody who pays for it. When he fights 
a legislator he is likely drawing pay for it — in secret, and he 
consents to assassinate the State's interests — not to destroy 
the "effect." Remember his newspaper enmity to certain 
public men ! 

In the year 1872 Manager Hemphill swore he influenced the 
legislature and public opinion, "because he drew money from 
the lessees when he wanted it," and charged from twenty- 
five to fifty cents per line to those who answered these sub- 
sidized arguments. Cast your eye down one column of the 
Telegraph and see what it would make at two lines to the 
dollar, or four lines to the dollar! 

Remember, young men, what money will and can do under 
such a schedule of prices and principles, and if the State is 
unable to set up a reformatory prison, or protect her revenues 
from the State road, do not forget that a great big Columbian 
is mercilessly firing away at the taxpayers, but instead of 
the guuijers being actuated by principle, they are, perhaps, 
secretly drawing money as "they want it" from the lessees. 
If (jiovernor Bullock's flight had not obscured his financial 
judgment and confused his pecuniary sense, he might have 
saved himself the terrific onslaught that is copied above. The 
questions is : How much did it cost him to get back into their 
good graces, and did he pay by the line, or did he open his 
purse freely, when he came back to Georgia as their pet and 
club member? Georgia. 



The Pacific Lobby and its influence on 
Legislation 



For the very good reason that Dr. Felton, in his lifetime, had 
various controversies with certain public men in Georgia, on 
the stump and in the columns of newspapers, in which contro- 
versies the subject of the lobby money of the Pacific Railroads 
was frequently mentioned, and because it was mentioned by 
myself (in my defense of myself), when I was falsely accused 
in the winter of 1879 by interested people of begging for "Radi- 
cal money" to aid Dr. Felton 's campaigns for Congress; I 
deem it not only proper, but prudent to place certain facts 
relating to this lobby money in a place where it can always 
be referred to after I am dead, and especially when Dr. Fel- 
ton 's words may be used and distorted (as has been frequently 
done when he was alive and able to reply for himself) by per- 
sons who were then known to be "cheek by jowl" with lobby- 
ists in Washington City and around the State capitol in At- 
lanta, and who viciously antagonized him in print. 

I have no desire or disposition to offend those who survive 
the actors in those attacks upon my late husband or myself, 
but the facts should appear with sufficient explanation to make 
sure that detraction and slander may not pursue his name and 
memory without a proper record of the era when Jay Gould 
and Huntington used money without stint in "Washington 
City to defeat the taxpayers of this Union in their efforts to 
secure the repayment of vast sums of money advanced by 
the government to construct these Pacific Railroads. Besides 
it will be a small contribution to the history of the time when 
Georgia politics were dominated by parties who used the State 
road lease and the convict lease of Georgia to fill their own 
coffers and who also used their power in State politics to con- 
vey themselves into the highest offices in the nation outside 
the presidency itself. 

Dr. Felton was a target for every shaft of malice and 



80 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

venom that they or their henchmen could secretly shoot against 
him, and but for his acknowledged integrity and lofty cour- 
age, they would have destroyed his reputation, personal and 
political. For this reason and because my husband in his 
lifetime, urged me to do this present work for the printer's 
hands, I propose to give the main facts of this Pacific Rail- 
road lobby to the reading public, such as this opportunity 
affords me. 

It will be only a cursory glance at best for volumes would 
not contain what is known and freely charged against the 
demoniacal use of monopolistic syndicate money to debauch 
men and morals in both State and national legislation by this 
railroad company. 

"History is simply a correct report of past events," and 
the history of the influence of the Pacific lobby in Congress 
and the departments and the Supreme Court has been gathered 
from three great exposures, twice under the scorching glare 
of congressional investigations, testimony given under oath, 
by sworn officials of the United States government, and once 
by a most fortuitous circumstance when C. P. Huntington 
was forced into a law suit in San Francisco, Cal., and his own 
letters and private telegrams were exhibited in court and 
incorporated in the testimony of the pending case. It was im- 
possible that he should deny their authenticity for they bore 
every mark of genuine truthfulness and the record was com- 
plete when compared with congressional data as to the intro- 
duction of bills and those who voted for and against. 

The audacity of the lobby and the frankness of Mr. Hunting- 
ton were equally astounding to the people of the United States 
who read these disclosures as printed in San Francisco news- 
papers and which were copied into New York papers. I found 
my first information in the columns of the New York Sun, 
where they were copied. 

It speaks plainly for the absolute political subjection of 
the masses of Georgia that no Georgia newspaper gave a 
single mention of these corrupted officials until Dr. Felton 
and myself were attacked in Washington City, by a high of- 
ficial from Georgia and published as seeking "Radical money" 
to elect himself to Congress. Every prominent newspaper 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 81 

was censored, it appears, not a line of Huntington's use of 
money to debauch public men was printed and the drum and 
fife were frantically used to drown the outcry when the no- 
tice to suppress was given and when no denial was possible 
to those who were caught in Huntington's tell-tale letters and 
telegrams by name and their genuineness as facts were never 
denied anywhere. 

The Pacific Railroads were completed and opened in the 
year 1869, when the line from Omaha, Neb., to San Francisco 
begun active operations. Under the terms of their contract 
with the United States government when bonds to the amount 
of sixty-four millions of dollars were issued to aid in the con- 
struction of this line of railroad, they were to set aside 5 
per cent, of their gross earnings each year as a sinking fund 
to be used in paying these bonds when due thirty years from 
date together with their accrued interest. In addition to 
these bonds, which were actually a debt or obligation upon 
the taxpayers of the United States, public lands sufficient to 
make seven of the smaller States of the Union were also 
donated to these Pacific roads. From Omaha this railroad 
line was called Union Pacific (until the Rocky mountains 
were crossed) and Central Pacific on the California side. Jay 
Gould was acknowledged master in the East and C. P. Hunting- 
ton on the Pacific slope. 

Sometime in the year 1872 it was discovered that these 
railroads were paying out enormous dividends to stockholders 
and no sinking-fund-money had ever been set aside or paid. 
Suspicions were excited by the rapid fortunes accumulated 
by certain Congressmen and Senators who were very intimate 
with Congressman Oakes Ames, of Massachusetts, who was 
also the recognized leader of Pacific railroad legislation in 
Congress. 

An investigation was demanded and the infamous ''Credit 
Mobilier" combine was uncovered. It was developed that 
the government had only a second mortgage on these roads 
and the first mortgage had been given by the directors to the 
"Credit Mobilier" company, which was simply the directors 
themselves. They, on paper, contracted with themselves to 
pay the earnings of the road to themselves and the government 



82 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

with a second mortgage might eventually have its ''trouble 
for its pains" and the old road bed with rotten crossties and 
scrap iron for its assets with a debt of more than one hun 
dred and sixty millions to pay as a result of bribery in the 
capitol, and the voting away of the taxpayers' money bj 
unfaithful men. 

Oakes Ames was expelled with others and the black taint 
of suspicion was fastened on dozens of public men who were 
not so prominent, or were better shielded than the others. 

The story of the "Credit Mobilier" can be found in the 
official records of that period and in various public libraries, 
newspaper files, etc. It was a shameful affair and the first 
exposure of the Pacific lobby now under discussion in these 
pages occurred at that time, 1873. 

The next exposure came in the year 1883, when a law suit 
was instituted in San Francisco courts to compel C. P. Hunting- 
ton to settle with the widow of a former partner, D. D. Colton, 
Huntington having denied partnership before the law suit 
was begun by Widow Colton. 

It was necessary that she should establish the partnership 
and she did so by dumping into court a mass of telegrams and 
letters sent by Huntington, of New York and "Washington 
City, to "Friend Colton" in San Francisco in the progress 
of llie lobby legislation by which his measures were carried 
through Congress or by which he defeated other legislation 
looking towards the payment of the railroad's honest obliga- 
tions to the government. 

The exposure was as frightful as murder! "While it was 
understood that heroic measures were used to cover up and 
destroy many of these incriminating missives, quite enough of 
them were given to the public to make it convincing that 
neither Dr. Felton nor myself had erred in giving public notice 
that C. P. Huntington had an active supporter in the Senate of 
the United States from the State of Georgia whose name 
was bandied about in the public places of the capitol as 
Huntington's "man." 

In a letter to Colton, Huntington made free to claim the 
Senator and claim his bill introduced in January, 1877, as 
"my bill" and also declared that in fixing up the Railroad 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 83 

Senate Committee he had the Senator placed thereon in March, 
1877, and was indignant two weeks later that his man's name 
was taken off and Bogy, of Missouri, put on. 

This picturesque railroad magnate wired Colton that this 
bill ("his bill") could be passed through the Senate for 
$200,000. 

But it did not pass and Huntington wrote to Colton that 
the Senator was willing to chaperone a dozen or so of South- 
ern Congressmen over the road, which jamboree would cost 
the road at least $10,000, but it "would be money well spent." 

Later he wired his California partner that the Georgia 
Senator was quite willing for the trip, but the Southern men 
backed away, "were afraid to go." 

Just about the time that Huntington's bill was introduced 
by this Georgia Senator I got my first inkling as to Hunting- 
ton's men and methods in Congress. 

Hon. A. H. Stephens had rooms in the National Hotel, 
where we were also lodged for the winter. He was desperately 
ill before Christmas and his demise was announced at one 
time. He, however, was convalescing when one day I called 
at his room to inquire for his health. He said to me: "Please 
get the Congressional Records for January, 1877, and find if 
you can, a bill to relieve Pacific Railroads, introduced by a 
Georgia Senator. (Hon. B. H. Hill was then elected to the 
Senate, but was not sworn in until March 4, afterwards). 

The old "Commoner" was eager and excited and said he had 
been informed that day by a visitor, a Congressman, that Sen- 
ator Allen G. Thurman was saying: "that bill caused him to 
lose faith in some Southern Men." I hunted up the bill in- 
troduced January 12, 1877, and read it aloud to Mr. Stephens 
and the statements made by other Senators on the occasion of 
its consideration, all of which can be seen by any person who 
is disposed to overlook the proceedings of the 44th Congress 
last session, where the bill will ever stand as a mute witness 
for its purpose, as explained by Huntington himself to his 
partner, Colton. 

So far as I know, Mr. Stephens' opinion of the purpose of 
the bill, or its introducer, was never changed in life. 

Senator Thurman was interviewed in the Chicago News 



84 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

some years later and his interview was copied into the New 
York Sun, which lies before me at this writing. 

He said his bill (the Thurman bill that became a law in 
May, 1878), was the joint work of Senator Edmonds and him- 
self and made it obligatory on these railroads to set aside one- 
fourth of the net earnings to meet their obligations to the 
United States government. Up to that time the roads had 
evaded the law requiring them to establish a sinking fund. 
A desperate effort was made by these companies to defeat it. 
"Immediately," says ex-Senator Thurman, a frightful lobby 
sprang up. It was the most formidable lobby I ever saw in 
Washington — Gouid, Huntington and Dillon were all there 
together. As for railroad lawyers and agents the town was 
full of them. They carried things with such a high hand that 
it was hard to tell what to expect or in whom to place con- 
fidence." (Italics mine.) 

"At one time the lobby thought it had us down and I feared 
so, too, but we kept up the fight. Besides the efforts of Dorsey, 
of Star Route notoriety, and of Stanley Matthews, both of 
whom were then in the Senate, aided by the powerful influ- 
ence of the lobby and backed by the personal presence of the 
principal representatives of the two roads, Jay Gould, Dillon 
and Huntington — Mr. Blaine, after the debate had been run- 
ning a week, came forward and ranged himself on the side 
ol die railroad magnates and his associate Senators in opposi- 
tion, Dorsey and Matthews." * * * Shortly after, Mr. 
Blaine proposed an amendment, which Mr. Thurman is em- 
phatic in saying "was only introduced to kill our bill." 
"Rather, said I, at the time than that the government should 
surrender its right (and I say it now), we might better have 
thrown the money involved in the Atlantic ocean. We had a 
hard fight. Blaine, Matthews and Dorsey were the most pow- 
erful men against us. ' ' 

The Sun said further: "Mr. Thurman commanded the re- 
spect and confidence of all the best men in the Senate. His 
honesty and integrity were never called in question." He 
was nominated in 1888 by Democrats as vice-president. 

Ex-Senator Thurman, a few years before his death, was 
interviewed again, in which interview he stated that he was 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 85 

defeated for re-election to the Senate in Ohio by Huntington's 
money in revenge for his advocacy of the bill which forced 
these roads to set apart one-fourth of their earnings to meet 
their indebtedness when the bonds with accrued interest fell 
due. 

As I read today of the shameless bribery of Ohio and Illinois 
legislators in the campaign of 1910, I am quite convinced that 
ex-Senator Thurman spoke from experience and from the facts 
in the case. 

It has never been a question in my mind as to the employ- 
ment of Huntington's money in more than one Georgia politi- 
cal campaign. He not only provided the munitions of war, 
but he took care of his lame ducks — not knowing how or where 
he might find useful employment for them. Dr. Felton was 
reliably informed that Huntington's money was paying for 
published articles in a Georgia newspaper in the year 1878, 
and the charge was boldly made in the Cartersville Free Press, 
which I then owned, and no man came forward with the proof 
to offset the charge and the time may come when another 
congressional or legislative exposure will uncover the men and 
methods which compelled a whirligig in Georgia politics in the 
spring of 1880, when a seat in the Senate was exchanged be- 
tween dark and daylight and Columbus citizens held a mass 
meeting of indignation, and a procession filed through her 
streets "with drums draped in black," because the State had 
been "disgraced" and "brought to shame." 

After I learned from Mr. Stephens what was seriously dam- 
aging the respect and confidence hitherto felt for "some South- 
ern men," I could only judge from what I saw and heard as 
to the various fluctuations of fortune or the desperate exigen- 
cies of spendthrift extravagance to convince myself that 
Huntington and Jay Gould were sometimes spending money 
more freely in Washington than at other times, and I became 
satisfied in my own mind that Mr. Blaine used his diatribes 
against Southern men and lurid accusations urged against 
rebel treatment of Union soldiers to cover up completely (or 
so far as possible), that close bond of union in the United 
States Senate between them, some of whom Mr. Huntington 
might claim as "his men" and whose floods' of money made 



86 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

them "flock together like birds of a feather." 

At the very time when Huntington put forward his bill in 
January, 1877, which he believed he could pass through the 
Senate, the amnesty debate in the House of Representatives 
was doing two things. First, "firing the North" and also 
"firing the South" for political effect and reddening anew the 
"bloody shirt." Second, giving to Blaine, Matthews and 
Dorsey full and free acquaintance with other Huntington men 
in the Senate. 

Huntington cared for neither party except as he might use 
them and pay for their support, but the Union soldiers of the 
North and the Confederates in the South were infuriated well- 
nigh to madness. Poor old Georgia followed the drum and 
fife and Mr. Blaine laid plans for the presidency in 1880. Hav- 
ing been defeated by the "Mulligan Guards" in the year 
1876, he saw a "channel" in which he could be "useful" and 
he would not be a "dead-head" in Pacific Railroad legislation, 
either. 

Nor do I forget the fire and fury just over in South Carolina 
when a nimble trick was played which seated Mr. Hayes, a 
Republican, in the White House and which counted in Gen. 
Hampton as Democratic governor. This thimble-rigging has 
never been quite explained, but Mr. Huntington's "man" was 
active with Hon. Smith Weed and Nephew Pelton arranging 
for a coup de'etat in Baltimore, where Nephew Pelton was 
expected to bring in $70,000 or $80,000 to buy the electoral 
vote of South Carolina for Tilden. 

Failing to get the promised pay from Mr, Tilden in Decem- 
ber, 1876, the next movement early in January, 1877, was this 
railroad bill owned by Huntington and which he thought he 
"could pass for $200,000" and which was the bill I hunted up 
in the record and found as expected, and, as before stated, 
I read aloud to Hon. Mr. Stephens, who had been awakened 
by stunning news from Senator Thurman. 

Such a kaleidoscope pictures as then were passing and such 
clever disguises as then were used to deceive and befool the 
populace have never had an equal in the history of this coun- 
try! All the time these thrifty people were filling the com- 
mon people at home with hatred of "Radicals," and the bloody 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 87 

shirt was even more in evidence than the Stars and Stripes; 
the little politicians in Georgia and the 2x4 newspapers were 
hooting after ''Felton, the enemy of the Democratic party." 
Huntington had his forefinger on his "men" and they voted 
as his puppets in company with Messrs. Blaine, Matthews and 
Dorsey, all Radicals, in a well planned effort to rob the tax- 
payers of this union of more than a hundred millions of dollars ! 

In the correspondence, which I will copy in other places, 
discussing other subjects germane to the methods of the Pa- 
cific lobby much of which has been heretofore published al- 
ready in print and never controverted or overturned as to its 
authenticity and which can not be impeached because of 
Huntington's tell-tale correspondence — this chapter will now 
close with a short review of the third and up to this date, the 
latest exposure of the amounts expended by Gould, Dillon and 
Huntington to influence legislation. This exposure followed 
a report made by a sworn official of the United States govern- 
ment whose duty it was to go over the declared profits and 
expenditures of these Pacific roads by which the 25 per cent 
of the net earnings might be reckoned and laid aside to meet 
their obligations when the thirty-year bonds of the govern- 
ment fell due with accrued interest. He was Gen. Spinner's 
expert accountant for many years in the treasurer's office. 
His name was Theophilus French and his title, after his later 
appointment, was "Commissioner and auditor of accounts of 
Pacific Railroads." This exposure came in the year 1887. 

When the Pacific roads turned in their exhibits of earnings 
and expenses, he (Mr. French) was frequently faced with 
large sums presented as expenses, with no vouchers and no 
showing as to where the money went. His figures had to be 
cheeked off in another office and he plainly informed these 
men that he would be forced to go behind these figures, and 
they must make a showing as to the use made of the money or 
they would be disallowed as expenses. 

I copy from The New York World, February 5, 1887, an 
editorial : 

"The items of 'disallowed' expenditures of the Union 
Pacific company, as set forth by ex-Railroad Commissioner 
French in the World of yesterday, are of the same general 



88 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

character as those of the Central Pacific. They are less in 
amount, but bear similar testimony and equally require ex- 
planation. 

"The unexplained disbursements mentioned are $204,856.56. 
Mr. Huntington, who considered the $2,000,000 distribution 
too insignificant to be noticed, will probably be amused by any 
allusion to a still paltrier sum than that of the Central Pacific. 
The senate judiciary committee has voted unanimously that 
the management of the subsidized Pacific roads, which The 
World so recently exposed shall be investigated. It has recom- 
mended the appropriation of $100,000 for this purpose. It 
recommends an increase in the share of net earnings from 25 
per cent, required by the Thurman act, be increased to 40 
per cent. After such a report no oblivion-seeking funding bill 
will stand a chance in congress. This is the answer of the 
judiciary committee to the Tweed-like echo of Senator Stan- 
ford, saying 'it is no concern of the people what was done with 
that two millions.' The senate committee has done well." 

It will be now remembered that Leland Stanford, Hunting- 
ton's partner, was at this time a senator from California — 
lodged in the senate, managing the concern with his expenses 
paid by the tax-payers, as a bona fide legislator in the United 
States senate. 

He refused to tell what was done with two millions of 
money, but the senate committee were not his slaves at that 
time — although the department of justice failed to prosecute 
and sought to confuse the situation, for an evident purpose. 

At the time here mentioned (February, 1887) the Central 
Pacific represented a capitalization of more than $500,000,000 
— with 5,000 miles of railroad, steamship lines, ferry lines, 
street railroads, hotels, etc. 

The New York World said, in 1887: "It also exercised un- 
limited power in California — dominating courts of law, 
political conventions, elections and legislature after legislature, 
and while Stanford and his deputies controlled California, 
Huntington and his lobby force in Washington City not only 
controlled legislation, but legislators, courts, departments, and 
all else that stood in the wav of their schemes." 



My Memoiks of Georgia Politics . 89 

From 1869, through 1870, they spent, according to their 
own figures, $64,000 in "Washington City. 

In 1871 they disbursed over $77,000. During 1874, $53,000. 
In 1875, over $195,781. In 1876, $300,000. 

In 1877, when a senator of Georgia introduced Huntington's 
bill, they spent $279,573.44. (These are their figures, brought 
in as expenses, and which they refused to show vouchers for). 
In 1878, when the Thurman funding bill passed in May of 
that year, more than $300,000 was spent in Washington during 
the first six months. The Georgia senator went into the senate 
March 4, 1873. The date of his alliance with Huntington is 
not given, but he introduced Huntington's bill on January 12, 
1877 — the bill which Huntington said it would require $200,- 
000 to put through. It is my opinion that the alliance with 
Huntington never ceased so long as the senator remained in 
public life, and his election to the governorship in Georgia, 
and subsequent election to the senate, can be explained in 
no other way. He never answered a question or protected his 
character by denying Huntington's statements, . and from 
1879, when he attacked me, by name, as seeking and ''pite- 
ously pleading for Radical money," his open and positive 
connection with Huntington in Washington City was never 
denied so long as he remained in public life. This is history. 

My name was, without warrant, dragged, by one of Hunt- 
ington's "men," into Georgia newspapers to injure both my 
husband and myself, and I have always felt that I had a 
mission, authorized by every code of ethics or morals, to warn 
the unsuspecting and over-confiding people of my native state 
to beware of public men who could be bought and sold, in 
congress and legislatures, as "Praetorian guards sold their 
purple. ' * 

The last figures, concerning the amount of Huntington's 
money, used and disbursed in Washington City that 1 have seen, 
amounted to nearly six millions of dollars, and I well under- 
stand that Pacific railroads have appointed some of our well 
known government directors and applied tens of thousands of 
dollars towards presidential campaigns, and are credited with 
the appointment of members of interstate commerce commis- 
sion. 



90 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

How far-reaching this corruption has extended, no outsider 
can declare, but the abuse of position by subsidized congress- 
men and senators, reached such proportions in the year 1887, 
where they were engaged to defend Pacific railroads as "legal 
counsel" — that Senator Beck, of Kentucky, introduced a bill, 
called the railroad attorney bill, which passed the senate on 
February 4, 1887, and of which he remarked just before the 
bill was put on its passage: "Any senator or representative 
might appear as counsel in the great suits of railroad com- 
panies. They might sit in either house with $100,000 of the 
money of the Union Pacific, or the Central Pacific, or Northern 
Pacific in their pockets, and they might be regarded as dis- 
interested men, etc. Today there is a government controversy 
with these great railroad companies, involving over one hun- 
dred millions of dollars," etc. 

This railroad attorney bill passed the senate with 39 yeas 
and 14 nays — Leland Stanford's name appearing with the 
nays. 

The following is the text of the bill: 

That it shall be unlawful for any member of either house of 
congress to accept employment as attorney-at-law or payment 
of services of any kind in opposition to the United States in 
any case to which the United States may be a party or in whicli 
its interests may be concerned, or from any railroad company, 
if such member shall have reasonable cause to believe that 
measures specially affecting the interests of such company are 
pending before congress, or are about to be so pending during 
his term of office. Any person who violates the provisions of 
this act shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and may be punished 
by imprisonment not exceeding one year or by fine not ex- 
ceeding $500, or by both, in the discretion of the court. 

No vote was recorded from Georgia, and there were many 
absentees. This "legal counsel" business was the convenient 
cloak under which untold sums were really paid for votes, 
but which were duly reported as "legal counsel" fees. 
Doubtless this is one of the curses that follow our methods of 
carrying on civil government, and the evil is so cleverly dis- 
guised that it is next to impossible to root it out — even when 
such commercial politics have been spotted or exposed. 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 91 

I remember distinctly, when a legislative investigation un- 
covered the fact that a railroad commissioner in Georgia was 
given a bond of the Marietta and North Georgia Railroad for 
$1,000, for some sort of secret service rendered to this rail- 
road, and he being afraid to hold or own the bond because of 
the inhibitions laid on these railroad commissioners, returned 
it either to the president of the road or the attorney or the 
road, and was given $500, instead, in cash. If my memory is 
not at fault, this episode occurred in the year 1887, near the 
time when the honest members of the United States senate 
felt obliged to curb the lucrative business carried on by cer- 
tain congressmen and senators — who had Huntington's money 
in their pockets and which money was doubtless used to 
defeat better men for the responsible office at the next elec- 
tions. 

I am also aware that a noted lobbyist — then and later — 
prowled around Georgia's state capitol when the old lease of 
the W. & A. R. R. was on its last legs, seeking whom he might 
devour, and supposed to be kept there (when he did not per- 
form in "Washington City) to control legislation for the benefit 
of his employees — the L. & N. Railroad. No reader of Georgia 
history of that time will have forgotten his arrogant claim 
for "betterments," when the old State Road lease should 
expire, and his very presence was an insult to those patriotic 
members of the Georgia legislature who travailed with the 
same earnestness which possessed Senators Thurman and Ed- 
munds, to save the tax-payers of Georgia from untold and 
utter spoliation in their valuable railroad property. 

Dr. Felton was there on the ground and fully cognizant of 
the danger that lurked in the corridors (and lodging houses) 
of the State Capitol, and all the time, convinced in his own 
mind, that the Pacific Railroad lobby had been instrumental in 
shaping Georgia politics for a number of years, and that there 
was some strange and malign influence in the state which was 
able to prevent the publication of the exposures of this 
Pacific railroad lobby, where the general reader might see 
them and discover their perfidy, as other states had done. 

And it has never been a question in my mind but that 



92 ^Iy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Huntington's money was used in Georgia to defeat some can- 
didates for congress and to set "back fires" on those who 
could not be bought or would not sell their votes — but it was 
not until Major Stahlman testified before the investigating 
senate committee when the Southern Methodist Publishing 
House claim was under fire, a few years ago, and he made 
pertinent allusion to his friend, C, P. Huntington, as his quasi 
endorser, did I understand how easy it might be to influence 
a Georgia legislature in the fateful years between 1880 to 1890, 
when the politics of Georgia seemed as soft as a lump of putty 
in the hands of designing men, backed by floods of monej', 
that were of mysterious origin and indefinite ownership, for 
nothing was certain save its ubiquitous presence and its ab- 
solute authority in every election of general importance. 

The signs of the times are still ominous, for I was told a 
few months ago that lobby work had not ceased around the 
State capitol, and so long as railroads prefer to corrupt 
officials, rather than use square dealing, we 6iay watch for 
developments as well as the tracks that money will make — 
where sudden wealth is in indisputable evidence and only a 
small salary in sight. 

We need also a railroad attorney bill in Georgia — stringent 
enough to compel commercial politicians to follow the law, 
in lieu of politics, and vice versa. 

This chapter will not be complete without a transcript of 
some of C. P. Huntington's frank and suggestive letters, writ- 
ten to his "Friend Colton," and furnished by the "Widow Col- 
ton to her counsel, in San Francisco. Although they were 
printed in the leading papers of California and in New York 
City and such news is of a striking nature, such as to bo 
eagerly sought as sensational, the political newspapers of 
Georgia were not only as dumb as oysters, but ready to beat 
down anybody who was courageous enough to allude in print 
to these corruptionists. As matters of political history they 
should be read and understood by the young men of Georgia, 
into whose hands all legislation will be obliged to be given 
when the present participants must relinquish their hold, and 
their endeavors must fall unfinished from lifeless hands. 
Before I pass to the exposure made by Huntington of his 



My Memoiks of Georgia Politics 93 

methods I desire to say that the newspapers and politicians 
of Georgia did a cruel wrong to Hon. Amos T. Akerman, when 
he was attorney general in President Grant's cabinet. He was 
appointed to the position in 1870 and his ability to fill the 
place was never questioned by those who knew him. "When 
he went into the cabinet he got along well until the Pacific 
railroads became dissatisfied with a ruling he made in regard 
to a subsidy in public land, which the attorney general said 
their charter did not authorize. The Secretary of the In- 
terior sided with the railroads, and sought to override the 
decision. Then the conflict begun. I think the secretary's 
name was Delano, one of the men who got into the State Road 
lease in Georgia, and he understood the temper of our half 
frenzied people in Georgia against Republicanism — a frenzy 
that was fanned into a consuming flame by so-called Demo- 
cratic politicians who were busy all the time in cramming their 
pockets during Bullock's reign. 

It is awful to remember the persecution put upon Col. 
Akerman. It makes my blood boil to think of it even now. 
This honest man, this upright lawyer, was actually hounded 
out of General Grant's cabinet by men in "Washington Cit^'^, 
owned and used by these Pacific railroad authorities, and the 
run-mad politicians in Georgia actually danced in fiendish 
glee over the result. General Grant stood by his friend for 
some months, but at last he yielded and asked Col. Akerman 's 
resignation, but not until an interested person went to Col. 
Akerman 's wife and hinted that $50,000 would not stand in 
the way — and all opposition to Col. Akerman would be with- 
drawn, if the Pacific railroad land subsidy was allowed to 
stand. General Grant's letter to Col. Akerman I have seen. 
The president offered him a judgeship in Florida or Texas, or 
any diplomatic appointment then available. He bore testi- 
mony to his fine character and ability, but he must have 
"harmony in his cabinet," and certain men demanded his 
resignation. I have seen a copy of the reply made by Col. 
Akerman to this letter of the president. He had then six 
little children — he could not take that family to the malarial 
climate of Texas or Florida. He was no diplomat; his train- 



94 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

ing had been for the law. He could not accept something he 
did not feel amply qualified to fill, and he came back to Geor- 
gia — hounded out of Washington City by the pimps and paid 
agents of Huntington and Jay Gould — and hounded in Georgia 
by our political desperadoes — organized Democrats — until he 
could hardly represent his clients in the courts. He would not 
sell his integrity to the Pacific railroads — he was persona non 
grata to these bribe-givers, who owned more than one of the 
departments, and yet when he reached Georgia — this faithful 
man, this good Confederate soldier, was persecuted to the 
limit by our own people, who thus aided the lobby crowd in 
robbing us of an honest official. I get these facts from reliable 
hands, I know what I am talking about. I put them in 
print fifteen years ago, after this good man, this Christian 
gentleman had gone to his tomb and who died with the respect 
and confidence of all who enjoyed his acquaintance and 
friendship. Not all martyrs have been burned at the stake I 
When Col. Akerman died in our town and Dr. Felton wrote 
a beautiful tribute to his life and character while we were in 
Washington City and at a time when we hoped he would have 
been soon appointed to a district judgeship, Hon. Mr. Stephens 
said to me: "When Hon. Thomas W. Thomas, of Georgia, lay 
on his death-bed he told his wife that he wished to advise her 
as to the future. Said the dying man: 'If you need a lawyer, 
and you will need one, I tell you to employ Col. Akerman. I 
know him — he is absolutely honest. He will serve you well 
and he will treat you right.' " I went to my room, in tears, 
for the bereaved widow and her seven little fatherless boys, 
and I cried out: "How long! Lord, how long?" I under- 
stood what political desperadoes could do. I had also felt the 
sting of political hate ! 



Those Damning Letters 



HUNTINGTON, THE GREAT EXPLAINER, EXPLAINED 
AND SELF-CONVICTED. 



New York World. 

Mr. C. P. Huntington's evidence before the Pacific railroad 
commission proves one of two things, namely, he is either be- 
come insolently defiant of the taxpayers of the United States, 
from whom he borrowed many millions of their money on very 
doubtful security, or there is a Nemesis on his track, which 
will bring his methods into strict account, and "whom the 
gods destroy they first make mad." His flippancy and utter 
contempt for the people of this country, whose congressmen 
and senators are openly purchased, if C. P. Huntington's words 
stand for the facts, positively "fatigues the indignation." 

But, like some other shrewd men in business, he is reckless 
and impolitic on the witness stand, and for his benefit, as well 
as to refresh the commission's recollections, allow me to review 
some of his letters to "Friend Colton," thereby illustrating 
the manner in which his "explanation" money was used at the 
seat of government. 

"Friend Colton." 

Those of The World's readers who never heard of "Friend 
Colton" will understand that Mr. Huntington had a partner 
or business agent by that name in San Francisco. While Mr. 
Huntington supervised his "pure men" in the Capitol City — 
perhaps personally superintending the disbursement of the 
large sums which he says were used "to explain" railroad 
legislation in congress (or while he loitered in New York City, 
to be handy in an emergency, when Franchott and Sherrill 
were unable to teach the disciples to vote) — "Friend Colton" 
held the fort on the Pacific slope, and their correspondence 
was what might be called unique and entertaining. It was, at 
any rate, voluminous and far-reaching, and any other man 
would have hesitated before he risked its public exposure, but 
Central Pacific Huntington never heeded the sage's advice, 
"Beware, my son, of stationery. More men have been killed 
by old letters than ever died by the bullet." 

The Explainer Explained. 

"Friend Colton" was not to blame for the exposure. Cen- 



96 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

tral Pacific Huntington may set down their publication to his 
own account, or perhaps, to his innate contempt of the duty he 
owes to his fellow-man and to his creditors. After "Friend 
Colton" died, his widow asked for a settlement, which C. P. 
H. refused, going so far as to deny, it is understood, any 
business connections. Mrs. Colton, to her credit be it said, had 
the proof in her possession before she requested a settlement, 
and when the proof was brought into court Mr. Huntington, 
the "explainer," was himself "explained." Such wonders in 
letter-writing never had a parallel since the emigrants landed 
on Plymouth Rock, and C. P. H. may be so strongly intrenched 
behind his monopoly as to snap his fingers in the face of an 
outraged public, but he demonstrates to a certainty that his 
veracity vegetates in "slippery places." 

The Contract Made. 

New York, October 21, 1874. 

Friend Colton : Yours of the 10th is received, and I am 
happy to learn that the contract has been completed and that 
from this time you are to work with us, and I sincerely hope 
we shall have many pleasant and profitable years together. 
You will find it is no sinecure, the looking after the vast in- 
terests you have bought into, but that there is much to be done 
— so much that it will take nearly all your time to do it, that 
is to do it as you will want to do it, well. Gould and Dillon 
are back here. Was all our junction matter fixed up with them*/ 
They are slashing around here as usual, talking about the 
Pacific Steamship Company. * * * Yours trulv, 

C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

(When Jay Gould fixed his "breastworks" in the senate and 
put his bugler behind them, who played that old tune, the 
"Mulligan Guards," "Friend Colton" was ready enough to 
go "slashing around" in that direction himself.) 

Here's another: 

A Roundabout Method. 

New York, December 8, 1874. 
Friend Colton : Yours Nov. 27 is received, with inclosures. 
It certainly was a shabby thing in Vining to write such a let- 
ter. Towns wrote him and sent me a copy of the letter. I 
saw Dillon and he seemed to be much offended at V. for writ- 
ing it. I said nothing of the kind should ever happen again. 
I think I shall show your letters to Gould, but they are not our 
kind of people. It certainly is very important to San Fran- 
cisco that we build the S. P. into Arizona, and it would be well 
for you at once to write some letters for the influential men 
of San Francisco to sign, to send to all our members of con- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 97 

gress and senators to go for the bill as we want it, and if you 

do not think it right as it is fix it and send it back, but if you 
can get it as it is I would be satisfied. Storrs says it will make 
Scott very mad, and he thought it not wise. * * * My only 
fear is that then there would be the cry that the S. P. and 
the C. P. was all one, and would be a vast monopoly, etc., and 
that is what we must guard against, and that is one reason 
you should be in Washington. Yours truly, 

C. P. HUNTINGTON. 
Would language be able to express the intention here de- 
fined? What sort of "influential men" are they who "sign" 
such letters? What sort of senators and members of congress 
are they who receive such orders and obey them? When the 
following letter to Tom Scott is examined who would be simple 
enough to believe Mr. Huntington in any matter in which his 
railroads are connected, for we have seen that he intended to 
deceive congress and the people, who had been so lavish in 
their loans to the Central Pacific? "False in one, false in 
all," and who can affirm that he is not playing a part at this 
present time? 

"A Double Game." 

December 10, 1874. 
Hon. Thos. A. Scott, President Texas and Pacific Railroad 
Company, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Dear Sir: I have your letter of the 9th inst. and am some- 
what surprised. * * * My great interest is, of course, the 
Central Pacific, which will not be benefited by the construc- 
tion of the road, but the parties who control the Southern 
Pacific are very anxious to have the Southern line completed 
at an early day. * * * Yours truly, 

C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

"But Such Is Life." 

Washington, D. C, Dec. 20, 1874. 
Friend Colton: I am having the roughest fight with Scott 
I have ever had, but hope to drive him into something we can- 
accept. I should not have had much trouble if matters could 
have been left as we fixed them when you were here ; but 
since some of our people have become convinced that the S. P. 
is being built by the C. P., and they have raised the cry of 
monopoly against us, which makes it very hard for us ; but 
such is life. Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

Suggestions to the Commission. 

The Central Pacific, he tells Tom Scott, will not be benefited 
by the construction of the S. P. Now will Governor Pattison 



98 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

ask him this direct question: "Did you, Mr. Huntington, ex- 
pend the money of the Central Pacific railroad to build the 
Southern Pacific, when your vast indebtedness to the United 
States government made it an imperative duty to pay that 
money over to your creditors? Did you deliberately use the 
money of the Central Pacific to get it invested in a business 
which your creditor, the United States government, could not 
levy upon or secure to itself otherwise ? 

"If you wrote the whole truth to Scott and the full truth 
to Colton, what answer can you make to the taxpayers who 
pay millions of interest every year (that your vast earnings 
should be made to pay), and who will find themselves nil 
when this bonded debt is due and will be forced to pay this 
money to the money sharks who bought up these bonds at a 
low rate — who have reaped enormous profits every year on 
the investment, and who are supposed to have been bond- 
holders — construction companies and railroad beneficiaries of 
this public loan at every step during the entire thirty years 
which the bonds cover?" 

No Subject for Flippancy. 

These are subjects that are vital and to which no flippant 
reply should be received. The "explanations" which Mr. 
Huntington hired Franchott and Sherrill to make, using money 
to brighten the understanding of faithless congressmen and 
senators, is one thing, but an open, unwarranted, illegal and 
dishonest scheme, by which property under mortgage is con- 
veyed to another party, is a matter away beyond the un- 
righteous lobby schemes which have long disgraced the na- 
tional capital — for it touches on the boundary line over which 
an honest creditor would decline to go, and which, having 
been passed, makes a criminal of the perpetrator, whether ho 
be king, potentate or Collis P. Huntington. If the law is good 
for anything it will protect the labor of this country from such 
a violation of a declared agreement, for the money of a rail- 
road can be used as dishonestly as the money of any other 
swindler in the United States, and unless there is some pro- 
tection for the people who loaned this money, and who sweat 
and toil to pay the interest on what they themselves borrowed, 
to confer a benefit on Mr. Huntington, and which they will be 
forced to pay at the time of the expiration of loan, then no 
one need wonder when political reactions with most extreme 
tenets will prevail in the United States, and wreck and ruin 
shall stalk boldly in our money centres. 

Danger Ahead. 

When men carry on their high-handed schemes with insult- 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 99 

ing arrogance and brazen insolence one of two things is about 
to happen, viz., the country will be wrecked beyond hope of 
redemption or their race is nearly run as usurpers. 

Iniquity and corrupt wealth in high places has caused blood- 
shed and revolution in times past. When anarchy, communism 
and socialism capture the strongholds of ill-gotten gain, among 
those who will perish by the sword will be found those who 
robbed the country, and who, Tweed-like, taunted us with 
"What will you do about it?" No lover of his country will 
desire to see such a result, but precedents go to show that it 
is much easier to tear down than to build, and "woe to him by 
whom offenses come." 

But to return to our "moutons" of the Colton-Huntington 
breed. These are all excerpts from letters to "Friend Colton," 
signed by Huntington, the authenticity of which has not been 
denied and does not admit of denial. 

The Hungry Congressmen. 

November 20, 1874. 
Friend Colton : I think this coming session of congress will 
be composed of the hungriest set of men that ever got to- 
gether, and that the d — 1 only knows what they will do. 

"A Slippery Fellow. " 

October 10, 1875. 
I have given Gilbert C. Walker a letter to you. He is a mem- 
ber of the forty-fourth congress, ex-governor of Virginia and 
a slippery fellow, and, I rather think, in Scott's interest, but 
not sure. I gave him a pass over C. P. and got him one on 
N. P., so do the best you can for him, but do not trust him 
much. ' ' 

A Promising Investment. 

January 14, 1876. 
In view of the many things we have before congress, and 
also in the sinking fund we wish to establish, it is very im- 
portant that Carr's friends in Washington should be with us, 
and if that could be brought about by paying Carr, say $10,000 
to $20,000 a year, I think we could afford to do it, but, of 
course, not until he has controlled his friends. 

"Costs Money to Fix Things." 

January 18, 1877. 
It costs money to fix things so that I would know Scott's 
bill would not pass. I believe with $200,000 we can pass our 
bill. 



100 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

A Valuable Representative." 

May 7, 1877. 
Sargent is worth more to us than any six new men, and he 
should be returned. 

"Jones Can Do Us Much Good." 

November 24, 1877. 
When you write pay Jones no part of the $25,000, because 
there is an unsettled account of $6,000. I have paid him the 
$25,000, as he told me he needed it very much. I hold the 
$70,000 S. P. that he was to have in the trade — that is, he is 
to have the coupons for ten years, then the bonds. Jones can 
do us much good, and says he will. 

Money Used Freely by Gould 

December 17, 1877. 
Jay Gould went to Washington about two weeks ago and saw 
Mitchell, Sr., from Oregon, since which time money has been 
used freely in Washington. * * * Gould has large amounts 
of cash, and he uses it without stint to carry his points. 

Switching A Committee. 

March 4, 1877. 
The railroad committee of the house was set up for Scott, 
and it has been a difficult matter to switch it away from him, 
but I think it has been done. 

A Move by Scott, 

March 14, 1877. 
After the senate railroad committee was made up Scott went 
to Washington in a special train and had one of our men put 
off and one of his put on. G — , of Georgia, was put off and 
Bogy, of Missouri, put on. 

Ready-Made Letters. 

November 20, 1877. 
When you find parties that are personally known to mem- 
bers of each house, get them to write letters or sign such as 
are written for them. We can be helped much in this way. 
Do all you can ; I am having a rough fight. 

An Obliging Statesman. 

October 29, 1877. 
I saw Axtell, governor of New Mexico, and he said he 
thought if we would send him such a bill as we wanted to have 
passed into a law he could have it passed with little or no 
money. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 101 

Land Matters "Fixed." 

October 29, 1877. 
I think our land matters in Washington have been fixed. 

Scott's Big Fight. 

September 23, 1875. 
Scott is expecting to make his biggest fight this winter, and 
as he owes nearly everybody he will have many to help him, 
as they will think by doing so they will be helping themselves. 

Distributing Passes. 

March 3, 1875. 
The passes have gone on as fast as they have come from 
Dillon. I have just sent over for the last lot. 

A Dangerous "Cuss." 

New York, November 20, 1874. 

Friend Colton : I am glad to learn that you have under 

your charge, but you must be careful and not let him have 
anything to strike back with, as he is a cuss, and I do not 
think it safe for Stanford to talk with him on our matters, as 
it would be just like him to get up in congress and lie about 
what I said to him. He must have solid reasons, or he will go 
back on you. Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

Unparalleled Corruption. 

Can the world produce such another system of corruption? 
Passes, influence in elections, money downright, Franchott and 
Sherrill empowered to hand over with only a wink for a 
voucher, letters signed and newspapers controlled by the gross- 
est methods, and the whole business of the United States — 
legislative, executive and judicial — beleaguered by Mr. Hunt- 
ington's paid agents — all their schemes being pushed to the end 
by the "infernal force of gold!" Supreme court judges pur- 
chased by a handsome subscription to a campaign fund, and 
candidates for president pushed on the people after they had 
served as Jay Gould's hired soldiers — behind his senatorial 
breastwork — government commissioners, taking $25,000 from 
the Pacific railroads to pass over a bridge that was not suitable 
for acceptance by the government, and in all the history of the 
world there never was a more tangled maze of deceit,corruption 
and swindling ever chronicled ! How many poor, weak mortals 
were controlled by a "pass" it will be impossible to tell, but 
the fruits of lobby money blossomed in all sorts of soil in 
Washington official circles. A man who could be bought was 
a fine fellow, and newspapers are hired to say so. A poor 
creature who retained some semblance of a free agent, ameu- 



102 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

able only to his constituents, was hounded down, at home and 
abroad. Huntington's ''influential" men, who signed letters 
at his bidding, can always be relied on to defame when he 
issues an order, and a mighty smoke has often been raised to 
retire an honest legislator and to plant a vote where it could 
be used and handled. The United States senate has for a term 
of years held in its number more or less of these willing sena- 
tors, and so bold have the Pacific roads become that the Cen- 
tral Pacific has actually transplanted its president to where he 
votes for his own interest and talks for his railroad ad libitum. 



THE HUNTINGTON LETTERS. 



The Huntington letters, copied from the New York Sun 
newspaper, have elicited much comment and criticism. 

In a letter dated December 12, 1875, Huntington says : 

"Sargent, as you no doubt have seen, has gone off the rail- 
road committee, but there is a good man in his place, 'that is 
friendly to the Central Pacific' — Eaton, of Connecticut." 

The Congressional Record shows this to be true. Sargent 
was put on in March of that year, and Eaton was put on in 
December; and in place of Sargent. 

In a letter dated December 24, 1875, Mr. Huntington writes : 

"I am doing all I can to have the government take 6,000,000 
acres of land, and give the railroad credit for $15,000,000. I 
wish you would have the newspapers take the ground that this 
land ought to be taken by the government and held by the 
people. The demagogues can then work and vote for it." 

Now, if you will go to the Record bearing date of December 
13, 1875, you will find Mr. Sargent introducing a bill to that 
effect, which was referred to the committee on judiciary. 
Score another for Huntington. 

In another letter dated January 14, 1876, he says: 

"In view of the many things we have now before congress 
and also in the sinking fund which we wish to establish, it is 
important that Carr's friends in Washington should be with 
us, and if that can be brought about by paying Carr, say 
$10,000 to $20,000 a year, I think we could afford to do it ; but, 
of course, not until he has controlled his friends." Who was 
Carr? 

Now, a sinking fund bill was introduced by Senator John B. 
Gordon in the 44th congress; but whether Carr, or Carr's 
friends, were engaged in it, the Record does not say. 

A letter dated January 17, 1877, he proceeds: 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 103 

"It costs money to fix things so that I would know that 
Scott's bill would not pass. I believe with $200,000 I can pass 
our bill." 

The sinking fund bill of Senator Gordon was introduced on 
January 12, 1877, and five days afterwards Mr. Huntington 
thinks he could pass it with two hundred thousand dollars. 
It did not pass, but died on the expiration of the 44th con- 
gress, so we presume two hundred thousand dollars were in- 
sufficient, and Huntington gives his opinion in a letter dated 
March 7, 1877 : 

"The sinking fund bill did not pass, but it is in much better 
shape to pass than it has ever been before. I stayed in Wash- 
ington two days to fix up the railroad committee of the 
senate. ' ' 

Huntington spent two days fixing up the committee. In that 
time he fixed it so that he secured every vote in it, except 
Lamar, of Mississippi. He tells a little more of his experience 
in the letter dated March 14, 1877 : 

"Scott went to Washington and got one of our men put off, 
and one of his men put on, but that did not give him the com- 
mittee. Gordon, of Georgia, was taken off, and Bogy, of 
Missouri, was put on." 

Huntington and Scott fighting for the prize, and Scott 
thought he had undermined his opponent by getting off the 
sinking-fund statesman from Georgia. 

In a letter dated December 17, 1877, he says : 

"Jay Gould went to Washington about two weeks ago, and 
I know, saw Mitchell, senator from Oregon, since which time 
money has been used very freely in Washington." 

How painful a state of facts is here disclosed! "Money 
spent freely," through a senator of a sovereign state! Look 
at the debates in that congress, and see how Mitchell worked 
for "the money." Ingalls, Mitchell, Sargent, Blaine, Eaton! 

Under date of August 7, 1876, C. P. Huntington wrote to 
"Friend Colton" that he was "making friends in the south," 
adding that, "I have telegraphed to you today to have you get 
some of the prominent men in San Francisco to telegraph to 
Gordon, senator from Georgia, with some other southern men, 
to go." Go where? Why, over to California, on a jamboree 
with Huntington. But, writes Huntington to "Friend Col- 
ton," "while Gordon and some others are not afraid to go, 
Gordon tells me that some of his friends do not like to go on 
an invitation from the railroad company." 

On the sixth of November he wrote another letter, strongly 
urging Colton to secure the desired services of the mysterious 
blank. This is his language : 



104 My IMemoirs of Georgia Politics 

"But some political friend must see him and not a railroad 
man, for if any of our men went to see him he would be sure to 
lie about it and say that money was offered him ; but some 
friend must see him and give him solid reasons why he should 
help his friends. 

"If Scott kicks at it I propose to say to congress, 'We will 
build east of the Colorado, to meet the Texas Pacific, without 
aid,' and then see how many members will dare to give him 
aid to do what we offered to do without." 

In the same letter he says, concerning the necessity for de- 
ceiving the people : 

' ' My only fear then would be the cry that the Central Pacific 
and the Southern Pacific was all one, and would be a vast 
monopoly, etc., and that is what we must guard against." 

And in another letter on the same subject : 

"I think the Texac Pacific or some of their friends will be 
likely to take the ground that the Southern Pacific is con- 
trolled by the same parties that control the Central, and that 
there must be two separate corporations that run roads into 
San Francisco, and that it will be very hard for us to make 
head against that argument, and I am disposed to think that 
Colton had better come over and spend a few weeks in Wash- 
ington at least." 

That Huntington was not a party man, and that he could be 
uncomplimentary is proven by the following remarks about 
Congressman Luttrell : 

"I notice what you say of Luttrell. He is a wild hog. Don't 
let him come back to Washington ; but as the house is to be 
largely Democratic, and if he was to be defeated, likely it 
would be charged to us, and hence I should think it well to 
beat him with a Democrat, but I would beat him anyway, and 
if he got the nomination, put up another Democrat and run 
against him, and in that way elect Republicans." 

Another complimentary allusion to a blank congressman is 
the following: 

"New York, Nov. 20, 1877.— Friend Colton: I am glad to 

learn that you have under your charge, but you must be 

careful and not let him get anything to strike back with, as he 
is a cuss, and I do not think it safe for Stanford to talk with 
him on our matters, as it would be just like him to get up in 
congress and lie about what I said to him. He must have solid 
reasons, or he will go back on you. Yours truly, 

"C. P. HUNTINGTON." 

He thus coolly proposes to ruin the Pacific Mail Steamship 
Company : 

"I am surprised to learn that any one should think that it 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 105 

was for our interest to put on the China line seven steamers to 
start with. I think three is plenty, and we shall, no doubt, have 
such opposition on the start that we shall have to run them 
at a loss. But with these three we can make the price for the 
old line, and I think three is enough to break them with, unless 
the managers of that company are changed, and then we most 
likely can get their steamers." 

He pays his compliments to the newspaper press of the 
country in this manner : 

"If you could get some well written articles published in the 
San Fancisco papers showing up the great value of the country 
traversed by the Southern Pacific and the vast business that 
road must do to take into market the product of the country, 
in fact, such articles as would tend to induce people to buy 
Southern Pacific bonds and lands, I should get the articles re- 
published in the newspapers on this side to as great an extent 
as I could, which is a very effective and very cheap way of 
advertising." 

A fine distinction between honor and pocket is thus pleasantly 
drawn in a letter written February 8, 1875, by Crocker to 
Huntington, who was then in Washington : 

"The telegraph informs me that the house sub-committee 
will report favorably on Scott's bill and ignore our amend- 
ment. Well, stand up to the work, as you did in the early days 
when you defended the jail at Siskiyou. Your honor was in 
danger then; your pocket now." 

Of Senator Jones' railroad scheme, Huntington wrote to 
Colton : 

"Gould asked me what I thought of Senator Jones and his 
railroad scheme, etc. Of course, I spoke well of our friend 
Jones, called him a good fellow, and that I did not know just 
what he was going to do ; but that he was too smart to build 
a railroad from Independence, a point say 400 miles from San 
Francisco, 200 miles to such a point on the ocean where there 
is no harbor, and 500 miles from San Francisco, and showed 
Gould the map, so he could see I was right. When he com- 
menced to talk of Jones' matters he said he knew but little 
of them, etc. ; but in talking with him I found he knew the 
names of all the places, and he had been told of the vast amount 
of the precious metals in the different localities, etc. ; but he 
did not understand how the localities were situated to San 
Francisco ; but I posted him, and I about came to the con- 
clusion that he was not likely to invest money in Jones' road. 
But doubtful things are uncertain." 

Another letter concerning Senator Jones' scheme: 

"Sutton, the California shipper, via Cape Horn, was in yes- 



106 My MEirfoiRS OF Georgia Politics 

terday, and showed me a letter he had just received from Phila- 
delphia, asking his best rates of freight on thirty tons fish 
plates and nuts and bolts as these are, as I understand, for 
Jones' narrow gauge road, there should be enough to lay say 
sixty miles of track. Every time that I look upon the map to 
see Jones' road, I leave it with the satisfaction that we can 
afford to let him build this road. ' ' 

Huntington's estimate of Gould, as well as his desire to 
gobble the Union Pacific, are noted in the following letter to 
Colton : 

"I think I will talk with Gould in relation to coal, as you 
suggest, but I am not certain that I shall, for if we should ever 
get control of the Union Pacific, I want to be as little mixed up 
with Gould as possible, as he is so much of a speculator that it 
is very difficult to tell just where his interest is, or whether he 
is working to put stock up or down." 

Of the price of the Arizona legislature, Huntington's views 
changed with time. On September 27, 1875, he wrote : 

"Cannot you have Safford (then governor) call the legisla- 
ture together and grant such charters as we want at a cost of 
say $25,000?" 

He then thought $25,000 would buy it, but two months later 
he thought he could get it for $5,000. On October 29, 1875, 
he wrote : 

"1 am inclined to believe that if you could get the right man 
on that line in Arizona to work with the few papers they have 
there to agitate the question in the territory, asking that some 
arrangement be made with the Southern Pacific, at the same 
time offer the Southern Pacific a charter in the territory that 
would free the road from taxation, and one that would not 
allow of any interference with rates until 10 per cent, interest 
was declared on the common stock, I believe the legislature 
could be called together by the people for $5,000 and such a 
charter granted." 

Huntington feared while he ministered to congressional ap- 
petites, and in November, 1874, he wrote to Colton, concerning 
the Texas Pacific subsidy : 

"Scott is prepared to pay, or promises to pay, a large amount 
of money to pass his bill, but I do not think he can pass it, 
although I think this coming session of congress wall be com- 
posed of the hungriest set of men that ever got together, and 
that the devil only knows what they will do." 

He would pay good prices if compelled to do so, but pre- 
ferred to buy cheap, for he wrote another letter the same day, 
saying : 

"It would not do to have it known that we have any in- 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 107 

terest in it, for the reason that it would cost us much more 
money to get such a bill through if it was known that it was 
for us. And then Scott would fight it if he thought we had 
anything to do with it." 

It appears from the following letter, written by the same to 
the same in January, 1876, that Huntington and Scott both 
had "arrangements" for "switching" statesmen; also that 
Huntington didn't like Piper: 

"Scott is working mostly among the commercial men. He 
switched Senator Spencer, of Alabama, and Walker, of Ver- 
mont, this week, but you know that they can be switched back 
with the proper arrangements when they are wanted. All the 
members in the house from California are doing first rate ex- 
cept Piper, and he is a damned hog any way you can fix him. 
I wish you would write to Luttrell, saying that I say he is 
doing first rate and is very able, etc., and send me copy." 

Huntington also believed in "convincing" people, and he 
wrote to Colton: 

"I would like to know what is being done with the Cali- 
fornia Pacific extension bonds. Has any of our people en- 
deavored to do anything with Low and Frisbie? They are 
both men that can be convinced." 

"May 7, 1877. — I notice what you say of Conover, of Florida. 
He is a clever fellow, but don 't go any money on him. I think, 
if any Republican is elected in Sargent's place, he (Sargent) 
is worth to us, if he comes back as our friend, as much as six 
new men, and he should be returned." 

"May 15, 1877. — Am glad you are paying attention to Gen- 
eral Taylor and Mr. Kasson. Taylor can do us much good in 
the South. I think he would like to get a position, with us in 
California. Mr. Kasson has always been our friend in con- 
gress, and as he is a very able man he has been able to do us 
much good, and he never lost us one dollar. I have written to 
you before about Senator Conover. He may want to borrow 
some money, and I don't see how we can let him have any in 
California. I have just given Senator Ingalls, of Kansas, a 
letter to you. He is a good fellow, and can do us much good. 
I think "lie is well disposed toward us. Senator Martin is 
coming over, also his brother-in-law, Burbank. Both are good 
fellows, but B. means business." 

"June 14, 1878. — Fremont has been appointed governor of 
Arizona. I shall give him passes. I think it is important that 
you see him on his arrival, and see that he does not fall into 
the hands of bad men. He is very friendly to us now. " Scott 
tried hard to defeat his being confirmed." 



108 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

TAKEN FROM NEW YORK WORLD, SATURDAY, JAN- 
UARY 15, 1887. 

The Huntington Letters to Colton. 

The following letters, taken at random from the Hunting- 
ton correspondence, published in the San Francisco Chronicle 
the latter part of 1883, may explain some of Mr. Huntington's 
disbursements. When one reads how he spent a week in Wash- 
ington "fixing senate committees" and fighting adverse legis- 
lation, every one will understand that sort of thing costs 
money. 

Solid Reasons Needed. 

New York, November 29, 1874. 
Friend Colton: Yours of the 12th received. I am glad to 
learn that you have Luttrell in your charge, but you must be 
careful and not let him get anything to strike back with, as he 
is a cuss, and I do not think it safe for Stanford to talk with 
him about our matters, as it would be just like him to get up in 
congress and lie about what Stanford said to him. He must 
have solid reasons or he will go back on you. 

Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

Infernal Newspapers. 

October 26, 1875. 
Friend Colton : I notice by the Alta of the 18th that some 
correspondent of a San Diego paper has been interviewing Mr. 
Crocker. It is very difficult for any one to be interviewed by 
an infernal newspaper without getting hurt, and Mr. Crocker 
is not the most unlikely to get hurt of all the men I know. 
* * * * Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

Another Hog. 

In a letter dated New York, January 29, 1876, he says, in 
speaking of the California members: "All the members of the 
house from California are doing first rate except Piper, and he 
is a damned hog any way you can fix him." His opinion of 
Mr. Luttrell seems to have improved, for he says: "I wish you 
would write a letter to Luttrell, saying that I say he is doing 
first rate and is very able, and send me a copy." 

C. P. Prospering. 

New York, November 11, 1876. 
Friend Colton: Yours of the 2d inst.. No. 2, is received. 
I am glad to learn that you will send to this office $2,000,000 
by the 1st of January. About $2,000,000 on the old C. P. on 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 109 

October is good. I hope Luttrell is elected and Piper defeated, 
as it was generally understood here that our hand was under 
one and over the other. Yours truly, 

C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

The Funding Bill of 1877. 

New York, March 7, 1877. 
Friend Colton ; * * * The P. M. SS. Company got no aid. 
I will tell you some things about that some time. The sinking 
fund bill did not pass, but it is in a much better shape to pass 
than it has ever been before. I stayed in Washington two days 
to fix up railroad committee of the senate. Scott was there 
working for the same thing, but I beat him for once certain, 
as the committee is just as we want it, which is a very im- 
portant thing to me. * * * Yours truly, 

C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

$25,000 for the California Legislature. 

In a letter dated New York, September 27, 1875, he asks if 
Governor Safford will not call the legislature together for a 
certain charter which he needed. He thought that could be 
done for about $25,000, and directed that it be done if it could 
be done for that money. 

Firing Committees. 

New York, March 14, 1877. 
Friend Colton ; * * * After the senate railroad committee 
was made up Scott went to Washington in special train and 
got one of our men put off and his put on, but that did not 
give him the committee. Gordon, of Georgia, was taken off, 
and Bogy, of Missouri, was put on. Scott could not have 
troubled us with the S. P. if the S. P. had been left by itself, 
as we had it, but putting it with the C. P., as has been done, 
makes it an ugly bight, and it will continue to grow more so 
until the S. P. is built a long way east of where it is now. 
Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

Not Happy. 

New York, December 5, 1877. 
Friend Colton: I have just received telegram from Wash- 
ington that Matthews and Windom have been put on the senate 
railroad committee in place of Howe and Ferry. This looks as 
though the Texas Pacific had control of the senate as far aa 
appointing commissioners is concerned. I am not happy to- 
day. Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 



110 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

Jay Gould and C. P. H. at Odds. 

New York, December 17, 1877. 
Friend Colton: * * * Jay Gould went to Washington 
about two weeks since, and I know, saw Mitchell, senator from 
Oregon; since which time money has been used very freely in 
Washington, as some parties have been very hard at work 
for the T. & P. N. P. with the Salt Lake Branch, that never 
work except for ready cash, and Senator Mitchell is not for 
us as it was, although he says he is. But I know he is not. 
Gould has large amounts of cash and he pays it without stint 
to carry his points. * * * There are many things I would 
like to say to you, but I will say the outlook is not good. 
Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

The Good Jones Can Do. 

New York, November 24, 1877. 
Friend Colton ; * * * When you write pay Jones no part 
of the $25,000, because there is an unsettled account of say 
$6,000. I think you forget his position. I have paid him the 
$25,000, as he told me he needed it very much. I hold the 
$70,000 S. P. that he was to have in the trade ; that is, he is 
to have the coupons for ten years, then the bonds. Jones can 
do us much good and says he will. * * * Yours truly, 

C. P. HUNTINGTON. 
(Two Senator Jones. One from Florida; the other from 
Nevada.) 

A Blue Look. 

New York, November 22, 1877. 
Friend Colton . * * * Matters never looked worse in 
Washington than they do at this time. It seems as though all 
the strikers in the world were there. I send with this a copy 
of one of their letters I received yesterday, all of the same 
tenor. The one I send is from ex-Senator Pomeroy. 

Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

Pomeroy 's Bid. 

(Personal — Copy.) 

Washington, November 20, 1877. 
Mr. Huntington. — Dear Sir: I have noticed the movement 
of the committee on the judiciary and send the published pro- 
ceedings relating thereto. Of course my advice is gratuitous, 
and if it is worth nothing will cost you nothing, but I am not 
sure as you will get anything from the committee that you can 
accept. Indeed, I am sure you cannot accept anything they 
report, but can you beat it? To that question I address my- 
self. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics, 111 

First — I say, not by proposing to that same committee the 
bill of last session. They are set in another direction. 

Second — Not by having no counter measure. How then can 
you hope to defeat them ? I reply : First, by at once putting 
before the committee on the Pacific Railroad such a bill as you 
can accept and by pressing a report from that committee. If 
you rely upon moving it as an amendment or substitute you 
will fail, as it then has the sanction of no committee of this 
congress and cannot be pushed successfully. Second, let Mr. 
Mitchell, of the Pacific Railroad committee, call his committee, 
thoroughly discuss and report such a bill as you can accept. 
Then antagonize the report of the judiciary committee with a 
report from the Pacific Railroad committee and our friends can 
sustain the report of the one committee against the other. The 
Thurman bill will pass if no determined and concerted effort is 
made to defeat it. I live close by and see often two members of 
the judiciary committee, and they have another measure to fol- 
low their bill if they pass it. The new measure is : Put, by 
law, your roads into the hands of a receiver until and while 
the requirements of the law are being fulfilled, so if you take 
the case growing out of this new law to the supreme court, in 
the meantime your roads and funds are controlled by a re- 
ceiver. I only allude to this as a plan I have heard spoken of. 
These suggestions are entirely gratuitous, but, as you know, 
I am, yours truly, S. C. POMEROY. 

Friends in Congress. 

New York, May 15, 1877. 

Friend Colton : I am glad you are paying some attention to 
General Taylor and Mr. Kasson. Taylor can do us much good 
in the South. I think, by the way, he would like to get some 
position with us in California. Mr. Kasson has always been 
our friend in congress, and as he is a very able man, has been 
atle to do us much good and he has never lost us one dollar. 
I think I have written you before about Senator Conover. He 
may want to borrow some money, but we are so short this sum- 
mer I do not see how we can let him have any in California. 
I have just given Senator Ingalls, of Kansas, a letter to you. 
He is a good fellow and can do us much good, and I think is 
well disposed towards us. 

Senator Morton is coming over, also his brother-in-law, Bur- 
bank. They are good fellows, but B. means business; not 
there, but in W. * * * Yours truly, 

C. P. HUNTINGTON. 



112 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

New Mexican Expenses. 

New York, October 29, 1877. 

Friend Colton : I saw Axtell, governor of New Mexico, and 
he said if we would send him such a bill as we wanted passed 
into a law, he could get it passed for very little or no money ; 
when if we sent a man there they would stick him for large 
amounts. He thought, and so do I, that a general law is what 
we want, giving any company the right to build railroads; 
they do not interfere with the rate of fares and freights until 
the earnings made 10 per cent, on the cost, and not to be 
taxed, say, for six years. He said if you would make such a 
bill and send it to him or a Mr. Waldron, it would be passed. 
I think this should be attended to. 

I think our land matters at Washington have been fixed. 
Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

Sherriirs Anxiety. 

New York, October 30, 1877. 
Friend Colton : * * * The committees are made up for ths 
forty-fifth congress. I think the railroad committee is right, 
but the committee on territories I do not like. A different one 
was promised me. Sherrill has just telegraphed me to come to 
Washington tonight. I shall not go, as I am not well, and to 
always go at Sherrill's call would kill me or any one else in 
one session of congress. I think there never were so many 
strikers in Washington before, and I think there will be more 
bills of an unfriendly character offered than ever before. 
* * * Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

Temper of Congress Not Good. 

New York, November 9, 1877. 
Friend Colton: I do not think we can get any legislation 
this session for extension of land grants or for changing line 
of road unless we pay more for it than it is worth. Scott seems 
to be very confident that he can pass his T. & P. bill. I do not 
believe he can. Some parties are making a great effort to 
pass a bill through congress that will compel the U. P. and C. 
P. to pay large sums into a sinking fund, and I have some fear 
that such a bill may pass. Jim Keene and others of Jay 
Gould's enemies are in it, and will pay money to pass. We 
have a hearing tomorrow before the judiciary committee. The 
temper of congress is not good, and I fear we may be hurt, and 
somehow I do not feel so much like doing battle with the whole 
human race as I once did. I go to Washington tonight. * * * 
Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 113 

Doctoring Reports. 

New York, February 23, 1878. 

Friend Colton: Yours of the 14th inst. is received, with 
memorandum showing amount of floating debt on December 
31. Is it not possible to change some part of the above amount 
so that it will be all right and show this debt less? If not, I 
have fears that when our next annual report comes out it will 
compel us in some way to take off this floating debt in a way 
that would be very inconvenient for us. I returned from 
"Washington last night. The sub-committee of the house have 
agreed to report Scott's Texas and Pacific bills through to San 
Diego, and I am disposed to think the full committee will 
report to the house. It can be helped, but I doubt if it would 
be worth the cost, as I do not think it can pass the housa, 
although many think it can be passed. Scott will, no doubt, 
promise all — say $40,000,000 — that the act would give him. 

Very likely two sinking fund bills will be reported to the 
house next week, one from the judiciary and the other from 
the railroad committee of the senate. The latter one, I have 
little doubt, we could accept, and I think we can pass it. 

Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

The Congressional Market. 

New York, May 3, 1878. 
Friend Colton ; * * * The T. & P. folks are working hard 
on their bill and say they are sure to pass it, but I do not be- 
lieve it. They offered one member of congress $1,000 cash 
down, $5,000 when the bill passed and $10,000 of the bonds 
when they got them if he would vote for the bill. I have no 
doubt this offer was made and I have no doubt they would 
make this offer to enough to carry their bill if they could get 
parties to vote, but no one believes they would get anything 
more than the first sum if the bill should pass, 

Yours truly, C. P. HUNTINGTON. 

November 28, 1874. "I think this coming session of con- 
gress will be composed of the hungriest set of men that ever 
got together, and that the d — 1 only knows what they will do." 

September 25, 1875. "Dr. Gwin was unfortunate about the 
railroad committee. There was not a man on the committee 
that was on his list. I must say I was deceived." 

January 4, 1876. "In view of the many things we have 
before congress, it is very important that Carr's friends should 
be with us. If it can be brought about by paying Carr, say 



114 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

from $10,000 to $20,000 a year, I think we could afford to do 
it." 

May 15, 1877. "I think I have written you before about 
Conover. He may want to borrow some money, but we are so 
short this summer, I do not see how we can let him have any 
in California." (Conover was from Florida). 

June 1, 1877. "There has been quite a number of senators 
and members of congress in the office here in the last few 
days." (Remember congress adjourned on March 4th, and 
there was no extra session that year. I presume they were 
borrowing money.") 

August 21, 1877. "Of course in treating with Jones, under- 
stand the importance of keeping our relations with him 
friendly. I am told he thinks you did not use him well in 
some mining or stock matters. Jones can do us much good and 
says he will." 

May 9, 1878. "The T. & P. folks offered one member of 
congress $1,000 cash down, $5,000 when the bill passed and 
$10,000 of the bonds, when they got them, if he would vote for 
the bill." 

October 30, 1877. "I think the railroad committee is all 
right, but the committee on territories I do not like. A dif- 
ferent one was promised to me." 

November 9, 1877. "I do not think we can get any legisla- 
tion this session for extension of land grants or for changing 
the line of road unless we pay for it far more than it's worth." 

November 30, 1877. "When you can find parties that are 
personally known to members of either house, get them to 
write letters or sign such as are written for them. We can bf 
helped much in that way. Do all you can, for I am having a 
rough fight." 

June 20, 1878. "I think in all the world's history never 
before was such a wild set of demagogues honored by the 
name of congress. We have been hurt some, but some of the 
worst bills have been defeated, but we cannot stand many 
such congresses." 

'They spent $300,000 on this congress from November, 1877, 
to June, 1878. The New York World said, editorially : 

"A careful examination of the letters (Huntington's letters^ 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 115 

shows that Gwin, the California magnate, who was a South- 
erner, was hired to go through the South denouncing the 
Texas' Pacific as a subsidy scheme — and that Senator Gordon, 
of Georgia, who posed as the representative of everything 
that was respectable in the South, was a servant of the cor- 
poration. ' ' 

The Charleston News and Courier, commenting on this 
statement of the World, says : ' ' Senator Gwin, though long a 
resident of California, is 'a Southern man by birth and educa- 
tion, and General Gordon is deservedly loved throughout the 
South. The talks about his conduct in congress has taken such 
a shape, the best course is to meet the accusations once for 
all, as General Gordon certainly can. Little would be thought 
of what is said in the Huntington letters, except for the fact 
that Senator Gordon made himself conspicuous by voting on 
the Pacific Railroad side when the Thurman bill was passed. 
Newspapers which are unquestionably friendly to General 
Gordon invite him to clear away the cloud which is gathering 
about him." 

(Did he accept the invitation? Did any Georgia newspaper, 
in the year 1884, when these letters came out, invite him? I 
will answer for one. The Cartersville Press invited him and 
he was at that time a resident of New York, or off continually, 
somewhere — occasionally in Georgia — but no answer came ! 

The suppression of the Huntington letters in Georgia news- 
papers was a concerted agreement — obliged to be, and in my 
opinion, which may be vrorth little, they were well paid to 
suppress them. ''They that fear feathers should not flock 
with wild fowl.") 

New York, August 25, 1876. "Friend Colton: You must 
have had a lively time in getting so many good names signed 
and sent on in so short a time, inviting our Southern brethren 
to come to California. I saw Gordon and several others just 
before congress adjourned, and they said they would go, but 
I have some doubts about it, as most of the members of con- 
gress are looking after their re-election. I shall get them 
started if I can." 

August 18, 1876. "I left Washington on Friday, 11th. T 



116 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

think our matters are safe there for the session. I saw General 
Gordon just before I left. He had received a dispatch from 
some of the prominent men of San Francisco, and he said he 
thought they would get up a party of, say thirty prominent 
Southern men, and visit California this fall, starting from this 
city about the 1st of September. Yours truly, 

"C. P. HUNTINGTON." 

Any "decoy duck" about that? The World, in another 
place, said: "The debauching influences which surround legis- 
lation at the national capital are being reproduced as fungi 
reproduces themselves, about the capitals of the states. But 
the other day — and a man who had filled the speaker's chair 
in the legislature of New Jersey — saw the gates of her peni- 
tentiary swing ajar at his coming — a criminal, convicted of 
using to his own purposes the power that had been given him 
by his people. The senate of the United States carries upon 
its rolls the names of men who have amassed great fortunes, 
in ways not legitimate, and the interests of the people of the 
country are set aside at the dictation of corporations that grow 
in strength and arrogance." 

My husband received no invitation from Huntington to go 
to California. He had no telegram from San Francisco to go 
there. He was not wanted in that crowd, thank God ! — but he 
was hounded all over the Seventh district by Huntington's 
"men," as a congressman unworthy of trust by the Demo- 
cratic party! 

They stoned Akerman! They vilified Felton! They built a 
monument to Gordon. 



THE HUNTINGTON LETTERS AND SOUTHERN STATES 

MEN. 

Charleston News and Courier. 

It was supposed that with the damning disclosures of the 
Credit Mobilier, which carried down with it many reputations 
and badly besmirched others, the congressional lobby had 
received a severe check. But the publication of the San Fran- 
cisco Chronicle of the Huntington-Colton correspondence de- 
velops a scheme for bribery and corruption which was suc- 
cessfully engineered by the power of gold. C. P. Huntington 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 117 

and Mark Hopkins, as hardware merchants, Leland Stanford 
as dealer in oil, Charles Crocker as dry goods dealer, and 
Judge Crocker as lawyer, with a combined capital to start 
with of eleven thousand five hundred dollars, all told, man- 
aged to purchase state legislatures, to bribe senators, repre- 
sentatives and high officials of the government and to defeat 
the plans of Tom Scott for the building of a Southern Pacific 
railway. That Huntington and his conferees should have 
found it easy to approach and embrace northern congressmen, 
already debauched by the sudden riches which followed the 
war, is not strange. That the carpet-baggers, who misrepre- 
sented the Southern states in both branches of congress, should 
have eagerly grasped after the swag with offers of their votes 
and influence cannot be surprising to any one. But we of the 
South must stand in amazement and mortification at the open 
charge that our trusted friends and leaders fell under the 
malign influences of a syndicate that bought its way with 
money and favors. It does not cause a qualm to hear Spencer, 
of Alabama, reviled as a rascal. One is scarcely startled to 
hear that ex-Governor Walker, of Virginia, was considered a 
weak vessel, for both came from over the line as representa- 
tives of the Republican party. 

But this paragraph from an article in the New York World 
must give us pause, to-wit : "A careful examination of the 
letters shows that Gwinn, the California magnate, who was a 
Southerner, was hired to go through the South denouncing 
the Texas Pacific as a subsidy scheme ; that Senator Gordon, 
of Georgia, who posed as the representative of everything that 
was highly respectable in the South, was a servant of the 
corporation." 

The venerable ex-Senator Gwinn, though long a resident and 
representative of California, is a Southern man by birth and 
rearing. Georgians know General Gordon. 

It was whispered about Washington that Senator Gordon 
was lending himself to this scheme. The whisperings were 
either so low or emanated from sources so irresponsible as to 
escape his notice, perhaps. There was some talk of this mat- 
ter in Georgia, and the writer recalls an expression of aston- 
ishment after these years from a friend of General Gordon, 
that he made no motion to stop this talk. Conscious of the 
rectitude of his own conduct, he may then have deemed it 
beneath the dignity of a senator from a sovereign state to 
search out the scandal monger of the curbstones. Every now 
and then, as if in relief from the chronicling of his successes 
in the fields of finance and railroad building, a suggestion 
finds its way to the public through the press that General Gor- 



118 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

don indulges a desire and an intention to return to political 
life. If any weight may be attached to these outgivings, in 
justice to himself and his people, he should clear up the past. 
So long as he follows the pursuits of a private citizen, he 
may properly say that his record has been made up. But 
before he shall ask of the honest and industrious yeomanry 
of Georgia to clothe him again with honors and powers, he 
must squarely confront the more than insinuation which is 
contained in the language quoted from one of the leading 
journals of the country. 

We write in all kindness to General Gordon. He has been 
greatly honored by the people of Georgia and we would be 
among the last to raise an accusation against the personal and 
official integrity which have stood unimpeached, and we can- 
not conclude that the language we have quoted from the 
World rests upon a basis of fact. 



GLOOM IN THE WASHINGTON LOBBY. 

The "Washington correspondent of the New York Sun says: 

When Mr. Huntington, in the fullness of confidence, gave 
free rein to his thoughts in the correspondence with Mr. Col- 
ton six or seven years ago, he had not conceived the possibility 
of those letters ever seeing the light of day, or of their return- 
ing to plague the writer. Whatever may be thought of the 
letters themselves, Mr. Huntington has unintentionally ren- 
dered a public service in several ways. In the first place, he 
has exposed the methods employed by the great corporations 
in procuring legislation at Washington. He has shown sena- 
tors and representatives in what estimation they are held by 
the railroad kings, who treat them as merchandise. 

"In the second place, as the residuary legatee of the Texaa 
Pacific Company, and the claimant of its forfeited land grant, 
Mr. Huntington has effectually closed the door against his own 
pretensions in that respect. After the recent revelations no 
congress and no secretary of the interior would dare to give 
him an acre. 

"In the third place, Mr. Huntington has given an impulse 
to legislation adverse to all misappropriation of the public 
domain. Preventive bills will now go through congress by a 
moral force such as carried the Thurman act over the heads 
of Huntington, Gould and their associates. 

"These exposures have admonished the lobby that 1884 is 
not a good year for its business at the capital." 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 119 

HUNTINGTON'S PLANS AND PROSPECTS. 

Special to the New York World, 

Huntington is coming here. He usually stops at Willard's 
Hotel, where he has been fond of entertaining Congressional 
friends. This time has engaged quarters at Wormley's, where 
he will be more retired. He will come here for the purpose 
of conversing with Sherrill, his white-whiskered, long, lank, 
dyspeptic lieutenant. Mr. Huntington does not seem to com- 
prehend the full effect of his published correspondence. Mr. 
Sherrill, the lieutenant, understands the situation, however. 
The latter is a very plain talker, and it is understood he has 
given Huntington to understand that there is not much use 
in his trying to do business here this winter, now that these 
letters have been printed. In reality there is a regular panic 
among members and Senators about this Huntington exposure. 
The virtuous indignation that is expressed in every quarter 
where public men meet to talk, bodes ill for Huntington's plans. 
He will hardly obtain any favors from this Congress. It is 
more than probable that if he attempts to speak to the average 
Senator, or Representative, the latter would start on a dead 
run to get away from his contaminating presence. There is a 
very uneasy feeling among some of the older statesmen who 
were in Congress at the time the letters were written. One 
Western Senator said tonight: ''What protection is there 
against this man? How do I know but what this creature 
may have called on me some time, and because I did not kick 
him out of my room he may have gone off and written one 
of his damned letters, saying that I was friendly to him." 
The Senator added that he thought the only safe way for a 
public man was not to admit men with axes to grind to their 
private quarters. *'I do not intend," he said, "to see a single 
man who wants to talk about railroads or land grants. The 
minute one of these cusses opens his mouth to me on such a 
subject I will tell him to get up and get." It is understood 
that Huntington is trying to bring pressure to bear upon Cobb's 
public land committee to see if action on the Texas Pacific 
land grant can not be delayed. Huntington and his crowd 
do not expect to obtain any favorable action from Congress. 
That is too much for even Huntington to hope for, but he is 
going to try very hard to secure a postponement of action 
until the scandal has at least blown over. 



120 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

The World. 

Editor and Proprietor, Joseph Pulitzer. 

Saturday, Jan. 15, 1887. 

ANOTHER REVELATION. 

Senators of the United States will find in the World today 
facts and figures which should cause them to pause and reflect 
before granting seventy years more of oblivion to the Pacific 
Railroad's debt and accounts. 

These corporations are practically partners with the gov- 
ernment in the ownership of the great properties which they 
control. They have obtained a magnificent domain and inval- 
uable franchises from the people. Their projectors are many- 
millionaires. The companies owe to the government a large 
amount of money, the payment of which they seek to evade on 
the plea of inability. And yet an official inspection of the ac- 
counts of two of them shows the disbursement by their officers 
of $2,000,000, for which no vouchers, details or explanations 
have been or will be given. 

The transcripts from their accounts that we publish today 
show plainly some of the "improper and unlawful" purposes 
for which these enormous disbursements have been made. 
Their character may be further inferred from the fact that 
the officers permitted them to be rejected by the government 
officials rather than give any explanation of their purpose. 
What do honorable Senators think of the revelation that a 
member of their body, Mr. Stanford, received and disbursed 
on account of the road of which he was president over $733,- 
000, in items ranging from $5,000 to $171,000, of which he 
gave to the company no detailed account? Is this a fit man 
to sit in the Senate and instruct his colleagues to vote against 
the bill giving the government supervision over interstate 
commerce? 

The object for which Mr. Huntington kept his "agent" 
Sherrill in Washington, to "see that the position of the road 
received no damage" from "the legislative, judicial and execu- 
tive departments of government," is likewise more fully ex- 
plained by the extremely interesting accounts of his disburse- 
ments which the World's enterprise permits the country to see. 

A blaze of light is also thrown by these revelations and the 
accompanying correspondence upon the interest which these 
railroad magnates take in politics. Their $100,000 contribu- 
bution to campaign funds are easily understood. Their pur- 
chase of seats in Congress for themselves, their attorneys and 
agents, and the welcome which they give to congenial and 
sympathetic millionaires, are explained by the interest which 
these facts reveal in their control of the government. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 121 

Is it not time to cry HALT ! to the encroachments of the 
money power? Does the Senate of the United States need any 
further reinforcement from Plutocrats? 



THE "LEGAL EXPENSES" ACCOUNT. 

The following items were disallowed for the same reasons 
as those in the "General Expense" Account — neither "detail" 
nor "explanation" being given on the voucher: 

1875. 
Dec, Leland Stanford $ 15,117.33 

1876. 

Sept. 22. D. D. Colton 29,974.13 

Nov. 2. D. D. Colton 7,500.00 

1878. 

Nov. 12. L. Stanford 46,816.94 

("Nov. 22, 1877, to date"). 

1879. 

Sept. 27. L. Stanford 38,156.03 

("Nov. 25, 1878, to date"). 

Total $137,564.43 

Nov. 1. Leland Stanford 83,418.09 

(Disbursed by him between July 30, 1876, and Sept. 
30, 1877; no explanation or detail.) 

Oct. 5. C. P. Huntington 1,500.00 

Oct. 15. C. P. Huntington 2,000.00 

Oct. 24. C. P. Huntington 1,000.00 

Nov. 9. J. E. Gates 5,000.00 

Nov. 16. J. E. Gates 5,000.00 

Dec. 28. Leland Stanford 52,500.00 

(Without detail or explanation.) 

Dec. 8. J. E. Gates 2,500.00 

Dec. 18. J. E. Gates 5,000.00 

Dec. 19. J. E. Gates 1,000.00 

Dec. 26. C. P. Huntington 2,000.00 

Total $279,573.44 

1878. 

Feb. 14. L. Stanford $ 10,000.00 

Jan. 11. C. P. Huntington 1,150.00 

Jan. 28. J. E. Gates 1,600.00 

Feb. 20. C. P. Huntington 2,500.00 

March 18. C. P. Huntington 5,500.00 

March 19. C. P. Huntington 4,500.00 

March 26. C. P. Huntington 10,000.00 



122 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

April 12. J. E. Gates 1,750.00 

April 18. J. E. Gates 200.00 

June 7. L. Stanford 13,000.00 

May 4. Jas. H. Storrs 1,000.00 

May 20. J. E. Gates 5,000.00 

May 25. J. E. Gates 2,500.00 

May 27. J. E. Gates 5,000.00 

June 28. L. Stanford 111,431.25 

June 29. Jos. H. Bell 38,500.00 

June 22. J. E. Gates 2,000.00 

June 25. J. E. Gates 500.00 

June 29. C. P. Huntington 90,167.20 

(The disbursement of more than $300,000 during the six 
months ending June 30, 1878 — the period of debate and passage 
of the "Thurman" law — without vouchers or explanations of 
a character to warrant its allowance as a lawful and proper 
expenditure of the moneys of the Central Pacific Railroad 
Company by Stanford and Huntington, the president and vice- 
president, respectively, would seem either wanton waste or 
improper expenditure.) 

"General" and "Legal" Disbursements. 

To accomplish their purposes, and in defiance of all law and 
their obligations to the United States, the Central Pacific mag- 
nates have not stinted themselves in the lavish expenditure of 
the company's assets — money — and have covered up the detail 
of most of such unlawful expenditures by vouchers without 
information. These expenditures were charged on the books 
of the company in California mainly to two accounts, known 
as "General Expenses" and "Legal Expenses." In examining 
these accounts it was found by Mr. French that many items 
of large amount could not be satisfactorily explained by the 
secretary of the company and were disallowed. Below is given 
the list in detail of the items as are taken from these two ac- 
counts that has been furnished by Mr. French. To the cor- 
rectness of this list of disallowed accounts Mr. French has 
made formal affidavit. 

The Need of Investigation. 

From November, 1869, to Dec. 31, 1880, the total amount 
of the "general expense" account was $3,985,250.04, and of 
the "legal expense" account, $1,280,468.91; total of both, 
$5,265,718.95. 

From Jan. 1, 1881, to Dec. 31, 1886, the total amount of 
these two accounts is probably not less than $5,000,000, and 
possibly still more. 

How much Or how little of such latter sum has been expended 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 123 

for purposes which neither accounts nor vouchers disclose re- 
mains for an investigating committee of the Senate or House 
to ascertain ! 



A SWORN STATEMENT BY THEOPHILUS FRENCH, 
LONG U. S. AUDITOR OF ACCOUNTS. 

New York World. 

During his three years of official service he rejected in the 
accounts of the Pacific Railroads over $2,000,000 as having 
been improperly disbursed. These rejected accounts need a 
brief explanation in order to fully comprehend them. Under 
the Thurman act 25 per cent, of the net earnings of the subsi- 
dized roads have to be paid into the Treasury of the United 
States towards wiping out the debt due the government. In 
order to arrive at the correct amount of the net earnings it 
is important to scrutinize closely the items of money disbursed. 
Money improperly disbursed can not be deducted. Mr. French 
found in the short time that he was in the office, accounts to 
the amount of the sum just named which the railroad officials 
would not explain. This was the manner of their discovery: 
Mr. French, in running through the accounts, would find an 
item of large expenditure in the name of C. P. Huntington, 
Leland Stanford or some other prominent representative of 
the road. The sum would be on the books without explana- 
tion. Mr. French would ask, "What is the meaning of this 
expenditure? For what was this money paid out? There we 
are: no vouchers here!" 

In no instance was an explanation ever offered in the list 
of accounts rejected by him. Mr. French warned the railroad 
officials that if the accounts were not explained they would 
have to be rejected. 

No Explanation Given. 

In 1876 Lot M. Morrill, Secretary of the Treasury, desig- 
nated a Treasury Department accountant to go to Boston and 
assist the District Attorney there in prosecuting the "5 per 
cent." suit against the Union Pacific. 

During the progress of the examination of the accounts the 
above item of $126,000 was met with, and Gen. G. M. Dodge 
was then in Boston. The government representatives insisted 
on an explanation of this item, but rather than give it Sidney 
Bartlett, senior counsel of the Union Pacific, after consulta- 
tion with Secretary Rollins and some of the directors, con- 
cluded to have it — stricken out as an "expense" — disallowed. 



124 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

BRIBED CONGRESSMAN TREMBLING. 

A Washington special to the New York Journal says : Since 
the death of Sherrill, the "King of the Lobby," wild rumors 
of monumental corruption in Congress in connection with the 
Pacific Railroad matters have been industriously circulated in 
Washington. Today the startling announcement was made 
that a large quantity of Sherrill 's private papers containing 
indisputable evidence of bribe-giving and bribe-taking to secure 
favorable legislation for the above railroad had been seized 
and were in possession of the secret service detectives. These 
documents, it is further stated, contain the most damaging dis- 
closures, which, when made public, will wreck the reputations 
of at least twenty Representatives. That there has been bribery 
of a wholesale character in Congress by the kings of the Pa- 
cific Railroad in order to insure the passage of the funding 
bill there seems now but little reason to doubt. An explosion 
is imminent, and certain men with perhaps guilty consciences 
are trying by strenuous efforts to laugh the story out of sight. 
It is stoutly alleged that boodle has been dispensed among 
members of the House in the most lavish fashion, and that no 
less a sum than $2,000,000 has been paid to Congressmen and 
receipts given by these guilty gentlemen. These men's names 
are known. The exact amount of money placed in the hands 
of the guilty legislators is also known, and the service they 
were expected to render is equally clear. One Western Rep- 
resentative is said to have received $150,000 cash in hand, 
which he quietly invested in realty near Washington. An- 
other is accused of having demanded and received $250,000 
for the control of his vote, while another is credited with ac- 
cepting $100,000 as a bribe. Just before he died, last week, 
Sherrill paid out over $500,000 in cash for a well-known South- 
ern Pacific magnate. Calls to the amount of 40,000 shares on 
Union Pacific stock are held by members of Congress, who 
are expected to cast their votes on all measures affecting the 
Pacific roads in favor of these corporations. 



WRITTEN IN 1884, WHEN BLAINE WAS RUNNING FOR 

PRESIDENT. 

The Sun. 

The Pacific Railroad Obligations — Mr. Thurman's Remini- 
scences. 

Mr. Thurman, of Ohio, has been giving to a corre- 
spondent of the Chicago News his experience in the Senate 
of the United States when he had charge of the bill drawn up 
by Senator Edmunds and himself to compel the Pacific Rail- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 125 

roads to meet their obligations to the government. That bill, 
instead of leaving Pacific roads to make a settlement of their 
accumulated indebtedness to the government after the expira- 
tion of thirty years, made it obligatory on them to set aside 
one-quarter of their net earnings every year as a fund to meet 
those obligations. Up to that time the companies had entirely 
evaded the law requiring them to establish a sinking fund. 
As the bill made this imperative, and fixed irrevocably that 
the annual accretions to the fund should be derived from one- 
fourth of the net earnings of the Union and Central Pacific 
roads, a desperate attempt was made by the companies to de- 
feat it. Immediately the bill was reported, says ex-Senator 
Thurman, "a frightful lobby sprang up. It was the most 
formidable lobby I ever saw in Washington — Gould, Hunting- 
ton and Dillon were all there together. As for railroad law- 
yers and agents, the town was full of them. They carried things 
with such a high hand that it was hard to tell what to expect 
or in whom to place confidence. At one time the lobby thought 
it had us down, and I feared so, too, but we kept up the fight. 
The first move against us on the floor of the Senate was a 
bill prepared by Dorsey, of Arkansas. This passed through 
the railroad committee and was reported by Stanley Matthews. 
It seemed similar to our bill, but virtually amounted to 
giving the companies $40,000,000 outright. Besides the 
efforts of Dorsey, of star route notoriety, and of Stanley 
Matthews, both of whom were then in the Senate, aided 
by the powerful influence of the lobby and backed by 
the personal presence of the principal representatives of the 
two roads — Jay Gould, Dillon and Huntington — Mr. Blaine, 
after the debate had been running a week, came forward and 
ranged himself on the side of the Pacific Railroad magnates 
and of his associate Senators in opposition — Dorsey and Mat- 
thews. It is said that Mr. Blaine called on Senator Thurman 
at the house of the latter and tried to influence him to with- 
draw the bill. This Mr. Thurman says is not true. What Mr. 
Blaine did was to request Mr. Thurman to go to his (Blaine's) 
house for the purpose of explaining portions of the bill. Shortly 
after this interview Mr. Blaine proposed an amendment which 
Mr. Thurman is emphatic in declaring "was designed to kill 
the bill," for it required Congress, on condition that the pro- 
posed sinking fund should be established, "to surrender the 
right to change or legislate upon the original charter of the 
road. Rather," adds Mr. Thurman, "than that the govern- 
ment should surrender this right, I then said, and now say, 
we might better have thrown the money involved into the 
Atlantic ocean." He goes on to say: "We had a hard fight. 
Senator Edmunds made a powerful speech, and so did Senator 



126 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Bayard. I made two set speeches. The lobby tried with all 
its power to secure the adoption of the amendment in order 
to kill the bill, but we beat them. Blaine, Matthews and Dor 
sey were most powerful men in opposition to us." On being 
asked if he thought that Mr. Blaine was in secret collusion 
with Gould, Dillon and Huntington, Mr. Thurman declared 
that he knew nothing about it. He then remarked: "It was 
plain to me that Blaine desired to kill the bill. It is not for 
me to say what his motive was, or if any improper influences 
controlled him. But I am willing to say this : I do fear that 
if the Republican party retains power the Pacific Railroad 
Companies will evade payment of their indebtedness to the 
government, and, under legislative protection, build up the 
worst railroad monopoly ever seen in this country." This 
is strong language, coming from so temperate and cautious 
a man as Mr. Thurman. The insight which he had obtained 
during his long career in the Senate into the methods by which 
ifiilroad legislation was forced through Congress, and into 
the character of those who were regarded as the defenders and 
promoters of all kinds of schemes for the benefit of wealthy 
corporations, give to his opinion of the consequences that 
would result from the election of Mr. Blaine and the retention 
of the Republican party in power a weight and significance 
that can not fail to impress unbiased minds. During the whole 
period Mr. Thurman was a member of the Senate he com- 
manded the respect and esteem of all the best men in it, with- 
out regard to party lines. His honesty and integrity was never 
once called in question. Of sound judgment, a jurist of the 
highest ability, and a statesman whose principles were broad 
enough to take in the whole country, he was never known to 
subordinate his convictions to party exegencies, or to cast his 
vote for any measure that he believed to be unjust at thp 
solicitation of outside influence. 



MONEY IN POLITICS. 

Harper's Weekly. 

A long article in the New York Times, in the form of a 
letter from Washington, contains the following statements : 

"There are today sitting in the Senate of the United States 
sixteen Senators who owe their election entirely to the indirect 
use of money and the exercise of corporate power and influence 
in their respective States. Why mince words? The last presi- 
dential election was determined by the use of money The 
Democratic party can not throw stones at the Republican har- 
lot. They are not without sin. They taught Republicans the 
art in 1876. Barnum and mules carried Indiana in the October 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 127 

contest of that year. They were on hand again in 1880, but 
Dorsey and two-dollar bills were too much for a Connecticut 
Yankee and his mules. If Mr. C. P. Huntington can be com- 
pelled to account for the $190,000 he expended in 1876, it will 
be found that $75,000 of that amount was a contribution to a 
campaign fund. It will further appear that the contribution 
was not unconditionally made, but that the pledge was exacted 
of a presidential candidate to consider favorably legislation 
which might be enacted in the interest of the corporations 
Mr. Huntington represented. If the secrets of Mr. Jay Gould's 
cabinet could be extracted or abstracted, it would appear that 
a like contribution was made by him upon a similar pledge 
given at the same time to the same parties who acted as the 
go-betweens, the bosses of the corporations, and the presidential 
aspirant. ' ' 

An article, less elaborate, but in the same vein, appeared in 
the Chicago Tribune of January 10, in which occurs the fol- 
lowing passage : 

"The Union Pacific Railroad has several Senators, the North- 
ern Pacific has one, the Pennsylvania Railroad has two. Cen- 
tral Pacific has two, the Georgia railroads have one, the lum- 
ber monopolists of Michigan and Wisconsin have two or three, 
the Chesapeake and Ohio has one, the Wilmington Match 
Company has one. Behind every one of half of the portly and 
well-dressed members of the Senate can be seen the outlines 
of some corporation interested in getting or preventing legis- 
lation, or of some syndicate that has invaluable contracts or 
patents to defend or push." 

The Chicago Tribune remarks that the Senate is losing in- 
tellectual power and representative character, and becoming 
a merely plutocratic, and therefore an obstructive body. Cer- 
tainly the only significance that can be clearly discerned in the 
late senatorial election in Ohio is that the Standard Oil Com- 
pany was earnestly interested in the success of Mr. Payne. 
It taints both parties, and such familiar facts as the senatorial 
election in Ohio, the revelations in the municipal service in 
New York, the city's "deals" for patronage, and the state- 
ments of the late Democratic governor of Maryland show the 
folly of supposing that the Democratic pot could carry the 
election by calling the Republican kettle black. The talk about 
monopoly and anti-monopoly signifies the public perception 
that government is getting to be too much controlled by 
money. The general remedy lies in the public perception that 
legislation which is bought by vast corporate interests or spe- 
cial classes necessarily stimulates reckless speculation and 
overproduction, and that the inevitable result is panic, dis- 
aster, and immense industrial suffering. 



128 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

MR. HUNTINGTON ON THE BUYING AND SELLING OF 

MEN. 

The Sun. 

Saturday, September 21, 1889. 

Too little attention has been paid to an extraordinary letter 
on the suppression of the African slave trade which appeared 
a few days ago in an obsecure newspaper of this town. The 
letter is signed by Mr. C. P. Huntington, the well-known pro- 
moter of civilization and the friend of the oppressed; and it 
was dated at the Mills building, 23 Broad street. 

Mr. C. P. Huntington urges the people to join him in a grand 
effort to exterminate the slave trade in Africa before the end 
of the present century. His general scheme is the establish- 
mnt of a system of well-policed steamboat and railroad lines 
from Suakim to the Zambesi river, and thence across the conti- 
nent to the mouth of the Congo. 

The exalted sentiments which impel Mr. Huntington to ap- 
peal to the public in behalf of the poor African are briefly 
stated in his letter, and they do honor to a heart that throbs 
warmly for mankind: 

"I wish to call the attention of the public to an offense 
against civilization — the buying and selling of men and women 
into slavery. * * * Good and thoughtful people, through 
many generations, have endeavored to destroy this evil, and 
have so nearly succeeded that at this time no civilized nation 
engages in or tolerates it, and I believe that if one great united 
effort were made even the Arab, the descendant of Ishmael, 
might be made ashamed to traffic in human flesh. 

** Others have studied the subject more closely than I, and 
have more leisure to deal with it, but for many years I have 
deeply felt the wrongs done to the African race, and have been 
interested in their future; and I ask all good people to unite 
in one grand effort against the slave trade with all its at- 
tendant evils, and thus make it possible for the future historian 
to say that the blackest crime of the ages — human slavery — 
was destroyed in the last decade of the nineteenth century." 

How different is the noble and hopeful tone of this Mr. 
Huntington's remarks on human slavery from that which 
marked a series of letters addressed by another Mr. C. P. 
Huntington a few years ago to the late Gen. D. D. Colton, 
of California, on the same general subject of the buying and 
selling of men! The other Mr. Huntington is likewise a pro- 
moter; he also dates his letters at 23 Broad street, where he 
looks after a good deal of railroad business as president of 
the Central Pacific, and vice-president and New York agent 
and attorney of the Southern Pacific. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 129 

It was in the last-mentioned capacity that the other Mr. C. 
P. Huntington addressed to Gen. Colton a series of letters re- 
lating to the purchase and sale of human beings, not in Africa, 
but right here at home in the land of liberty and under the 
star-spangled banner of freedom. His statements concerning 
the human slavery at Washington and the gloomy picture which 
he presented to his correspondent, and afterward to the pub- 
lic, was made still blacker by an exhibition on his own part 
of a cynical indifference to the immorality of the traffic. 

At the time the letters of Mr. Huntington, the railway pro- 
moter, were written, he was engaged in a desperate struggle 
with the late Thomas A. Scott for the ownership of enough 
Senators and Representatives in Congress to secure to one or 
the other of the rival railroad interests. It was the course of 
the latter 's confidential narrative to Colton that he told with 
unequalled frankness how he regarded Senators and Repre- 
sentatives as human chattels, to be bought and sold in the 
open market for cash, and to be owned in fee simple by the 
purchasing corporation. Here is part of one of his letters 
describing the horrid traffic : 

''New York, Jan. 29, 1876. 

"Friend Colton: Scott is making a terrible effort to pass 
his bill.* * * Scott is working mostly among the commer- 
cial men. He switched Senator Spencer, of Alabama, and 
Senator Walker, of Virginia, this week. But you know they 
can be switched back with proper arrangement when they are 
wanted; but Scott is asking for so much that he can promise 
largely to pay when he wins, and you know I keep on high 
ground. All the members in the House are doing first rate 

except Piper, and he is a hog any way you can fix him. 

I wish you would write a letter to Luttrell, saying that I say 
he is doing first rate, and is very able, etc., and send me a 
copy. ' ' Yours truly, 

"C. P. HUNTINGTON." 

The Luttrell whose exemplary conduct was exhibited in such 
marked contrast with that of the blank hog Piper, was a Rep- 
resentative from a California district. Earlier in the corre- 
spondence he had referred to Luttrell as "a wild hog," and 
as "a cuss, to whom it is not safe to talk openly." A little 
later he had written concerning him : 

"November 19, 1874 — I notice you are yet on Luttrell 's trail. 
I hope you will get some one to convince him that we are good 
fellows — and that should not be a hard thing to do, for 1 have 
no doubt of it myself." 

"November 20, 1874 — I am glad you have Luttrell under 
your charge, but you must be careful not to let him get any- 
thing to strike back with, as he is a cuss." 



130 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

And two years later the changed relations of Mr. Hunting- 
ton and his friends to the useful and able Luttrell, and their 
unchanged opinion of the blank hog Piper, were indicated in 
a brief note at election time : 

"New York, Nov. 11, 1876. 

"Friend Colton: Yours of the 2d inst., No. 2, is received. I 
am glad to learn that you will send to this office $2,000,000 by 
the 1st of January. About $2,000,000 on the old C. P. in 
October is good. I hope Luttrell is elected and Piper defeated, 
as it was generally understood here that our hand was under 
one and over the other. "Yours truly, 

"C. P. HUNTINGTON." 

In the same way, continuing his awful picture of human 
slavery in Washington and in the West, Mr. C. P. Huntington's 
letters to Colton described Senator Sargent as "worth as much 
as any six men;" Wigginton, of Wisconsin, as "a good fel- 
low, growing every day;" Simons B. Conover, of Florida, 
as "a clever fellow, but don't go money on him;" and John 
A. Kasson, of Iowa, as "our friend in Congress, and he has 
never lost us a dollar." Mr. Huntington, in one letter, asks 
Colton if he can not have Gov. Safford, of Arizona, call the 
legislature together and "grant such charters as we want, at 
a cost, say, of $25,000." In January, 1876, he wrote: 

"I have received several letters and telegrams from Wash- 
ington today, all calling me there, as Scott will certainly pass 
his bill if I do not come over, and I shall go over tonight, but 
I think he could not pass his bill if I should help him ; but, of 
course, I can not know this for certain, and just what effort 
to make against him is what troubles me. It costs money to 
fix things so I would know his bill would not pass. I believe 
with $200,000 I can pass our bill (Gordon's bill), but I take 
it that it is not worth that much to us. 

"Yours truly, 

"C. P. HUNTINGTON." 

In May, 1878, he quoted the ruling rates in the human slave 
market at Washington: "The Texas Pacific people offered 
one member of Congress $1,000 cash down, $5,000 when the 
bill passed, and $10,000 of the bonds when they got them." 

We might keep on until Christmas quoting from the volumin- 
ous private correspondence of the other Mr. Huntington his 
statements bearing on the legislative slave trade and its at- 
tendant evils. It is a form of slavery far more degrading to 
the human beings bought and sold than any chain that ever 
was riveted by the descendants of Ishmael in Africa, and far 
more disgraceful and dangerous to the civilization of the last 
quarter of the nineteenth century. 

How different, we repeat, is the tone of Mr. C. P. Hunting- 



Mr Memoirs of Georgia Politics 131 

ton, the philantli/G~"isc, with regard to the African slave trade. 
He appeals earnestly to all good people to join with him in an 
endeavor to wipe out the African blot on civilization. No truly 
philanthropic man, we are sure, will hold back, or refuse to 
follow where Mr. Huntington leads. 



JUNKETING JUDGES. 

Atlanta (Ga.) Constitution. 

A very remarkable feast lately occurred in San Francisco. 
It was a feast given by Judge Sawyer, of the United States 
Court, to Senator Stanford. There were present at this re- 
markable banquet Senator Stanford, Judge Field, of the Fed- 
eral Supreme Court ; Judge Hoffman and a number of promi- 
nent railroad officials. 

We have already made brief allusions to this curious affair, 
but it is worthy of further comment, owing to the peculiar 
circumstances surrounding it. Take it all in all, it was an 
occasion full of significance, and it is probably without paral- 
lel in this country. 

A few hours before the banquet, Field, Hoffman and Saw- 
yers were on the bench, and Stanford was at the bar of the 
court, pleading that he should not be compelled to give -evi- 
dence which might incriminate himself in the Pacific railway 
investigation. 

The hilarious judges, including that great Democratic lumi- 
nary and presidential candidate, Mr. Justice Field, decided 
the case to suit the railroad magnate ; and this decision seemed 
to be so satisfactory to all concerned, that the judges. Senator 
Stanford and prominent railroad officials, engaged in a general 
jollification. 

The whole affair is a disgrace to the country and to the 
judiciary. The interests and rights of the people can not be 
properly protected if justices of the Supreme Court are to 
be permitted to junket and hobnob with the heads of great 
corporations that have swindled the public. 

We understand that Senator Stanford says the questions 
which he refused to answer pertained to individuals which 
could be of no consequence to the government. The jolly 
judges, anxious to go on a junketing spree, coincided with 
Stanford, but the questions that this magnate refused to an- 
swer pertained, in ten specified cases, directly to the use of 
money in securing legislation and in influencing legislators. 

The junketing judges who excused Stanford are no better 
than he is — and this is saying a great deal. 



132 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

A BLOW FOR THE LOBBY. 

New York World, Jan. 16, 1887. 

(Special to the World.) 

Washington, Jan. 15. — The exposure of the interior work- 
ings of the Central Pacific Railroad ring in today's World 
has attracted great attention at the capital. For many years 
the Pacific railroads have been before Congress and then al- 
ways with a train of scandals behind them. The Credit Mobil- 
ier episode showed the interior workings of the Union Pacific. 
Now the World points a similar picture of the Central Pacific. 
The revelation of the disbursement of $2,000,000 during 
the period described by ex-Commissioner French gives 
point to the stories concerning the influence brought 
to bear to compass further legislation for these roads. 
If money was poured out like water in 1878 to 
defeat the Thurman act, why, it is asked, should it 
not be poured out freely in 1887 to secure the passage 
of a bill which would practically free the Pacific railroads from 
their most binding obligations towards the government. The 
itemized account of these roads is not questioned since Mr. 
Norwood has been in his place and acknowledged that the 
items, so far as they related to him, are correct, and it is 
assumed that if true in his case, they must be true in all others. 
Mr. Norwood made the point afterwards that the charge 
against him should not have appeared in the accounts of the 
Central Pacific Company, since he had worked for the South- 
ern Pacific Company. That point in itself was suggestive 
to members, for if the expenses of the unsubsidized roads 
were to be charged to the subsidized roads, then the net 
expenditure report of the subsidized portions were fraudulent 
and prepared with intent to swindle the government. 

The Committee Changes Front. 

The World's revelations have come with the shock of a. 
great surprise. They have checked the consideration of the 
Funding bill and made the friends of that measure ask for 
an investigation of the accounts of the Pacific railroads. Such 
a storm of feeling was aroused in the House today that Mr. 
Crisp turned quickly in the direction of an investigation. Last 
winter when the Pacific Railroad Committee reported the 
Funding bill it reported also a resolution of investigation, but 
it put the resolution of investigation behind the Funding bill. 
It said: "Let us pass the bill first, and then you can have 
your investigation." This, of course, was an absurd position 
to take, because after the debt was once extended there would 
have been no object in having an investigation, but the com- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 133 

raittee by changing front and asking for an investigation has 
furnished a knock-down argument against any further con- 
sideration of the Funding bill this session. 

When Speaker Carlisle left the chair this morning, after 
the House went into a Committee of the Whole, he placed Mr. 
Blount, of Georgia, in his seat and retired to his room to take 
up some private correspondence, thinking, as a matter of 
course, that the Funding bill was to be considered. Mr. Crisp 
had hoped to get a vote. The first intimation of a change of 
front was made to Mr. Springer, who had prepared himself 
for an elaborate speech upon the subject of the Pacific rail- 
roads, and had collected an overwhelming array of facts and 
figures to show the true character of the Funding bill — how 
completely it was in the interests of the railroads and how 
thoroughly the government interests were injured. But Mr. 
Crisp informed him that the Funding bill was not to be brought 
up; that instead the committee had decided to press its reso- 
lution of investigation. This sudden surrender was for a time 
a subject for suspicion. It was believed that there was some 
sharp practice underlying it. Soon, however, the World's 
startling story was in the hands of the members and the change 
of front was explained. Even the friends of this funding 
scheme saw that it would be idle to stand up and say that 
these railroad accounts should not be examined. 

Mr. Norwood's Personal Explanation. 

A short time afterwards T. M. Norwood, of Georgia, got the 
floor for the purpose of making a personal explanation of the 
brief declaration made by him in this morning's World con- 
cerning the appearance of his name in the list of rejected ac- 
counts. He said: "Mr. Speaker, I ask the indulgence of 
the House for a few minutes to make a personal explanation." 

The Speaker asked: "Is there objection?" 

There was none. 

Mr. Norwood therefore continued: "An article appears in 
the New York World of today, in which my name is used in 
connection with the accounts of the Central Pacific Railway, 
and I desire to submit a few remarks on the connection of 
that name with those accounts. I do so principally for this 
reason : Last evening Mr. Durham, representative of the New 
York World, called upon me and asked if I had ever repre- 
sented a claim against the Central Pacific or Union Pacific 
Railway. I told him I never had. He said in the accounts 
in the Treasury Department certain items which had been 
claimed by one T. M. Norwood had been rejected by the gov- 
ernment in its accounts with the Central or Union Pacific Rail- 
way, he was not certain which. I told him that if any claims 
had ever been presented against either one of these companies 



134 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

by one T. M. Norwood, I was not the person and in consequence 
of that interview this paragraph appears in the World: "Con- 
gressman T. M. Norwood, of Georgia, said this evening that 
the T. M. Norwood mentioned in the list of rejected accounts 
must be that of some other Norwood. He said he never had 
any connection in any way with the Central Pacific Railway 
and never received any fee from that company of any kind. 
He says that there are many Norwoods in the West, and that 
an examination will show that it must be some of the Western 
Norwoods." That statement was made in consequence of his 
asking me if I ever had any claim against the Central Pacific 
or the Union Pacific. Nothing was said by him in reference 
to the Southern Pacific Railway. 

He Was the Norwood Referred to. 

And now I come to the explanation of the account as it ap- 
pears in the World in connection with my name. I presume 
I am the Norwood mentioned in the account. In 1878, some- 
thing over a year after my term expired in the Senate, I was 
engaged by the Southern Pacific Railroad Company as counsel 
in the contest that was then going on between that company 
and the Texas Pacific Railroad Company, represented by Tom 
Scott. The contest was as to a certain line of road. Mr. Scott 
was asking from Congress a large subsidy. The Southern 
Pacific Railroad proposed to build a southern line without 
subsidy, and I, opposing subsidies in the main and believing 
the Southern Pacific Railway Company intended to build a 
line which would be a true southern line, engaged on that 
side of the issue. I engaged upon a regular salary of $10,000 
a year and all traveling expenses to be paid. That contest 
went on for some two years, when finally Mr. Scott abandoned 
the field and the Southern Pacific built its road. My services 
were ended publicly, and I engaged in public discussion many 
times when I was so employed. I had a discussion with ex- 
Gov. Watts, of Alabama, before the legislature of that State. 
I had another discussion with ex-Gov. John C. Brown, of 
Tennessee, at Charleston, S. C, before the Chamber of Com- 
merce. The items entered here I presume to be for fees that 
were paid to me from time to time by the Southern Pacific 
Railway Company on account of my regular salary. This is 
my connection with the case. That is all I ever received from 
them and that was received as my salary as counsel in that 
contest. How these items got into the account of the Central 
Pacific Company with the United States I do not know, but 
my agreement was with the Southern Pacific Railway corpo- 
ration, and in writing, for a specified sum and my expenses 
paid. This is all the connection that I ever have had with 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 135 

any of those railroads and the only amount that I ever have 
received. And I reiterate that I never had in any shape any 
connection whatever with the Central Pacific Railroad Com- 
pany. I thank the House for its indulgence." 

The Rejected Accounts Must Be Explained. 

The majority of public men seen today by representatives 
of the World were disinclined to discuss the Pacific railroads 
question in anything like detail on account of their unfamiliar- 
ity with the subject. Few of them had had time to read clear 
through the exposures in the World and had put the paper 
away for study between now and Monday morning. Some 
of the most prominent said that they would be able to give 
more careful opinions tomorrow. All agreed, however, that 
the rejected accounts should be explained, and that there 
should be an official investigation as to where this money went. 
Others suggested that if so much money was found to have 
gone astray when there was a real expert accountant at the 
head of the Pacific Railroad bureau, it was probably that there 
had been much larger sums disbursed since that period, or 
there has been no one in the office since who has the slightest 
knowledge of accounts, or who has apparently the slightest 
desire to hold these subsidized roads up to a fulfillment of 
their obligations. 

A Seeming Swindle of the Government. 

The Speaker of the House, Mr. Carlisle, said this evening 
that he had been able only to give the subject a slight examina- 
tion. He intended to read the World's article through this 
evening. He had no hesitation, however, in saying that the 
rejected accounts should be investigated. He thought that a 
very strange feature of these accounts was brought out in 
Mr. Norwood's explanation. Here was the account of a man 
who had been retained by one of the unsubsidized roads, and 
yet the charge for the same was in the Central Pacific's ac- 
counts, and, therefore, a charge against the government. By 
putting such an account into its own accounts the Central 
Pacific would succeed in making the government bear 25 per 
cent, of the disbursement. Mr. Carlisle said that if this 25 per 
cent, of the rejected accounts had not already been recovered, 
steps should be taken to have it recovered. 

The President has had two or three consultations with Mr. 
Springer within the last week or ten days upon the subject 
of the Pacific roads. Mr. Springer spent an evening with the 
President during the week, going over the points which he 
would have presented to the House today if he had had an 
opportunity. The President has plainly indicated to Mr. 



136 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Springer that he is willing to do all he can to help protect 
the interests of the government. He will have an opportunity 
to tt'ive a practical illustration of his sincerity in this respect 
i"fler his Attorney General has been instructed by Congress, 
as he will be witliin the next three or four days, to begin pro- 
ceedings against these roads. 

Grateful to "The World." 

The .'Vnderson amendment is one of the most important 
amendments offered in the House and attacks directly one of 
the most flagrant violations of the laws governing the subsi- 
dized roads. Mr. Cobb, of Indiana, Chairman of the Public 
Lands Committee, said that he had no doubt as to the truth- 
fulness of the statements of accounts printed in today's World. 
He had always understood that great amounts had been spent 
in and about Congress by the lobby representing the Pacific 
railroads. Mr. Cobb was particularly happy that the World 
had begun the fight against the corrupt corporations, and he 
thought it would be proper that Congress take some notice of 
the exposure which will lead to an investigation. 

Mr. Burnes, of Missouri, thought that the World had showed 
conclusively how corrupt the managers of the roads had been. 
He thought the best evidence of the way in which Huntington 
and Stanford had manipulated the business at the expense of 
the government was to be found in the case of the account of 
Mr. Norwood, who was the attorney for the Southern Pacific, 
and had no connection with either the Central or Union. Yet 
the money paid him for services rendered the Southern were 
charged against the roads having connection with the govern- 
ment. Mr. Burnes cited this as but one instance of what no 
doubt had been carried on to a great extent. If they had 
charged the account of one man to the cost of operating the 
government roads when it should have been paid out of the 
private fund of the Southern Pacific, there was no telling to 
what extent the government had been swindled by these opera- 
tions 

Senators are curious about the probable action of Senator 
Stanford. Some of his friends think that he may rise in the 
Senate and make a personal explanation, but those Avho know 
him best say that he will maintain a policy of silence. Mr. 
Huntington's frank admission of the correctness of the item 
in the French list, and his attempt to treat the whole matter 
as an unimportant one, has made a great impression upon 
public men. If Mr. Huntington is willing to admit that he 
has expended $2,000,000 improperly which belonged in part 
to the government and in part to the stockholders of the 
road, it is argued, he must be confident that the Central Pa- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 137 

cific is already beyond the reach of the law. His attempt to 
treat the matter lightly has seriously damaged his case. If 
Mr. Huntington calls $2,000,000 pitched away in this lavish 
fashion a "mere bagatelle," he will undoubtedly take great 
pleasure in telling an investigating commission just how large 
a sum he would consider important if taken from the treasury 
of his company for improper and illegal purposes. 

How the Government Has Been Fooled. 

Some of the members of Congress who have not given this 
Pacific Railroad question up to the present time a thought 
do not yet seem to understand the exact nature of the re.iected 
accounts. Under the Thurman act the government is entitled 
to 25 per cent, of the net earnings of the subsidized roads. These 
net earnings are found by deducting from the gross expendi- 
tures the legitimate and proper disbursements. It is for the 
government auditor to decide what is a proper expenditure. 
An improper expenditure belongs to the net earnings. In the 
case of the $2,000,000 disbursed $500,000, or 25 per cent., be- 
longed to the government, and the three-quarters belonged to 
the stockholders or the companies. It is highly important to 
have these disbursements explained. It is believed that this 
class of disbursements has extended all through the years ever 
since 1881, and that Mr. French's estimate that these disburse- 
ments must have reached by this time $5,000,000 is not an exag- 
gerated one. It is further believed that out of this great sura 
portions have been taken for political purposes. ]\Ir. Thurman 
was probably defeated in Ohio through the manipulation of 
that State by the agents of the Pacific railroads. They also 
defeated Judge Lawrence, from Ohio, after he made a fight 
upon them. 

Mr. Huntington has made no point in showing that Mr. 
French first offered this information to him. No one cares 
anything about the motives of Mr. French. The question is 
whether his story is true. All of the persons interested have 
admitted the correctness of his story. Mr. Huntington admits 
its correctness. Mr. Stanford concedes it by his silence. Mr. 
Norwood, of Georgia, says that the items in the account, so far 
as they relate to him, are true, only that they have been wrong- 
fully placed in the accounts of the Central Pacific Company. 
Senator James F. Wilson, in an interview this evening, also 
admits that the fee charged to him in the list was paid to him. 
There has not been a single denial thus far of any one of the 
items given in Mr. French's remarkable story. 

What Senator Beck Says. 

Interviews had by a representative of the "World this evening 
with various prominent men indicate a depth of sentiment on 



138 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

this subject that was not so plainly apparent yesterday. Sen- 
ator Beck, of Kentucky, the noted foe of corporations, said : 

"I have had my suspicion that something was wrong in 
regard to this Pacific Railroad business and I am heartily glad 
that we are to have an investigation. No one will greet it 
more gladly than I do. To think that honest men should be 
put under suspicion is to me a very unpleasant thought. For 
the last week we have had a heavy lobby endeavoring to in- 
fluence action upon the Interstate Commerce bill. What are 
we to do? These lobbyists are gentlemen and represent vast 
interests. One can not insult them, and yet here they are 
traveling from the residence of one Senator to that of another, 
endeavoring to force the interests of the roads. So and so 
says : ' See that fellow. He is a lobbyist for such and such a 
road, just coming out of Beck's house, going into Allison's, 
Edmunds, etc. He tips his friends a wink and says 'that's legis- 
lation.' These lobbyists often take politeness for acquiescence. 
I stand by my speech made upon the Thurman bill. I read it 
over a few weeks ago, and, while it may not be as able as some 
of the others, it expresses what I think very clearly. It is 
just in this very line that the World is now tending that I 
have introduced the bill to prevent men representing corpora- 
tions from becoming Senators of the United States. I want 
to see men in the Senate who will look at these matters fairly 
and squarely and echo the wishes of the people and not the 
corporations. I would rather see the government lose all the 
money it has advanced to these Pacific railroads than to go 
ahead and let them have more money simply because some one 
says: 'Well, if you don't help them out all the money the 
government has invested is gone.' Give me a man who be- 
longs to himself. 

A Good Word for Roscoe Conkling. 

"I tell you candidly and honestly that now, with your great 
senatorial fight on your hands in New York, I would rather 
see Roscoe Conkling come from that State than any other 
man in it. Morton and Miller have corporation interests. 
Conkling has none. He can be counted on for an honest vote 
upon all questions, whether relating to railroads or anything 
else, and his powerful voice would be heard in the most telling 
manner against all corruption. I may say too much, for I 
recognize the fact that he can harm the Democracy more than 
any one in the Senate. Yet he is a man after my own heart — 
a man who belongs to himself. 

"So far as Charley Sherrill is concerned, I knew little of 
him. I used to see him in the pool rooms and at the races in 
common with the rest of Kentucky men. I like a horse, and — " 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 139 

Here the World representative called Senator Beck's atten- 
tion to Mr. Huntington's card, published the other day, in 
which he said that Mr. Sherrill never would bet and never 
visited horse races. 

Senator Beck laughed heartily at this and said : 
"Oh, pshaw! That's nonsense; he did visit the pool-rooms 
and bet too, for, as I said, I have met him there many times. 
He may have paid money out at the capitol, but I know nothing 
about it, and I only know that the presence of lobbyists does 
more to make me afraid of a measure than to make me friendly 
to it. I am glad that The World has started this matter at 
the present time and shall be most happy to vote for an in- 
vestigation of the subject." 

Sherman on Stanford's Duty. 

Senator John Sherman, the president of the senate, said to- 
night, after reading The World article, that it will be hard for 
Senator Stanford to avoid asking for an investigation. "I 
must say," he continued, "that this matter places Senator 
Stanford in a very awkward position, and can't for the life of 
me see how they managed to dispose of such enormous sums 
of money. Don't believe they did. I believe the accounts 
were made to show it, and I believe the investigation will show 
that the accounts were fixed up so as to get the benefit of the 
government's 25 per cent, allowance, and I think that when 
either a senator or member is met by charges like these he 
should demand an investigation, and my wonder was great 
that Senator Payne did not demand an investigation in his 
case. I never believed that he was guilty of bribery, but for 
his friends I can't say so much. Anything that savors of 
bribery or corruption I heartily detest, and I don't care who 
the man is, he should clean his skirts of it." 

Holman Commends "The World's" Work. 

Judge Holman said that he regarded the exposure made by 
The World of the corruption by the Pacific Railroad managers 
as fatal to any future intrigues and negotiations with the 
government. 

"It has been known," he said, "that there was any quantity 
of corruption by the Pacific Railroad people, but never before 
was it so forcibly proven. It, I think, completely kills the pos- 
sibility of the passage of the funding bill. It is one of the 
best pieces of newspaper exposure that has ever been made in 
the national capital. It seals forever the fate of the Pacific 
lobby, and places a number of very prominent men in any- 
thing but a pleasant attitude. Speaker Carlisle must know 
that in the next congress he must appoint a railroad commit- 



140 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

tee that will do something in accordance with the spirit of 
the government when the road was constructed. I am op- 
posed to the passage of any bill that will extend additional 
time to the company. What the government wants is at the 
maturity of the debt to sell the road outright, no matter if at 
a sacrifice. It is contrary to the policy of the government to 
have any association with corporations. The road was con- 
structed for purely political reasons, which at the time ap- 
peared patriotic. It was considered as the best thing that 
could be done to bind the Pacific states to the union, which at 
that time, it was feared, might go off with the Confederacy. 
The purpose for which the road was built has long since been 
successfully accomplished, and now the next thing to be done 
is for the government to go out of the railroad business." 

Investigation Favored Everywhere. 

General Wheeler, of Alabama, said: "The employment of 
a lobby to force the Pacific Railroad matters through was well 
known, and I, in common with hundreds of others, thought it 
outrageous. The Pacific railroads I look upon as being mis- 
managed. If it was necessary for them to pay out such large 
amounts to lobbyists in order to have requisite legislation, I, 
for one, am in favor of investigation. Norwood, I think, has 
been very open in his connection with the roads, and went 
hither and yon to state legislatures to press their claims and 
to down the Texas Pacific. This, I think, was done when he 
was not a member of the house." 

Senator Payne, of Ohio, said: "I have not given the matter 
sufficient attention because of lack of opportunity to read 
The World's story properly, and can express no opinion, but 
I have great faith in Senator McPherson and anything he may 
bring before the senate in relation to this subject will have my 
earnest attention." 

Senator Call said: "The idea of so much money being paid 
out for lobbying is outrageous. These things all occurred be- 
fore I had a voice in the senate of the United States. I think 
$2,000,000 is a large sum of money and it well merits atten- 
tion. After The World gets through with this matter, how- 
ever, I hope it will take in hand the paying out of $300,000,000 
by the people of the United States in taxes upon what we eat 
and what we wear. The World's Pacific Railroad matter is 
a big thing, but the taxation of the people of the United States 
is also worthy of its most earnest attention." 

Mr. Hale's Word for the Stockholders. 

Senator Hale said: "I must say I was annoyed while read- 
ing The World article in relation to the Pacific Railroad and 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 141 

wondered if the time would ever come when great corpora- 
tions would be able to see what a mistake they make in pay- 
ing out large sums of money to attorneys, lobbyists and others 
to press their interest and force attention. Why, in my own 
case, I have more than once had my suspicions aroused by the 
continuous importuning of men pressing measures before me. 
There may be men in congress who could be reached by money, 
but I am very sure their number is small and their voice in 
favor of a measure would go more to hurt than to help it. 
So far as the paying of large amounts of money out of the 
treasury of the Central Pacific is concerned, without render- 
ing account, by the managers of these Pacific roads, I would 
say it is a great injustice to the stockholders of the railroad 
and they have a right to demand a knowledge of what has be- 
come of the money not paid to the government. The govern- 
ment was most liberal with its money in assisting to build these 
roads, and I am exceedingl}^ annoyed to think that such 
enormous sums of money went to lobbyists and middlemen. 
If I could by any words of mine impress upon these railroad 
companies that the use of money in this way did more to hurt 
than to help them, I would be happy." 

Senator Edmunds said: "I do not desire to give any 
opinion regarding the subject. Both Senator Thurman and 
myself thought at the time that a powerful lobby was working 
against us, but we failed to show it. It is all over and I have 
no more to say." 

Senator Gorman said: "If The World is sure of its figures 
and statements it is the most important discovery since the 
Credit Mobilier matter. The business will be investigated and 
if The World is right (and it generally is) it has done the 
country a great service." 

What Receiver Brown Thinks. 

Ex-Gov. John C. Brown, of Tennessee, now receiver of the 
Texas Pacific road, and who, at the time of the construction 
of the Texas Pacific was the able lieutenant of Col. Thomas A. 
Scott, said that he had read with great care the exposure in 
The World of Saturday, and the facts there developed were 
quite conclusive to his mind that the construction of the 
Southern Pacific at the time was wholly in the interest of the 
Central and Union Pacific. "It was always our opinion," con- 
tinued the governor, "and we so stated before the committees 
of congress at the time, that the proposed construction of the 
Southern Pacific was for the purpose of defeating the plan to 
build the Texas Pacific, fearing it would seriously interfere 
with the business of the Union Pacific, and in this way they 



142 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

prevented the construction of a rival line. The statement 
made by Mr. Norwood in the house yesterday shows what we 
claimed at the time, that most of the expenses for the building 
of the Southern Pacific might be charged to the operating ex- 
penses of the other lines. After we were defeated in the Texas 
Pacific enterprise, which it was proposed to build on from El 
Paso to California, Mr. Huntington and Mr. Stanford built 
the Southern Pacific, in many cases on the exact line of our 
revised survey. Mr. Scott and myself often talked the mat- 
ter over and we felt positive that great sums of money were 
being used to defeat us. The World now proves that this was 
the case, and I think that the matter should be quite thor- 
oughly investigated, which I have no doubt will be done." 

Mr, Springer's Scathing Analysis. 

Mr. Springer, of Illinois, who has given more study to the 
subject of the Pacific railroads than any member, said that 
the funding bill was dead. The committee had given up 
its position in the house in favor of this measure by asking 
for an investigation. In their asking for this investigation 
they had admitted that they had no correct knowledge of the 
assets of the roads and no information concerning the exact 
amount of the debt due. Mr. Springer said that he felt con- 
fident that he could have defeated the measure in the half 
hour which he was to have had. He said that the pending 
funding measure, to use plain Anglo-Saxon, was simply a 
proposition to gut the Thurman act. The pending measure 
was a paraphrase of the Thurman act, with all of the penalties 
for its violation left out. Under the Thurman act the directors 
are held responsible individually for declaring a dividend 
when their dues to the government are not paid. More than 
this, they are liable to imprisonment. The funding bill, while 
it made the prohibition even more severe than the language 
of the Thurman act, yet omitted the punishment clause and 
so, therefore, the prohibition would have been inoperative and 
ineffective. Mr. Springer said that he would have been able 
also to show that it lessened the security of the government. 
The Thurman act gives the government all the security pos- 
sible for law to provide. The funding bill set up as new 
security certain stocks and bonds which were already hypothe- 
cated. Of the $32,000,000 enumerated among the additional 
assets it could be shown that only $16,000,000 had any value 
whatever and that these $16,000,000 were hypothecated today 
in the Boston banks to the full extent of their value. 

The investigation should be full, free, wide and open, Mr. 
Springer said. Mr. Stanford and Mr. Huntington should be 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics H3 

made to tell what they had done with the money of the gov- 
ernment and of the stockholders. The large sums used by 
them in elections had done more to corrupt politics than any 
other one element. It was a most important matter to have 
the government close out as soon as possible its partnership 
with these roads. It had been a corrupting element from the 
start. "The administration," he said, "should hold these 
roads up to a strict accountability. They should be made to 
comply with the requirements of the Thurman act, and when 
the debt finally falls due, if they cannot pay, the government 
should take the lines and sell to the highest bidder." 

How the Government Can Recover. 

Mr. Springer then outlined in a clear, business-like way how 
the government could recover the full amount of its debt. 
Said he: "The amount of stock of this road and the bonds 
which are subordinate to the government mortgage amount, 
judged by the market quotations, to about $114,000,000. 
The stock alone, judged by the market quotation, is valued 
at nearly $64,000,000. The stock and the bonds I have 
just described are subordinate to the government's lien. 
These facts should be borne in mind when the agents of these 
roads talk about their bankrupt condition. Now, if these roads 
were to be put under the hammer tomorrow either the Chicago, 
Burlington and Quincy road, the Chicago and Rock Island or 
the Chicago and Northwestern would be glad to pay off the 
first mortgage and assume the government debt. Each one 
of these roads is reaching out to the Pacific Coast for con- 
nections. Their credit is first class. Whenever they put out 
a loan there are four subscribers to one than can be accom- 
modated. Any one of these roads could afford to pay off the 
first mortgage and issue a loan to obtain money to pay the 
government debt. Of course, they would wipe out the $114,- 
000,000 of securties which are now subordinate to the govern- 
ment's interest. But that is nothing with which the govern- 
ment has to do. The government stands exactly in the position 
of any other creditor. It has the clear means of securing its 
own debt and it has no business to think or care about the 
interests which are subordinate to it. The people who have 
purchased these securities have bought them with their eyes 
open. If they have been misled by misrepresentation, that is 
their fault." 



My First Connection With Georgia 

Politics 



The times which followed the war and reconstruction were 
full of excitement. The same men who were prominent in 
Governor Bullock's time were to the forefront in legislation 
in the early '70 's. Calling themselves Democrats, they ran 
with the hare and held with the hounds in those stormy days 
when "carpet-bagism" prevailed in the South, 

An objectionable nominee in the Seventh congressional dis- 
trict induced a great many citizens to look around them for 
some one to lead a revolt against the tyranny of party turned 
into the hands of unscrupulous politicians. These conditions 
were forced upon Dr. Felton's attention, and their entreaties 
prevailed when he finally consented to lead the Independents 
in the race for congress, during the year 1874. He was a 
farmer and a local Methodist preacher — had only served one 
term in the state legislature, 1851-52. Accustomed to public 
speaking, he was well known in several counties outside of his 
own, Bartow, and he was deluged with letters, imploring him 
to announce his candidacy as soon as the people were con- 
vinced that "Ring Rule" would prevail in the nominations 
of that year in the Seventh district. 

The newspapers of Georgia were dependent on the office- 
holding element in the matter of advertising, etc., so they 
raised a howl against Independentism all along the line. The 
fire of the ring organs was concentrated on Dr. Felton and 
they were frantic with their abuse on one hand, and imploring 
entreaty to hold the Democratic organization intact, on the 
other hand. As there was no Republican organization, oxcept 
enough to hold the offices of a Republican administration in 
its grasp, and as these double-faced Democratic politicians 
had run Governor Bullock out of the state and covered Radi- 
calism with obloquy, it was easy enough for these self-seeking, 
so-called Democratic politicians to open fire on an Independent 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 145 

Democrat who was about to contest their right to all the 
offices and the control of all the legislation in the state of 
Georgia. 

From June, 1874, to election day — November 2nd — this fire 
on Dr. Felton never abated. Atlanta was the headquarters 
of the ring masters, but every newspaper in the Seventh 
district except two little weekly sheets — one in Cartersville, 
the other in Cedartown — began to yelp as soon as i^eneral 
orders to howl and defame were issued from the capital city. 

The "Western and Atlantic Railroad, which traverses the 
district, passed these shifty politicians free, and it was no 
more trouble for them to caucus weekly in Atlanta than it 
was to go to the post office for their letters and papers. They 
liked to go there, for later legislative investigations demon- 
strated not only their lively interest in political affairs, but 
their pernicious activity in official greed and graft. 

I was dreadfully anxious for Dr. Felton and his reputation 
under this concentrated fire, and as he was only a farmer, 
with no income except his farm returns, I suffered untold ap- 
prehension in this stormy period of my life. He had no free 
pass on the only railroad that traversed the district. He had 
no favors from venal newspapers, he paid full rates at hotels 
everywhere and he traveled over fourteen large counties in 
a buggy — except where he might reach his appointments by 
the State railroad — and it was spot cash at every turn. 

From a quiet country life in a plain farm house, with only 
farm worries and expenses to contend with, I was hurled into 
a vortex of excitement, abuse, expense and anxiety that no 
words can describe or pen portray. 

There were no typewriters or telephones, and I had but 
little money to spare for telegraphing, so I was thrown back 
on my pen and the post office to meet the daily exigencies of 
that terrible ordeal, which continued for six months, night 
and day — Sunday as well as Monday. Dr. Felton had all he 
could possibly do to cover his speaking appointments in four- 
teen counties. He was exhausted with fatigue very often 
and I felt obliged to hold up a brave face when he came home, 



146 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

after a tour of days and sometimes weeks, for the physical 
strain was quite as severe as the mental. 

My unaided pen had to do the work of answering all his 
letters, of fixing all his appointments, and last but not least, 
of writing many newspaper replies to the abuse and misrepre- 
sentation of his enemies. I am still amazed that I lived 
through it. Once my poor, overworked frame gave down, and 
I was obliged to go to a sick bed, but will-power gained the 
victory. I was propped up in bed and wrote letters like the 
furies were pursuing me (and it was literally true). .1 could 
not walk across the floor. I was even too weak to stand on 
my feet — still I wrote and explained. 

Towards the close of the campaign — then six weeks or a 
month off — I kept a hired man in waiting at the gate with a 
saddled horse to meet trains and carry letters to the post 
office. We lived three miles away and there were four mail 
trains to meet, and between times I opened and answered the 
letters of each day promptly. I had also to contract for print- 
ing tickets and circulars, and distribute them where they 
were to go. 

While the Democratic organization paid for all this work, 
I paid extravagant printing bills and enormous express 
charges out of a scanty pocket book. We borrowed seven hun- 
dred dollars, and I would have placed my bottom dollar in 
the effort rather than fail in that crisis of abuse and strenu- 
osity. 

The wear and tear on my system was heavy. I grew as 
lean as flesh and blood ever get to be, to walk about and live, 
before the race was over. I had no time to "set a stitch" for 
myself and my dresses hung on my bones like a sheet wrapped 
on a fence rail. Sometimes I couldn't sleep — then to rest 
myself, I would get up and write. 

Dr. Felton's clothing was no light care. He perspired 
tremendously and I often heard him say that he could feel 
the perspiration racing down his limbs during a long speech 
in a crowded house, until it would slop about in the heels of 
his boots. After every speech — for he was scrupulously neat 
— he was obliged to shuck off those soaked undergarments. 
His perfect health and absolutely clean life saved him. When 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 147 

he reached home the clothes line was strung with wet clothes 
until the washerwoman might come for them. He carried a 
huge leather grip, filled with shirts and underwear, and I had 
to be ready with a supply of fresh ones whenever he started 
away — early or late*. He was rarely at home, and buggy travel 
was slow and arduous between speaking places. 

I had also to write to him every day. His anxiety for us 
at home was so great that this daily letter became a necessity. 
I bought stamps, many dollars worth at a time, and what- 
ever else was neglected or went undone, I strove to keep his 
mind as easy as I could make it, so that he could feel that all 
was well in the home that he loved as he loved his life. I 
knew he was honest and sincere in this call of duty, and I 
knew also that he leaned on the wife at home, like she was 
a comrade-in-arms, and worthy of the trust confided in her. 
It was a wonderful exposition of what confidence, poverty 
and honesty could do to make two untrained persons march 
through such a campaign and keep step together until the 
battle ended. But there came a time when my whole soul 
was engulfed in anxiety. Colonel Trammell, the nominee, was 
to meet Dr. Felton at Sonora, Gordon county, on an ap- 
pointed day for a public debate. A day or two previously, at 
Summerville, Chattooga county, Dr. Felton had spoken and 
during the speech he laid on the table in front of him the 
official copy of the "Suppressed Frost Testimony," which 
connected Mr. Trammell 's name with the Brunswick and 
Albany Railroad bonds. This testimony had been suppressed 
by a Democratic committee of the Georgia legislature, which 
had assembled in New York City to take testimony from 
various witnesses out of the State. 

But a copy of the same had been saved by a proper person 
in the state capitol, and this copy was placed in Dr. Felton 's 
hands by a party (whose name I cannot give here), with the 
imprint of the seal of the state of Georgia stamped thereon. 
As this matter will be fully explained in another place, I 
proceed to say that I was notified from Dalton that the Sonora 
meeting would be attended by fifty of Colonel Trammell's 
partisans from that town and they had boasted that "Old Fel- 



148 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

ton" would "eat dirt" on that occasion, or "bite the dust." 
As I could not notify Dr. Felton, I telegraphed the night be- 
fore to Calhoun, to a friend, begging that our friends should 
be notified in Gordon county, because there would be no eating 
of dirt if there should be violence and maybe death. 

I spent a wretched day. There was no way to communicate 
with Sonora, and I must wait until night to hear from Cal- 
houn. 

But the expected letter came by the night train, and while 
Colonel Trammell denied the charge in regard to the railroad 
bonds, he admitted receiving about $7,500 from the railroad 
man who secured lawyers to oppose unfriendly legislation to 
those bonds. 

That admission cleared away all difficulty, and the official 
copy of suppressed testimony has been in my possession ever 
since. So there was only a bluff intended and the bluff failed 
to work, but it gave one poor woman a "bad quarter of an 
hour" in apprehension and anxiety. The story of the sup- 
pressed testimony was published throughout Georgia for the 
first time, and some of the ringsters began to rush to cover — 
deserting Colonel Trammell immediately, as rats leave a burn- 
ing barn, or from a sinking ship in raid-ocean. 

Some days later I was in Cartersville to pay some bills, leav- 
ing Dr. Felton at home seeking a needed rest. As soon as 1 
reached the town a dozen friends rushed to my buggy telling 
me of a secret meeting of the Democratic Executive Committee 
in the court house, and they told me also that a hack full of 
the ringsters had gone out to find Dr. Felton with some sort 
of a proposition, etc. They distrusted this movement. 

I did not meet the hack and could hardly believe they Vvere on 
the way, but I never alighted from my buggy, turned about 
and rushed towards home. The idea of their presence in our 
house and Dr. Felton without a witness to what was said or 
done became exasperating to my mind, because these ringsters 
had condoned the unrighteous abuse heaped upon us by their 
public speakers until I detested their very names and occu- 
pation. 

As I drove up to our house I left the buggy ; my old gray 
mare made her way around to the barn, and I saw the mem- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 149 

bers of the executive committee coming out from the house 
with Dr. Felton, towards the gate. There I halted until they 
reached me and we were introduced, etc. Not a word was 
uttered as to their business and two of them stepped into the 
hack before I questioned them. Then I saw they were going 
away hastily in spite of my hard ride and anxiety so I said 
something like the following: "I ■;^as told in Cartersville 
of this unexpected visit. I came home to do the honors of 
our home and to discover what this change of front means on 
this occasion. Your committee has been in secret session, I am 
told, in the court house today. I have not the least idea as 
to the purpose of this call. I haven't heard a word from Dr. 
Felton, as you know, but I have only one question to ask to 
which I must have an answer. What do you propose to write 
or say or telegraph to the newspapers as to this unexplained 
visit? You expect to do something, you came here to do 
something, but I ask you as honorable men to state the facts 
and the truth as to the results of your call upon Dr. Felton." 

They winked at each other. Some grew anxious for a smoke. 
All but one decided to get in the hack. Col. Nathan Bass, of 
Rome (long since dead), was told to reply. He then said the 
committee desired that both Felton and Trammell should come 
down and allow a new nomination to be made, but Dr. Felton 
had declined the proposition. 

"All right, gentlemen," I rejoined. ''That was the proper 
thing for him to say and do. You didn't put him up and are 
not the people to control his actions. You can do as you like 
with your nominee and I tell you frankly that you have only 
made another mistake in coming here to ask compliance with 
your wishes after the abuse that your understrappers have 
been throwing out for four or five consecutive months." 

The white driver of the hack told it in Cartersville after 
they left him that they had a hearty laugh at the clever way 
in which one little woman had disgruntled the plans of a hack- 
ful of first-class politicians. They said they "admired my 
pluck if not my politics." 

These men brought down Col. Trammell and as soon as they 
could muster up recruits and lay new plans they called a con- 
gressional convention to make a new nomination. Col. W. H. 



150 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Dabney was therefore made their standard bearer with a two- 
weeks' campaign ahead of him. Every whipper-snapper that 
had howled and yelped before, snarled, howled, yelped and 
slandered us right and left during that fortnight of strenuous 
endeavor. But the new nominee had a heavy pull on a steep 
rough road, because the Trammell surrender was strapped on 
his back and he had to carry it nolens volens. The entire State 
now kept its eyes on the unequal race in the seventh. 

Immediately a flaming proclamation was issued that Hon. 
B. H. Hill, Hon. John B. Gordon, Hon. H. V. M. Miller would 
come to a mass meeting and stump the district for Col. Dab- 
ney, naming days and places. 

I addressed a personal letter to each of these gentlemen in- 
quiring if they so intended and giving as a reason for the 
inquiry my desire to have some one there to reply. Dr. Miller 
wrote me with an emphatic "No." He also wrote a personal 
card to the Atlanta newspapers, in which he said he never 
had the slightest intention of going and had been misrepre- 
sented as to speaking in Col. Dabney 's interest. Senator Hill 
wrote promptly, but a private letter in which occurs the fol- 
lowing strong statement: 

"Atlanta, Oct. 23, 1874. 
"Mrs. W. H. Felton — Dear Madam: 

"I have just received your letter of the 21st. I have never 
had the slightest idea of doing one act or of saying one word 
against your good husband and my old friend. I have been 
greatly pressed to go into his district, but I have never agreed 
to do so and I shall not do so. How could I do such a thing 
as to oppose Dr. Felton? My feelings are all with him, and 
I have said on several occasions that if he should be elected 
he will be the best man in the Georgia delegation. Senate or 
House. 

(Signed) ' ' BEN J. H. HILL. ' ' 

Mr. Hill was in private life then, but was soon after elected 
to fill the place of Congressman Garnett, H. McMillan, deceased. 

I wrote the same inquiry to Senator Gordon on the 2d. I 
had no reply for a week, because his reply was mailed on 
the 26th and reached me on the 28th of October. Because I 
then and there got an insight into Senator Gordon's methods 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 151 

in insurance and politics, I shall copy it in full just here: 

"Atlanta Department of Southern Life Insurance Co. An- 
nual income over $1,500,000. John B. Gordon, president; J. 
A. Morris, secretary; A. H. Colquitt, vice-president; W. C. 
Morris, auditor and supervisor. 

"Atlanta, Ga., Oct. 24, 1874. 
"Mrs. W. H. Felton, Cartersville, Ga., 

"Dear Madam: I have yours asking if it is my purpose to 
make speeches at the mass meeting in the seventh district. In 
reply I have to say that I have appointments of long standing 
in the second district, and I am now preparing to leave for 
Southern Georgia to meet them. It is impossible now to say 
when I will return. I am Madam, very respectfully, your 
obt. servant, "J. B. GORDON." 

The congressional election was held on November 2d, and 
this letter was written on the 24th, but held from the mail 
until the 26th. There were only seven days left to the election, 
including one Sunday. 

Senator Gordon was on his way to the seventh district the 
succeeding week, and spoke in Rome on October 30th, four 
days after he sent that letter to me. 

Col. Tom Hardeman was pressed into service at Marietta 
on October 28th, and was booked for Cartersville on Friday, 
29th, but he only peeped through the car window as he passed 
through on his way to Rome to assist General Gordon, who 
spoke to a good crowd of ladies and gentlemen, as the ring 
organ printed it. Only Governor J. M. Smith came into the 
seventh when Mr. Trammell was running, an episode which 
Hon. A. R. Wright, of Rome, transfixed with ridicule as a 
"masked battery rolled out from the executive mansion to 
cower a free people in their exercise of a freeman's right of 
choice at the ballot box." 

On October 27th, the Republican candidate, Harbin, came 
down because his fellow Republicans declared they would not 
vote for any man who was only running to throw the election 
to the Democrats and who had no earthly chance for election 
himself. Immediately the wires were put to work and it was 
published far and wide that Felton had "outbid" him for the 
vote of his own party. 



152 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

While these outside politicians were hurling threats of de- 
fiance at Felton and a venal press was scattering an untold 
number of lies abroad and every lick-spittle follower of the 
State administration and every influence that the Western 
and Atlantic Railroad could bring to bear on its employes 
was used to the limit, Dr. Felton continued to meet his many 
appointments and did the best he could to fend off this horde 
of antagonists, who were selected because they were all cut 
from the same piece of cloth and made by the same shop of 
political tailors in Georgia politics. 

Senator Gordon and Gov. J. M. Smith were the prominent 
headlights in that battle of 1874 and to the day of their deaths 
they held on to the vindictive hatred they had always felt for 
Dr. Felton. Having injured him, or so endeavored, they were 
naturally disposed to hate him. 

It would be pathetic to tell what I endured under this op- 
position, if it was not so consoling to know how one weary 
country woman on a North Georgia farm stood up and jubi- 
lated in a quiet way when the returns came in after the elec- 
tion was over and our side had won the race. 

On Friday, before the election, Dr. Felton made a speech 
at Spring Place, Murray county, where Col. J. W. Johnson 
and Col. Trammell, of Dalton, and Gen. P. M. B. Young, then 
Congressman from the seventh district, all appeared in Col. 
Dabney's interest and asked for a division of time to which 
Dr. Felton answered: "Yes, of course, I'll divide. Any one 
of you can occupy the first hour, then I'll take an hour and a 
half and the rest of you can do as you please all day for I have 
to reach Gordon county tonight and speak therein twice to- 
morrow. Will that be agreeable?" 

Col. Trammell didn't say much and Gen. Young expatiated 
on his services in Congress and then Dr. Felton followed. He 
condoled with Col. Trammell that he had fared so hardly in 
the house of his friends and then took care of the Congress- 
man, his neighbor, who had been pulled into the campaign 
nilly willy. The general had voted for the salary grab, and 
professed great friendship for Gen. Bingham, of Ohio. Among 
other things there spoken by the general (to fill up time) he 
told of the hanging of Mrs. Surratt in the city of Washington 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 153 

and this tragic assassination had as little to do with the cam- 
paign then on in the seventh district, as last year's shower, 
with this year's corn crop, but he made the tears come to the 
eyes of the faithful when he told how he spent an occasional 
holiday visiting and weeping over Mrs. Surratt's lonely grave 
in its neglected and ignoble locality. 

An eye witness told me of the wonderful scene that took 
place when Dr. Felton reached the Surratt case and the salary 
grab in his reply and the weeping Congressman and his friend, 
Gen. Bingham, who happened to be one of the court that sen- 
tenced Mrs. Surratt to death, and was finally expelled in Oakes 
Ames Credit Mobilier affair later on from Congress as a bribe 
taker. Dr. Felton remembered enough of it to tell me also 
that Col. Trammell was as delighted a listener as the rest of 
his friends who whooped and shouted until the town echoed 
with the noise at the speaking place when Dr. Felton had 
finished. 

After he had concluded his speech. Dr. Felton picked up 
his bundle of papers and politely informed the gentlemen pres- 
ent that he felt obliged to go, but he was happy to know they 
had time to talk over the situation among themselves now that 
"Peace reigned in Warsaw," and that both Gen. Young and 
Col. Trammell were present to eulogize Col. Dabney, because 
they loved each other so well and were so loyal to the party 
that had rejected both of them ! 

Gen. Young left for Dalton immediately, reached home that 
night and a good friend of ours found him at the train, where 
that frank, clever gentleman gave a graphic description of 
the hallelujah parson at Spring Place, who had preached his 
(Young's) funeral that day, wrapped him in a winding sheet 
and carefully interred him. 

A messenger was sent out to me to tell me all about it that 
night, and give me good cheer in those waiting, toiling, suffer- 
ing and exhausting labors of the strenuous time. I had my 
hands full in getting out tickets, sending circulars and posting 
the people of our own county as to election day with other 
preliminaries. So I had hardly time to think of anything but 
the uncertainties of a Georgia election, although the very 
woods seemed to be alive with the hot political excitement that 



154 M.V Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

prevailed. When the tired old doctor reached home that 
Saturday night and I had given him his supper and saw hira 
resting in his big arm chair I asked: "Now, how does it look 
to you?" 

He waited a minute before he answered my question. "It's 
very uncertain. The upper counties are controlled by the 
ring organization. They are sending men up and down the 
State railroad with base circulars and I expect any amount of 
bogus tickets will be placed at the polls, and Harbin will carry 
a considerable vote in the eastern part of the district." I 
saw he was gloomy and worn down, for the muscles of his 
throat had relaxed until his throat rattled every time he spoke 
a word. He was gaunt as a greyhound, and nothing but skin 
and bones. 

There was still one day to work and I dreaded to see him 
collapse after all that hard struggle of months, so I told him 
only cheerful things. Harbin was down and out, and I had 
sent a thousand circulars making that fact known and that 
it looked good to me for I had heard from all over the district 
and everything was cheering and his own county was standing 
by him like Roman soldiers in line of battle waiting to vote 
on Tuesday. He slept well in all these trying times so he 
was up and ready on Monday morning for the last day of 
the campaign. He did not get home until midnight — spoke at 
Marietta in the forenoon and at Emerson after night. 

Tuesday was a cold, raw November day. I saw him leave 
home to vote wrapped in a heavy overcoat and neckwear, but 
I was afraid he would come back with pneumonia, because he 
was a worn old pilgrim and liable to be prostrated from fatigue 
no matter how the election went. 

I stayed at home very quietly and spent my time in culling 
the campaign newspapers that I had put aside for safe keeping. 
I begun my first scrapbook on that fateful November day 
when every fiber of my worn-down frame was tingling with 
anxiety. (I have great heaps of these books now and enough 
printed matter to make as many more). I found that I had 
been harnessed up so tight and been going at such a pace 
for so long that I must ease down very gradually or fare worse 
when the excitement subsided. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 155 

About 10 o'clock at night Dr. Felton came in. I had re- 
ceived some meager tidings during the day from the polls, 
but nothing definite. When he laid himself down that night 
to rest he remarked: "I can now go to defeat with such a 
vote as this county has given me. Bartow has given me 1,782 
votes and Col. Dabney 340, a majority of 1,442. Cobb had 
also given me between five and six hundred majority. Any 
man could stand erect with such a victory at his own home. 
We will hear tomorrow, and I want you to be satisfied as I 
am satisfied that we have done brave, faithful work and have 
nothing to regret or reproach ourselves for." 

Wednesday proved to be an anxious day. We had heard 
only from Bartow, Cobb and Polk definitely. The Atlanta 
newspapers declared Dabney elected by a small majority. The 
vote in the upper counties was extremely heavy, if it was 
correct and officially reported, but it was not officially declared. 
By nightfall we had some sort of a return from every county 
in the district except Haralson, but only unofficial returns. 

By Thursday morning our anxiety became intense, but Dr. 
Felton now lay on the bed exhausted and convinced that the 
delay meant a counting out for him in the upper counties. 
When the Atlanta newspapers were brought in about noon, I 
ran over the election returns with a rapid eye. I saw there 
was great discrepancy in the figures sent out on Wednesday 
and those I was then reading over and I called out to him as 
he lay on the bed that a great change had taken place in the 
count. He straightened up, as I read over the figures of the 
vote in various counties, and then he asked "could I have din- 
ner on the table very soon?" He ate quickly and started for 
Cartersville. 

I heard his step on the piazza about nightfall, and I was 
even then too anxious to turn or look at him, but he walked 
around in front of me and called my name as he remarked: 
"All the counties but Haralson heard from and I am sixty- 
odd votes ahead. It all rests now with the unknown vote of 
Haralson county." 

Some time after dark, while we were quietly sitting by a 
glowing wood fire too tired to talk or read, we heard a great 
noise out towards Cartersville. We could hear shouting — 



156 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

we saw lights that were unusual and unearthly noises were 
heard also. As we rushed to the door to listen better we heard 
rapid riding, horse hoofs pounding the highway. As the rider 
and horse rose on the top of a high hill a mile distant we also 
heard a war-whoop and we then knew the rider to be an old 
friend who was born in Indian times and who had ridden 
horse races in the long ago and who was a Felton man to the 
core and was bringing news. 

Before I could reach the front gate, candle in hand, he bore 
down upon us, his horse drenched with sweat and foam drop- 
ping from its mouth. The rider was too excited to talk, but 
he brought a telegram that gave the facts in regard to Haralson 
county. Col. Acton, the traveling agent for the Atlanta Con- 
stitution, was in Buchanan that day and heard the vote de- 
clared and Felton had 125 majority in that county. On the 
same Thursday night Col. Dabney's friends were jubilating 
in Rome. They had brass bands and banners, transparencies, 
etc. They had one of the latter where Felton was down and 
a negro pounding his head with a brick bat because the negro 
vote had been wasted on the "Old Radical." 

An eye witness in Rome thus wrote us: "I fought hard 
and long against great odds. Even my partner in business 
opposed me. During that long two days of suspense and vote 
fluctuations not less than 200 men have been jeering me and 
said I was on Salt River and Felton with me. To this I would 
reply 'there isn't enough in Georgia to change me.' Some 
admired my spunk, but generally they ridiculed me. This 
afternoon things looked gloomy. Felton men were cast down. 
Dabney men were all smiles, their houses illuminated. Grand 
preparations were going on all day for a great torch-light 
procession, bon fires and fireworks. 'Twas a bitter thought 
to remember how hard I had worked and failed. 

After tea I walked down town and watched these men 
throw their hearts and souls into the joy I so coveted. Down 
Broad street, so far as the eye could reach, men were hurry- 
ing here and there as if crazed by their success. Three bon 
fires were blazing in front, Roman candles shooting through 
the air, the band beginning to play and the procession moved 
along lightly up Broad down South avenue, across King to my 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 157 

corner, then up Howard and back to Broad when a great 
cheer arose in the ranks as they marched to Choice's Hotel, 
where Judge Underwood, Col. Joel Branham and Col. Dabney 
stood and then and there the truth found them drunk with 
supposed success until they "madly threw a world away." 

In the midst of their wild carousal Judge Underwood came 
to the front and said: "Felton is elected!" The crowd dis- 
appeared in a trice, the bon fires were put out, the trans- 
parencies disappeared and the exulting ones retired to chew 
the cud of bitter fancies in defeat. 

One of these speakers, not Col. Dabney, had said: "Felton 
men, their wives and children, ought to be ostracized and cut 
off from decent society," but there was a general stampede 
from the hotel that night and the three days' agony was over! 

Some years later a young telegrapher at Kingston, Ga., told 
his minister in confidence that he was distressed and mortified 
because he heard continually various messages passed along 
over the wires as **How many have you counted off?" "Take 
down the figures — Dabney must have it." 

In Haralson the official vote that was heard and counted 
and declared two days after the election to be 125 majority 
for Felton was trimmed of the 5 and only 12 returned as Fel- 
ton's majority in Haralson. This is history — Georgia history 
— but a "miss is as good as a mile," when a race is thus hap- 
pily decided. With all the cheating, swindling, abuse and 
trickery the majority was recorded at 82, but there can be no 
question that the grossest frauds prevailed in certain locali- 
ties. Dr. Felton was credited with only four votes in Dade 
county when at least a hundred men declared they had cast 
a vote for him at that time. I received a letter from Col. Dab- 
ney, which I here copy: 

"Rome, Ga., Nov. 9, 1874. 
' ' Mrs. Rebecca A. Felton : 

"Your note is at hand, and I thank you for the kind spirit 
in which it is written. The fact that I have been engaged in 
political opposition to your husband does not disturb my 
friendship towards you, I have long numbered you and your 
father and mother among my very best friends and am glad 



158 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

to receive this assurance of your continued friendship, 

"Respectfully, "W. H. DABNEY." 

Not even when the vote was declared officially did the ring- 
sters cease their machinations. 

On November 30th a protest went to Gov. Smith stating 
that some of the tally sheets were not properly signed in Gor- 
don county and a gentleman Avho was not long after appointed 
as a superior court judge insisted that Dabney should be 
seated instead of Felton. He said "the friends of Democracy 
all over this district request me to send this proof." But the 
certificate of election had been already issued and they were 
too late. In Haralson county the election returns were un- 
lawfully locked up in Buchanan and nearly three weeks 
elapsed before the friends of Dr. Felton felt obliged to break 
in the door and take them out. The rampageous official ex- 
cused his conduct by saying "No such d n radical returns 

ought to go to Atlanta." But his party affiliations protected 
him, and nobody called him to account for the breach of duty. 

Henry Grady, then editing the Atlanta Herald, said "It was 
a royal fight," and he visited Cartersville when the town 
turned itself loose after Felton 's election. "With naked eyes 
and bleeding heart we gazed upon the bald and impious spot 
where the sacred remains of Joseph E. Brown were consigned 
to the sarcastic flames," said this spicy writer of sensational 
politics. 

The people had heard that the ex-governor was hauling 
some pine on his cars to celebrate the great Democratic vic- 
tories of the year 1874, and they requested him to turn off 
some of the pine to celebrate in Cartersville. The ex-governor 
whose judgment has been so often quoted, made a reply which 
demonstrated his chagrin at the defeat of his friend. He said 
he might spare a few sticks to celebrate the "only radical vic- 
tory" in Georgia while the country was ablaze with the suc- 
cessful congressional elections throughout the Union! There- 
fore the Cartersvillians promptly burned him in effigy an*' 
then reviewed his own radical record as a reward for his 
sneer at the good men in the seventh district who reserved to 
themselves the right of choice in a congressional representa- 
tion. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 159 

It came with poor grace from Gov. Brown, who had very 
little claim to the name of Democrat and it was generally 
understood that he had never lost his grip on the Republicans 
in Georgia up to that time and later. 

There was a big demonstration in Cartersville as soon as 
the victory was officially announced, but I was too feeble and 
inert to share in it. It seemed so good to be able to let my 
mind wander on other things, to go to bed and find quiet sleep 
that was unmixed with torturing anxiety that I was content 
to say my prayers and thank God for preserving mercies! ! 
knew then that people could die of mental strain and that 
six months of unremitting struggle was enough to kill strong 
men, not to speak of a delicate woman, who did yeoman's 
work every waking hour of that time. I had a sick boy to 
nurse, a house to keep, farm matters to manage and unlimited 
writing and correspondence. "We had company, I was ap- 
pealed to from all quarters, and still was able to keep a smiling 
face for the sake of the cause. But that seemed a small part 
of it compared to the brave soldier who made his way, round 
after round over 14 counties, speaking often three times a day, 
occasionally five times, and such speeches as the listeners al- 
ways remembered and the very woods echoed with their 
shouts. On election day, the people came by our home in 
continuous stream and they shouted for us both as they drove 
by the house. It was an experience that was something to 
treasure in memory, but it was something else, too, or«^ time 
was superlatively good, but one time was enough. 

A few weeks later. Dr. Felton made a speech by invitation 
in Atlanta in the capitol. We had so many friends, advocates, 
admirers, etc., that I wondered where they kept themselves 
when we stood before the terrible toughs that made life a 
terror in the seventh district while they battled against us be- 
fore the election. But such is life ! 



THE 44TH CONGRESS AND CAMPAIGN OF 1876. 

In closing my former article, I discover that I should have 

said more of what my husband did and less of my own toils 

and tribulations. Perhaps this is the best place to amend, and 

I will copy here a personal letter to Dr. Felton when the writer 



160 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

felt sure that we were defeated during those long three days of 
suspense when the Bourbon Democrats held back the returns 
and were doing their utmost to count him out. It was an out- 
rage on civil government that those returns were held back 
from Tuesday (election day) until Thursday night after dark, 
and then they came from Atlanta, not from the seventh dis- 
trict. The returns from Buchanan, Haralson county, where 
the vote was consolidated for that county, were declared be- 
fore Wednesday noon — and 125 majority for Felton, but the 
returns were not allowed to be known, until Thursday eve- 
ning and then only 12 majority was declared. But Governor 
Smith was a strong partisan of Mr. Trammell and from what 
we knew of the executive later, we found he always "held 
while the other skinned." But here is the letter alluded to 
written by Hon. A. R. Wright, of Rome, a member of the Con- 
federate Congress, and father of Hon. Seaborn and Moses 
Wright, of the same city, who have both made political can- 
vasses in Georgia, and both have had the misfortune to be 
treated as my husband had been in the year 1874: 

"Rome, Ga., Nov. 5, 1874. 
"Dr. W. H. Felton: 

"Dear Sir: From the telegrams of today it appears you 
are defeated by two or three hundred majority in a vote prob- 
ably of twenty thousand. This, all things considered, is a 
splendid victory in defeat. It is evident you would have beaten 
Trammell from five to ten thousand votes. They ran against 
you at last, one among the very best men in the district. 
Except two papers of limited circulation they had the whole 
press of the district. Except the Atlanta News, every paper, 
I believe in the State from the Seaboard to the mountains. 
They not only had the orators of the district, but sent to lower 
Georgia for help. The gallant Gordon and the indefatigable 
Hardeman were improvised upon you. Gordon's speech car- 
ried Floyd against you. They had besides every political 
"dead beat" in the district, and State against you. No man 
made a speech for you. You warred single-handed and alone 
with the whole army of your adversaries. Leonidas died, 
but he was greater in death than any of his enemies. 

"You fought for the honor and integrity of the Democratic 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 161 

party and your country's welfare. I send you the cheers of 
the "Felton democracy" of Floyd county. They followed no 
ignoble flag, and they are not ashamed of the result. Let those 
of our victors shout who can. With sentiments of profound 
respect and admiration for your noble qualities, very truly 
yours, ' ' AUGUSTUS R. WRIGHT. ' ' 

As before stated, the final news came to us after dark on 
Thursday night and Dr. Felton was allowed 82 majority by 
the ring masters who had the management of the election in 
their own hands in ten counties of the fourteen which made 
up the seventh congressional district of Georgia. I shall al- 
ways believe they had him counted out and would have so 
declared if Col. Dabney had been a "Bullock Democrat," a 
name won and worn by a horde of corrupt Georgia politicians 
who fattened under Gov. Bullock's administration and who 
held their sway under the leadership of Hon. Joseph E. Brown, 
who had been the most extreme Republican just after the war 
and who failed to secure the senatorship under Bullock's 
regime, although his excellency made him a Supreme Court 
judge very soon after he became governor. Col. Trammell was 
a Bullock Democrat and ex-Governor Brown's candidate in 
this good year 1874; but the expose of "Frost's suppressed 
testimony" was positive proof that Mr. Trammell was inti- 
mately connected with the legislation of that unhappy period 
in Georgia's political history and the proof was indisputable. 
Frost's suppressed testimony will appear in the later pages of 
this established report of Georgia politics nearly forty years 
ago. Col. Dabney was put in by the Bourbon Democrats as 
their candidate, after the Bullock Democrat Trammell was 
taken down and because of the general disgust of the people 
against Bullock's Democratic lobbyists. The Bourbon Demo- 
crats followed the Confederate war flag and Gen. Gordon 
came to their support after Governor Brown's Bullock Demo- 
crat was taken in out of the storm. General Gordon, in his 
sworn testimony before the Poland Investigating Congressional 
Committee, said he was himself the chief of the Klu Klux Klan 
in Georgia, if not in the South. It can be found in the printed 
volumes containing the report and sworn testimony of wit- 
nesses issued by Congress on affairs in the Southern States. 



162 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

and the committee had on its roll Senator Beck, of Kentucky, 
and before it Governor Brown testified also Hon. A. R. Wright, 
of Rome. Any interested person can find this congressional 
report and I refer them to its pages to find General Gordon's 
testimony and other facts herein stated. Gen. Gordon was 
idolized by the Confederate soldiers. He always claimed to 
be Gen. Lee's favorite in the Virginia army. Wherever he 
went he whooped up the Southern soldier so the U. S. Senator 
carried Floyd county against Felton. 

On November 11, 1874, Judge A. R. Wright wrote me the 
the following letter: 
"Mrs. Rebecca Felton, 

"My Dear Madam: Your letter full of kind and generous 
words was received on yesterday." (I wrote a reply to the 
letter of the 5th because my husband was nearly exhausted 
and overworked with his private business, which had been 
neglected for six months.) "The letter X had written to the 
doctor was written under the belief in Rome at the time that 
the 596 majority given Col. Dabney in Dade county had cer- 
tainly defeated the doctor. (In Dade county Gov. Brown's 
valuable coal mines were located where he worked 300 able- 
bodied long-term State convicts, and which were practically 
given to him and others for a small sum). "It was to show 
him that his friends regarded themselves as victors, although 
beaten in the race. But how much greater the victory when 
it turns out that he is really elected! Of course so prudent 
a lady from your reputation I know you to be, will go to 
Washington with the doctor to look after his health, to aid 
him in his duties, to moderate the pleasures of society and 
to preserve him generally from all evil. There is no anchor 
of safety like an affectionate and attentive wife. When you 
both get there I promise myself the pleasure of knowing my 
representatives more intimately and in person seeing how they 
bear themselves among the wise the beautiful and the happy 
of the land. Very truly and sincerely yours, 

"AUGUSTUS R. WRIGHT." 

"P. S. My respects to the Dr." 

Before I pass on it is well to say that the managers of the 
election in Dade county decided it would be safer to take off 



I 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 163 

about 200 from Dade's vote, so they returned 404 as the offi- 
cial vote instead of 596 and gave Felton an allowance of 4 
votes. 

How many convicts were voted in Dade, this deponent has 
no means of knowing. These Bourbon and Bullock Democrats 
were in the habit of voting poor-house inmates and it was 
proven that in a city election in Atlanta under the shadow of 
the dome of the State capitol a candidate voted the male 
prisoners of the stockade prison to the number of thirty a 
short time afterwards to re-elect himself to his city office. It 
is a published expose pasted in my scrapbook and beyond 
dispute. Knowing these seventh district politicians as I do 
know their trickery, their unscrupulous methods and their con- 
nection with legislative graft, I was amazed at their timidity 
when Dade county's vote was clipped of one-third of its pub- 
lished majority and nobody called to account for the dis- 
crepancy. They could as easily have counted in one thousand 
and clipped off nothing. There was nobody to call them to 
account with Smith, the governor, on their side, every judge 
on their side, and not a man's name allowed in the jury box 
who was not a superserviceable henchman of the "men in 
control. ' ' Governor Brown 's 300 able bodied convicts in Dade 
county with the keepers, etc., could make a stunning majority 
in the "State of Dade" whenever called upon; and so long as 
I remained in active politics Dade county was "solid" from 
stem to stern for its boss. The "State of Dade" was like 
the State of Georgia for when the State of Georgia received 
orders from Bourbon Democrats, those who followed the fife 
and drum and the "Bullock Democrats," who followed Bul- 
lock and creamed the rich pickings in around the State capitol, 
you had all the leaders that were allowed to manage the poli- 
tics of the State. Gen. Gordon, then United States Senator, 
led the soldiers and Klu Klux element and ex-Gov. Brown the 
Bullock contingent and it meant business. Every Congress- 
man, every judge, every solicitor, every legislator, every county 
official had to belong to one or the other gang to "get there 
Eli!" Dr. Felton 's election was a miracle in Georgia politics. 
They all hated him as the "D — 1 hates holy water." He was 
always in their way. And they finally beat him down with 



V 



164 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

stuffed ballot boxes and bogus tickets, which I will explain in 
these pages as I go along. 

We were in Washington City when the 44th Congress met 
in December, 1875. The Democrats had seventy-odd majority 
in that body. It was a whirligig of changes that made the 
Republicans stand up and cry out : "Who hit Billy Patterson !" 
The Democrats, made crazy by success, were as wild as March 
hares in the early months of 1876, planning for the nomina- 
tion and election of a Democratic President, when they would 
have nothing to do but "carry grapes from Eschol" to the 
hungry crew at home the balance of their lives. 

Investigations were started that promised to cover the Grant 
administration with "eternal infamy." There were seven 
colored Congressmen in their seats when I sat in the mem- 
bers gallery for the first time and looked down on the ever- 
moving, struggling mass of men below me, and I was lately 
returned from the field of battle where I could testify as to 
what running for Congress stood for. I wondered in my 
soul how those negroes "made the trip" all from the Southern 
States. (Not a colored brother got anything in the North.) 
Although the educated negroes, after the war, traveled speed- 
ily to Washington and parts beyond, for obvious reasons, these 
black and mulatto men of the South were counted in and I 
knew how easily a decent white man could be counted out in 
Georgia! I soon reached the conclusion that there was pay 
and good pay somewhere or these darkies would never have 
reached their seats in the House of Representatives ? 

There was one colored Senator from Mississippi, Bruce, who 
occupied a seat next to his white colleagues in the Senate Cham-, 
ber, and so far as I know he never sold out to Jay Gould or 
Huntington, or the Real Estate Pool of Washington City, or the 
Whiskey Ring, or the Seneca Sandstone Co., or the Ship Sub- 
sidy, or any other scheme that was pushed through Congress by 
the "infernal force of gold!" He was decent in his beliavior, 
behaved himself as if in extra good company and served out 
his time and retired in credit. But he was the only negro 
whoever occupied a seat in the Senate of the United States 
and he went out nearly forty years ago ! There is food for re 
flection just here for such is the real history of our national 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 165 

politics since the war, and this is the exhibit of the colored 
man as a legislator in the Congress of the United States ! 

I heard the Amnesty Debate, where Mr. Blaine and Mr. Hill, 
of Georgia, made immense reputation as rival politicians of 
rival political parties. Mr. Hill was being voted on in Georgia 
for United States Senator to succeed Hon. T. M. Norwood and 
made great capital out of the fact that his opponent was down 
in Georgia trying to secure re-election to the Senate, while he 
(Hill), stood at his post in Washington City fighting the bat- 
tles of Union and Confederate over again. All this hullaballoo 
sounds like hollow gongs and "tinkling cymbals" to me now. 
Messrs. Blaine and Hill went their appointed ways to the al- 
ways ready and ever waiting tomb and yet they were only 
working the game of politics and both of them were discovered 
to be in the active service of the Pacific railroads after both 
were moved up higher into senatorial positions. But for the 
"Mulligan guards" I am satisfied Senator Blaine would have 
been nominated and elected over R. B. Hayes and it is more 
than likely he would have tried to win over the "Solid South" 
by giving his Georgia friend a seat in his cabinet. 

I remember when poor Col. Fitzhugh, doorkeeper of the 
house, was "lifted out of his boots," because he wrote a friend 
"he was a big-ger man than Grant," with his new boots on. 
That was the ostensible reason, but he couldn 't give every one 
of the Southern Congressmen a place for a henchman, under 
the doorkeeper, so they failed to help the poor fellow. 

I remember the scramble with Payne and Duffy — when 
Doorkeeper Polk went out the same way at the same back 
door. I kept close tab on that fracas, because Mr. Payne came 
from Georgia and was put in by Senators Gordon and Lamar, 
who promised to pay Duffy some extra money every month if he 
would subside into silence after Mr. Payne got the place, over 
the protests of certain Georgia members of Congress. Mr. 
Duffy had one extra month's pay from these senators, and then 
they quit paying, so Mr. Duffy "raised Cain" and Doorkeeper 
Polk went home in sorrowful disgust, mixed with life-time dis- 
appointment. 

The investigation of Doorkeeper Polk was racy reading. I 
obtained a volume of the testimony. I have it now, and any 



166 IMy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

of you can get it from the Congressional or House library in 
Washington City. 

It was a chapter in congressional history that was repeated, 
more or less, at every session of congress that I was acquainted 
with as to the inside, and I believe just such rackets are the 
ever-present bane of a congressman or senator's life. There 
is no fury comparable to the rage of a man who has been 
promised a position and afterwards lost or failed to get it from 
his immediate representative from home, while some of these 
employees, including clerks, are not only the superiors of 
some of these congressmen in manners and intelligence, there 
can be no doubt that the mob which rushes to the front as 
soon as political patronage looms up, is composed largely of 
men who are "on the make," and are not particular as to how 
it is made. With three-quarters of a century behind me, I 
should greatly prefer, for personal reasons, if I was a con- 
gressman, to be in the minority, where I had nothing to give 
and thus allow the majority to fend off the importunate and 
oftentimes the unworthy. A public man is much more em- 
barrassed by his friends, so-called, than by his enemies. 

In the forty-fourth congress, Senator Gordon whip-sawed 
the Georgia patronage business. If he had confined himself to 
the senate it would have been more tolerable, but he was in 
evidence everywhere — house, senate and departments. Every 
time he took a ride or went to the White House, or to New 
York, etc., his obedient little men appointed from Georgia pub- 
lished it until even ex-Governor Brown felt obliged to come 
out and tell the public it had become absolutely "nauseous." 
He put in these people to get to be puffed, as a consideration 
of appointment, and they were unstinted as a puffing brigade 
and never failed to be on time, in or out of season. The long 
hot summer of 1876 wore along before Mr. Tilden's people 
"Cleared the docket" and fixed it up for him. Hon. S. S. 
Cox lost the speakership on the death of Speaker Kerr, be- 
cause he was politically compelled by Tammany to go to the 
National Democratic convention to do something for that 
wigwam warrior, and the Randall faction got ahead oP him. 
I liked both of these gentlemen very much. I was acquainted 
with both their good wives and wished them both well, but 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 167 

the struggle ended with the election of Hon. S. J. Randall, of 
Philadelphia. 

Speaker Kerr, who was slowly passing away with what was 
reported to rae as tuberculosis, was highly respected by mem- 
bers of congress. He placed my husband on the committee of 
commerce, which at that time had charge of the river and 
harbor work of congress. Dr. Felton begun the opening of 
the Coosa River, and was exceedingly helpful to Savannah 
harbor, as well as Brunswick. His record is written in the 
official records of the forty-fourth congress, for he never lost 
a day in service and gained the respect of the best men of 
that time, including Mr. Hewitt, of New York, Democrat, and 
Wm. D. Kelly, of Philadelphia, Republican — both of whom 
were his attached friends until death. Time and space fail me 
to tell of his friends in both parties, or of the letters of con- 
gratulation they sent him when he was twice re-elected, etc. 
"With the senators of the commerce committee of the senate 
he was recognized as their very efficient and honorable help 
when the appropriation bills came up in both houses for final 
settlement, because he was always diligent, always willing and 
always at hand. Perhaps Dr. Felton 's speech against "re- 
sumption" legislation in the forty-fourth and forty-fifth con- 
gresses gave him then his greatest opportunity to display some 
of his wonderful gifts of oratory. The discussion of the re- 
sumption bill was set, as I remember, to November 14, 1877, 
and I, accompanied by my small son, took a seat in the mem- 
ber's gallery. While we were waiting, two of our Georgia 
members came to the gallery to make me a little visit. Hon. 
Milt. Candler, of the Atlanta district, remarked: "You are 
going to have a dull time, Mrs. Felton, today. This old money 
question has been threshed over until everybody is tired." 
I knew he stood for the other side, so I replied: "I came to 
hear Mr. Bell and Dr. Felton. It is not often two Georgians 
hold forth at the same time." My visitors sat with me until 
Mr. Bell finished his speech on the repeal of the resumption 
act, and Dr. Felton was just beginning. I saw the seats begin 
to fill, coming from cloak-rooms and corridors, and the gal- 
leries also. I knew in a few minutes that Dr. Felton had 
"liberty," as our old preachers used to designate freedom of 



168 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

speech and of thought, and directly I saw the old campaign 
oratory in full blast. But I will give way to the Atlanta 
Constitution's report, promising, as an introduction, that this 
paper was Governor Brown's and Senator Gordon's most 
active newspaper. It is headed "A Field Day for Georgia. 
The speeches of Messrs. Felton and Bell 5n the house on Wed- 
nesday seem to have created a genuinf^sensation in Washing- 
ton — such a sensation as to elicit warmest praise from Mr. 
Stephens." A vague idea that something unusual had hap- 
pened appears to have impressed itself upon the reporter of 
the Associated Press — and he found time to embodj'- a very 
neat paragraph for the Southern press. 

"Heretofore Mr. Felton has never had occasion to display 
his remarkable readiness and aptness as a debater, and Ave 
doubt most completely whether on Wednesday he found op- 
portunity to give full freedom to those fresh, vigorous and 
strikingly original qualities of eloquence which render him 
almost invincible as an orator. But it is enough to know that 
coming to the very front of the debate, his words created a 
storm of applause which swept through the galleries, found 
its way to the floor of the house, carrying the most decorous 
members off their feet. His speech is characterized by Mr. 
Stephens as the best of the season." The Associated Press 
described it as being "masterly and eloquent beyond all ex- 
pectation." In another place it was described "as the 
grandest display of statesman-like prowess, frequently inter- 
rupted by applause. At one time the applause was so loud and 
spontaneous, from both floor and galleries, the speaker could 
not suppress it." A correspondent of a northern paper said: 
"There was quite a scene when Mr. Felton, of Georgia, de- 
scribed the financial condition of the country as a storm and 
hurricane at sea, on which ships were going down by the 
hundreds and precious lives were being engulfed by thousands 
while the wreckers, headed by the gentleman of New York 
(Chittenden) were standing on the shore, waiting to gather up 
the spoils and asserting that 'things would right themselves.' 
Mr. Chittenden, who is somewhat deaf, came over to the 
Democratic side to hear more distinctly, made several fruitless 
efforts to interrupt, but when he was laughed down, Douglas, 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 169 

of Virginia, shouted 'the wrecker couldn't have half a 
minute.' " 

It was ever known as the wrecker speech. 

I found myself leaning over the seat in front of me, the 
great glad tears coursing down my cheeks, and my little boy 
clinging to me, crying "What is it, mother?" When it was 
all over, the house members crowded around my husband so 
closely that he couldn't see me — so I started for thvj hotel 
and had just entered the long corridor leading to Mr. Stephens' 
room, when I met the old gentleman, excited and full of ap- 
plause over the speech. He said it reminded him of the days 
of Webster and Clay, and that he had heard nothing since 
the war to equal it in the house. When we were at supper, 
a card came from Mr. Webb Hayes, at the White House, ask- 
ing for a copy of the speech as soon as printed. 

It was reprinted as far out as Kansas City and Georgians 
all over the United States sent congratulatory greetings. 

It is not my purpose to fill these pages with my husband's 
speeches in congress, or on political subjects. A later volume 
will contain them, I trust, but I am here only intent to trace 
the difficulties, the dangers, the persecutions, the unreasoning 
partisanship of those who made fortunes out of their politics 
in Georgia — and especially of the prejudice and cowardice of 
the Democrats who followed the fife and drum to their own 
material disadvantage, and against the prosperity of our com- 
mon country. 

For forty years the South has been crippled by the Civil 
War issues, and the politicians on both sides have worked 
these war issues, ad infinitum, to keep the offices of the coun- 
try in their own grasp. They could rise up in their various 
canvasses and hurl epithets at "Yanks" or "Rebs," as the 
case might be, and then, as soon as they met in Washington 
or even at home, the politicians would get together on the 
back stairs and enjoy the situation immensely. A political 
brawler in my own town once shook hands with ex-Attorney 
General Akerman, who served with President Grant, and went 
aside to say his "hands felt lousy" — but when the ex-attorney 
general contributed handsomely to town enterprises or 
church, nobody was more willing to accept and return thanks. 



170 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

And the poor farmers, especially those who served in the 
army, were continually used as did old Jack Goolsby, who 
wanted to hire a young man — "to set him in the kitchen 
corner, for the women to break bark over his head." 

The Wrecker Speech. 

Col. Frank Fontaine, of Columbus, and Bartow county, was 
our neighbor, and happened to be in Washington City the 
day of the speaking. He came to the members' gallery as 
soon as Dr. Felton closed. He thus wrote to our home paper 
next day, November 15, 1877: "Bartow county, the Seventh 
district and Georgia were all honored yesterday by the great 
speech of your distinguished representative." Mr. Stephens 
says: "It was a field day for Georgia. Dr. Felton 's speech 
electrified the house." Hon. Mr. Atkins (Tennessee) said: 
"It was the best speech I've heard for twenty years." Judge 
Douglas (Virginia) crossed over from his seat to call to him : 
"Felton, I've come over here to tell you to go ahead — keep 
right on — give 'em hell." The speaker rapped with his gavel 
at the end of fifteen minutes, the time having expired, but 
House, of Tennessee, waving his hand to the speaker, with a 
ringing voice, cried out : "I move to extend his time !" Others 
cried out, "Let him have all the time he wants!" To use a 
Bartow phrase, the "Doctor let himself out." Members left 
their seats and came close to hear him and Mr. Chittenden, of 
New York, crossed the Rubicon. The Doctor said "he was 
opposed to strikes of laboring men. Labor had no right to 
make war on capital, because capital was as necessary as 
labor — and strikes were unwise and destructive to the best 
interests of both. "When strike combinations resorted to 
violence, they deserved the condemnation of our best citizens. 
It was equally wrong to combine against labor. The financial 
policy of the country since 1870 has been the result of a 
deliberate conspiracy of the creditor class to ruin the debtor 
class. The demonetization of silver was as unjust and as 
wicked as the famous strikes which have alarmed the country. 
It was the most deliberate and inexcusable attack on labor 
known to our legislative history. But even that did not make 
New York and New England the owners of the cotton fields 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 171 

of the South. Therefore, a black scheme of contraction was 
inaugurated, just as the wild delirium of war was subsid- 
ing into reason, and financial ruin ensued. During the war 
those antiquated Shylocks had spent every dollar not ex- 
pended in buying substitutes in buying United States bonds — 
naturally they became clamorous for contraction. They cared 
not for the resumption of specie payments ; that was only a 
pretense. They triumphed, and contraction, with agitation, sent 
down the price of labor to starvation wages. The gentleman 
from New York (Chittenden) said yesterday, from his perch 
at the clerk's desk, that gamblers and loafers and bankrupts 
demand the repeal of this resumption act. The gentleman 
from New York may have kept a ledger, on one side of which 
poor men were put and the men who owned government 
securities on the other side — the side which is now grinding 
down the masses of these United States." It was just here 
that Mr. Chittenden crossed over just in front of Dr. Felton, 
in the aisle on the Democratic side. Resumed the Doctor: 
"And yet you undertake to comfort the country by telling 
them that all these things will right themselves. Yes, t know 
these things will right themselves — when they have touched 
the bottomless pit of despair and poverty. Look yonder at 
the storm-driven ocean ! Hurricane and darkness are on the 
face of the deep. Signal guns are firing every minute. Ships 
are going down by the hundreds — thousands of precious lives 
are being engulfed, and in the midst of all this ruin there 
(pointing to JMr. Chittenden) stands the wrecker, waiting for 
the ships and assuring those in peril of destruction, that all 
things will right themselves." 

The applause was deafening. This speech recalled a re- 
mark made by Hon. Mark A. Cooper (Major Cooper was con- 
gressman before the war) : "Felton don't look like Henry 
Clay for nothing." The ovation paid Dr. Felton exceeded 
everything I ever saw in a legislative body. Democrats and 
Republicans crowded to him with congratulations, and he at 
one bound became the leader of the majority on this question. 
His entire speech abounded with bold, invective, persuasive 
oratory, striking earnestness and logical reasoning. Northern, 
Eastern and Western Democrats are nearly all in favor of 



172 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

resumption. Northern Republicans are a unit for resumption. 

The New York Tribune today calls the Democratic party 
"nothing if not idiotic." "Mr. Felton, of Georgia, must have 
been eclipsed unfairly, in the last congress. He emerged into 
full view yesterday as the blue-ribbon idiot of the present house 
and an astonished people are now asking why Felton has not 
been famous before?" The idiot Kelly, of Pennsylvania, the 
idiot Ewing, of Ohio, the idiot Tucker, of Virginia, congratu- 
lated Dr. Felton on this able effort. 

The following came today from ex-Chief Justice Lochrane : 
"Baltimore, Wednesday, Nov. 15. — Hon. W. H. Felton: Ac- 
cept my thanks for your speech on resumption. If not re- 
pealed, the country will be irretrievably ruined. The abuse of 
the opposition is an honor. No honest man desires the odium 
of their good opinions. 0. A. Lochrane." 

"Sixteen thousand copies were immediately ordered by 
Southern and Western Democrats. Dr. Felton is well and 
favorably known throughout the country. I don't say this to 
help him. I won't try to help a congressman who needs help. 
He don't need it. When the proper time for resumption 
arrives, it will come by the laws of trade. Any other law will 
bring about spoliation. F. Fontaine." 

This speech was made after Dr. Felton had been twice 
elected to congress, over the most bitter, unscrupulous and 
blatant persecution — after every politician of any significance 
in the state had been appealed to, to come into the Seventh 
district to beat him down among his own neighbors and 
friends. Senator Gordon was always to the forefront in these 
attacks, and this noteworthy speech was passed over by the 
partizan newspapers in Georgia with insignificant mention, 
except in one instance. While members of congress in many 
of the Southern states were loud in praise of Dr. Felton 's 
capacity and usefulness — the hidebound politicians in Georgia 
were whooping and yelling, "Down with old Felton — the 
Radical, the destroyer of the Democratic party ! ' ' Can any- 
one wonder that I — his wife, his companion for nearly sixty 
years, and one who knows his honesty, his ability, his pa- 
triotism and his clean political life, should now undertake to 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 173 

show to the people of Georgia and to the country the quality 
of men who fought him? 

The campaign of 1876 differed considerably from the one of 
1874. There was quite as much excitement, but nothing like 
the violent abuse of that first onset between Dabney and 
Felton — though they were the standard-bearers again, two 
years later. 

Dr. Felton 's service in congress had silenced many foul 
tongues, and raised up many courageous friends and advo- 
cates. It was the time of the famous Tilden and Hayes cam- 
paign throughout the union, and our noisy, brawling op- 
ponents had an "eye to the windward" and a hope of rich 
pickings if Tilden should be elected. 

Then again, Hon. B. H. Hill had broken through the har- 
ness, and was elected as an Independent Democrat in the 
Ninth district, and the people of the state begun to have a 
clearer vision as to conditions in the "bloody Seventh." 

That year I traveled with Dr. Felton over every one of the 
fourteen counties but Dade and Haralson. We had a roomy 
buggy, made to order, in which we could stow away some 
baggage and find room for a little boy of six — whose delicate 
health was much benefited by change of water, etc. "We made 
hundreds of friends as we visited them in their homes and I 
became strong and vigorous in health when I was out and 
going. I had learned some things that made political life 
easier, and I saw that political life was not so intolerable as 
it had appeared to me in 1874, when I begun to conclude that 
a rabid Democratic politician had lost the instincts of a gen- 
tleman and become a primitive ruffian. 

As we came on home from Washington in the summer of 
1876, crowds met the train all the way from Dalton down- 
ward, and I make free to copy a little newspaper slip, taken 
from the Atlanta Constitution, headed "Mrs. Congressman 
Felton:" 

"A lady who came down on the Thursday night train from 
Dalton reports that when the train reached Cartersville, the 
crowd on the debarkment of the congressman, gave an ova- 
tion as they swarmed about the car. Everybody felt interested 
in shaking hands with the estimable wife of the M. C. 



174 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

"It was amusing to hear the stalwart, gallant men of Bar- 
tow pledging her their support. 'We all are for you.' 'You 
have no lack of support here.' 'We are going to send you 
back,' etc., etc., were the enthusiastic utterances which they 
poured into the ears of the astonished lady. She replied to 
their pledges in the happiest of humors and many good 
wishes. ' ' 

A new governor was to be elected that year, and every other 
state official, great or small, except some hold-over state sen- 
ators. With so much on their hands, the race for congress 
was not as bitter as in 1874, because there were scores of 
candidates and a swarming track. These candidates were 
looking out for No. 1, and wanted all the help they could get. 
The campaign was also not so protracted — although Dr. 
Felton was on the stump for more than three months — it had 
been a six months' heat in 1874 — and a hand-to-hand en- 
counter all the time. 

Colonel Dabney was heir-presumptive as well as heir-ap- 
parent to the organized nomination, but down in the bottom 
of their hearts there was no enthusiasm among his partizans 
for his election. Colonel Trammell openly declared that he 
had been maltreated in the house of his friends. He believed 
that his enemies in the party were knowing to the transfer 
of Frost's suppressed testimony into Dr. Felton 's hands, to 
secure his defeat, and there was no movement in State railroad 
rings to help Dabney, as had been shown to Trammell. 

But there were some persons in every county who were still 
writhing over the result in 1874. They couldn't hold still — 
"their speech betrayed them." When Dr. Felton and Gen. 
W. T. Wofford spoke in Rome, at the opening of the cam- 
paign, a number of ladies went to the City Hall to hear the 
speeches. Next day an insulting article appeared in a leading 
local paper — aimed at myself — which raised public indigna- 
tion to torrid heat. It called forth one of the finest articles, 
in my defense, that I have ever read. Here it is : 

"For more than thirty years in the history of our politics 
in Georgia there has been interest manifested by the ladies of 
the state, in the great questions to be decided by the ballot. 
Their presence at the hustings when the champions sought 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 175 

to rise to the 'height of the great argument,' was the crown- 
ing poetical feature of the intellectual feast. 

"They came by two, by tens, or by thousands, at their 
pleasure. They had always assigned them the most 1 onored 
place. They were the guarantee of order, peace and decorum, 
and the choicest flavors of rhetoric were culled, garlanded and 
strewn at their feet. 

"It is their prescriptive right to attend in any numbers, and 
no gentleman ever questioned the propriety of the custom. 
The visit of the infamous Haynau, the Austrian woman whip- 
per, to Barclay's Brewery in London, did not cause more sur- 
prise and indignation, than did the vulgar and insulting re- 
proof in one of the Rome papers, of the ladies who attended 
a political meeting at that place a few days ago. 

"It speaks loudly for the love of quiet of the Romans, and 
but little for their chivalry that the writer did not meet with 
Haynau 's fate. It did not require Marat's talent, but cer- 
tainly all his filth and mental and personal deformity, to con- 
ceive, write and publish such an article. Desperate indeed 
must be the cause which demands for its support the beastly 
insult of some of the purest and noblest women in that city, 
and hundreds of others who have attended like gatherings in 
the past. 

"Dastardly beyond expression is the personal attack on a 
lady visitor, and invited guest, and whose only offense was 
her presence, and her quiet, unobtrusive demeanor. 

"The episode in the great drama of French history, which 
arouses more of the virtuous sympathy and calls forth more 
copious and tearful sympathy in memory of the noblest pa- 
triotism, is the Minister Roland and his marvelously talented 
and beautiful wife. Was it a crime in Madame Roland that 
she was devoted to her husband, upheld and aided him? 

"Was it a crime in Madame Roland, to stand by her hus- 
band everywhere — in the tribune, in the Chamber of Deputies, 
in the face of the howling mob of unwashed 'Saus Culottes,* 
who sought to drive him to the guillotine? 

"Is it to her discredit that she had the capacity to under- 
stand the great questions that occupied his mind and the 
courage to follow her convictions of duty to a bloody death? 



176 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

"Is it to her husband's disparagement, that he was happy 
always to have her as his counsellor, coadjutor and friend, 
and sought no higher praise than her approval and that of 
his own conscience? Can the renewed exhibition of like vir- 
tues have become so uncommon or distasteful as to excuse 
or justify the cowardly attack above mentioned? 

"As a near relative of one of the ladies so inexcusably 
denounced in the public prints, the writer offers no apology 
for the severity of the language herein employed, and con- 
fidentially appeals to the manhood and womanhood of the 
country to rebuke so gross an outrage." 

As the campaign wore on, a Republican candidate was put 
out by the Democrats, but we were quickly apprised of the 
plan — with names given and places named where he was to 
be used, and it was exposed by an accident. A gentleman who 
had been acquainted with Dr. Felton during the war, over- 
heard the conversation of these parties, who combined for this 
purpose, on a railroad train as he rode with them to Atlanta. 
Being a stranger in the state and unknown to any of them, 
he had full benefit of their conversation sitting in a seat be- 
hind the conspirators. 

Dr. Felton 's friends, being loyal to the National Democratic 
party, proposed to Colonel Dabney's friends that a primary 
election should be held at the governor's election, on the first 
"Wednesday in October — the name of the proposed con- 
gressional candidate to be endorsed on the back of the ticket 
for governor and state house officers. Colonel Dabney's 
friends refused. They were unwilling to risk such an ex- 
pression at the ballot box, and the fight went on hot and 
heavy to the ides of November. Until I was obliged to stay 
at home, to keep up the correspondence, arrange the appoint- 
ments for speaking, print and circulate tickets, I traveled 
with Dr. Felton from place to place. 

When he was worn down with speaking and sought a little 
rest and quiet, I met his friends in hotel parlors or piazzas, 
and between us we managed to see as many voters as was 
possible in these frequent trips. It was fatiguing, arduous 
work — there was no let-up, day in or day out — Sunday or 
Monday — but it was far from unpleasant. I made friends by 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 177 

the scores and hundreds, and those friendships have lasted to 
the end, long after the hot campaign cries and halloos were 
gone and forgotten. 

When the smoke of battle had lifted Dr. Felton had won 
by nearly 2,500 majority. His own county gave him nearly 
2,500 votes, as against 695 for Colonel Dabney. Cherokee gave 
him nearly 1,200 majority, and Polk nearly 500. Tilden and 
Hendricks had their largest vote in the Seventh district of 
Georgia, and perhaps their largest majority in any con- 
gressional district in the union was counted here. 

Colonel Dabney was a clever citizen, a good lawyer, but he 
was never recognized as a tool of the ringsters. He was not 
mixed up with the hybrid politicians of Bullock's time. They 
did not struggle for him — as they did for some others — and it 
was unfortunate that he was loaded down with the debris of 
the campaign of 1874 — its discredit and unpopularity and 
exposures of graft. 

The winter of 1876-77 was as exciting in "Washington as a 
Georgia campaign, because the struggle for the presidency 
was on and it continued until the 4th of March, when the 
forty-fourth congress expired by limitation. 

We were in Washington City from the last of November to 
the close, and I was eye-witness to many things that were 
inexplicable as well as noteworthy. 

In the womb of the future there may be some exposures of 
combinations that will explain these inexplicable happenings 
and give us the necessary facts of history. 

That there was a trade between certain politicians of both 
parties to secure to Mr. Hayes the necessary votes and to rob 
Mr. Tilden of the one vote that would have made him president 
of the United States, I have not a shadow of a doubt ; nor do 
I question the allegation that these combinations had a vital 
effect upon the nomination of General Garfield in 1880. I did 
not then know — in 1876-77 — that C. P. Huntington was mov- 
ing with his immense railroad schemes in the senate of the 
United States, through the greed of certain senators, but 
after his private letters were published to the world, as ex- 
posed in the courts of California some years afterwards, I 
became satisfied myself that his financial and political schemes 



178 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

entered into many states and elected and defeated \arious 
candidates, through the use of his corrupt money in political 
campaigns. 

I had a friend who gave me the inside facts in regard to 
South Carolina — for he enjoyed an inside view of some of the 
telegrams and letters that passed and repassed during the 
winter of 1876-77 — which possibly gave me a clearer insight 
than others enjoyed. 

He had no official connection with either federal or state 
politics, so his judgment was not warped by desire for office, 
and while he lived in another state, he chanced to be in South 
Carolina when the vote for Tilden was traded and he got his 
facts at first-hand and from other men than Democrats, in 
confidence. 

If you will recollect, Smith Weed, of New York, went to 
Columbia, S. C, as soon as it appeared that the electoral vote 
of that state could be traded. He thought he might buy it for 
$30,000, but to mak^ sure, he telegraphed to Henry Have- 
mj^er, who was Mr. Tilden 's agent in New York City: "Shall 
I increase to $50,000, if required?" 

The answer came: "Go to fifty thousand if necessary." 

There were so many grasping politicians around that Weed 
again telegraphed: "Majority of board secured. Cost is 
$80,000." 

Again he wired: "Must have the money at Barnum's, in 
Baltimore, early Monday morning. I go at 10 tonight." 

Mr. Pelton, Mr. Tilden 's nephew, went to Baltimore, but 
the money failed to materialize, and my friend wrote me, con- 
cerning the men who were dickering and trading with Pelton, 
from Columbia, S. C, until the whole thing collapsed and Mr. 
Tilden lost the vote in South Carolina as a Democratic presi- 
dent, although Gen. Wade Hampton went in as a friend to 
Hayes, and also as a Democratic governor. Ex-Governor Til- 
den was sworn before an investigating committee and ad- 
mitted he had telegraphed to his nephew, Pelton, to come back 
from Baltimore. Between Columbia and Baltimore there was 
evidently a dirty trade on hand, but the South Carolina end 
of it, which was only clamoring for money, evidently made 
better terms with the Hayes managers and so the state was 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 179 

lost to Mr. Tilden, who lacked but one vote to make him chief 
executive of the nation. I shall always believe that Smith 
Weed and the tricksters in South Carolina so disgusted the 
country that Mr. Tilden 's New York friends became also dis- 
gusted and left them to make any combination they pleased — 
because they saw that Mr. Tilden 's surroundings were not 
favorable for an upright administration. My friend was 
thoroughly satisfied in his mind that the South Carolina vote 
was hawked and sold to the highest bidder — for money — and 
there were in Washington City more scrambling politicians 
than these United States ever saw gathered before, and it 
was a mercy that the country was not plunged into civil war. 
I heard many angry debates on the floor of the house of 
representatives, I saw the scenes of confusion that prevailed, 
and I shall always believe that Mr, Tilden was elected by the 
people, but he fell by the wayside because he did not come 
out like a man and stand for his rights, and because the 
politicians who wanted money and office in South Carolina 
received more money and promises from the Hayes faction 
than from the other side. In that sort of Democracy a great 
many Southern Democrats took no stock, so they voted to 
accept the verdict of the electoral commission as the best and 
easiest and safest way out of a very ominous difficulty. 

The same conditions prevailed as to Louisiana, and we were 
confronted with the anomalous situation of seating Kellogg, 
as Republican United States senator, and seating Nicholls, a 
Democratic governor, both elected at the same time. It was 
confidently asserted that these manipulators agreed to seat 
M, C, Butler, of South Carolina, along with Kellogg — a muddle 
that carried fraud and chicanery on its very face. 

In May, 1878, an effort was made to overhaul these fraud- 
ulent proceedings, and a large number of Southern Demo- 
crats so voted, but the country was tired of the whole busi- 
ness, as well as of the conspirators — headed by Stanley Mat- 
thews and Charles Foster, both of Ohio. Each had influence 
sufficient with the Republican party to shelter the con- 
gressmen and senators who were capable of trying to extort 
money from Mr, Tilden to buy the returning board in the 



180 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

state of South Carolina, when Mr. Tilden was not courageous 
enough to defend his own title. 

I had a full view of what politicians could do in high office, 
and my disgust has continued through life. 

As I said before, the story will come some day — perhaps 
when my body has turned to dust — and I now verily believe 
that the Democratic party has been traded fore and aft, by 
unworthy men in high office who were impelled by the "in- 
fernal force of gold," until the country is absolutely unwilling 
to trust its pledges or lean upon its public men. 

It is conceded that Hon. Allen G. Thurman, who was a 
national Democrat of high repute — a man universally respected 
by friend and foe, was not only defeated for the presidential 
nomination when General Hancock was selected, but Hon. 
Ben Butler, in an open letter some years later, charged it up 
to the control of the Democratic party by monopolies. Said 
he: "Witness the fate of Mr. Thurman, the most accomplished 
Democratic statesman of them all, in a convention calling 
itself Democratic in Chicago, at the instigation of monopo- 
lists." 

Hon. Allen G. Thurman also attributed his defeat for re- 
election to the senate to his advocacy of the Thurman funding 
bill, which Jay Gould and Huntington fought with lobby 
money in Washington City. Senator Edmunds, who also de- 
fended the funding bill, was retired by the monopolists, 
although he was the ablest statesman in the party calling 
itself Republican — and General Garfield (who was the choice 
of the monopolists, led by Jas. G. Blaine) was nominated in 
his stead for president. 

I predict a sharp revulsion of feeling in Southern men when 
the secret history of the Hayes-Tilden campaign is turned in- 
side out. I also predict that the inside history of the Han- 
cock-Garfield campaign will uncover the same old gang — 
Democrats and Republicans, who will be found doing business 
at the same old stand — and that Huntington's money was the 
motive power in both, especially with greedy Southern men 
in high offices. Public office with private gain were harnessed 
together and ran in couples — and I also surmise that there is 
a lurid chapter in Georgia history yet to be written — covering 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics l8l 

some extraordinary political events which occurred in the 
year 1880, and if I am not mistaken it will be seen that 
monopolistic money was used freely to unseat some of Geor- 
gia's ablest men in public life — because they were inimical to 
the corruption then prevailing in Washington City. 

I have written so much on this line at this time because 1 
desire to clear away any doubt that may have been lodged 
in the minds of Georgia people as to the why and wherefore 
of the campaign of 1878, when certain Georgia politicians 
moved heaven and earth to defeat Dr. Felton for congress, and 
fortunately failed. 

My disgust and distrust of those who joined with Stanley 
Mathews to defraud the Democratic party of the presidency 
could not be concealed. I was privately informed that a big 
newspaper in Atlanta had forsaken the Texas Pacific railroad 
plan and had gone in, tooth and toe-nail, for Huntington's 
plan, and I was also told to watch its columns for certain 
signatures to newspaper articles, and there I would find the 
voice of Huntington's money, and that I would find after 
awhile that Huntington's chief man in the south was going 
on the stump, etc. This information was gathered in Wash- 
ington City, and I was pledged to keep my informant's name 
in confidence, although it came through a Georgian who held 
no official position whatever, but he could only put me on 
notice of this conspiracy — and " forewarned-f orearmed, ' ' etc., 
etc. 

The Thurman funding bill became a law in May, 1878, and 
the campaign in the Seventh district opened that summer. I 
gathered enough information before we left Washington City 
to verify my Georgia friend's prognostications. 

I saw a prominent senator coming out of Ben Holliday's 
fine mansion, about nightfall, wrapped in a military cloak in 
June weather. Ben Holliday was the grand cy clops, in Pacific 
Railroad lobby work and he was so well ticketed in national 
legislation that he was not considered companionable on the 
public streets. My husband and myself were together when 
we discovered the personality of the aforesaid visitor. We 
later saw how the wind lay in that neck of the woods. 



Judge Lester — The Campaign of 1878 

It opened red-hot and, as Henry Grady expressed it, "it 
promised to be the most heated and fiery in Georgia since the 
war." Why? 

Because the Bullock Democrats, those who had grown fat 
on the pickings of the Bullock regime, determined to make 
it so. No stone was left unturned, no scheme untried and no 
falsehood rejected, if it served a purpose or could deceive a 
voter. When the first meeting between Judge Geo. N. Lester 
(who was at that time superior court judge in upper Georgia) 
was arranged for, in Cartersville, on Thursday, July 11, Dr. 
Felton was asked to postpone his speaking appointment at 
Dalton and meet the Judge. This request was made by Judge 
Lester's friends and then urged by Dr. Felton 's supporters. 
So when Henry Grady charged that the Feltonites "set a trap 
for Judge Lester," the people were justly indignant and re- 
buked the falsehood promptly in the public prints. 

The speaking place was arranged for in a lovely grove of 
small oaks, in the rear of the town, with a hastily erected 
rostrum for the speakers. When we drove out there in a 
buggy from our home, we found several hundred people 
already assembled. Before we started that morning 1 told 
Dr. Felton it would be well enough to take along my scrap- 
book, which contained the testimony of Governor Joseph E, 
Brown, when the State Road lease and its ratification in 1872, 
was investigated during the year 1876 by the legislature. He 
asked me also to carry certain affidavits from citizens of Cobb 
county, concerning Judge Lester's advocacy of the Republi- 
can nominee for congress when Gen. P. M. B. Young was the 
Democratic nominee for congress, several years previously. 
I tucked both away carefully and we jogged along quietly, 
despite the fact that the Atlanta newspapers were foretelling 
many and divers overthrows that lay in wait for Dr. Felton 
on that eventful day. As it was Judge Lester's meeting, he 
had the opening speech ; time, two hours. 

Felton was to follow with two hours. 



My Memoirs of Georgli Politics 183 

Lester to rejoin in fifteen minutes. 

Felton to close in ten minutes. 

The crowd gathered quickly after the speakers left town 
and when the time arrived to begin, Dr. Felton got out of our 
buggy and pleasantly spoke to Judge Lester, saying: ''It is 
already five minutes past your time to begin, Judge." I did 
not at any time leave the buggy, but I was near enough to 
hear every word. Judge Lester disappointed me in his effort. 
He seemed to be fighting around loose. He threw in a lot of 
anecdotes — but Avhen he settled down to work he begun to 
defend himself from a rumor that he had advocated the Re- 
publican nominee. Cole, as against the Democratic nominee, 
Pierce Young. He raised his hand to Heaven as he said: **I 
declare here in this open sunshine, by the God who hears me 
and will judge me, I never made any speeches for Cole in that 
canvass. ' ' 

Just here I felt in my pocket to be sure I had the affidavits 
testifying that he did speak for Cole at Spring Place, Murray 
county, and was an advocate of Cole because he said Cole was 
in favor of General Gordon for the senate. He described the 
hardships of soldier life and, to quote Henry Grady, "the 
stump of his arm kept flying up, which jerked his empty 
sleeve forward." Dr. Felton had a seat at the foot of a tree, 
some yards distant, and occasionally he would give me a side 
glance as something was said that he thought I might notice. 
Judge Lester would jeer at him and throw out his empty 
sleeve, and when the speaker alluded to another rumor, about 
a ten thousand dollar fee that it was charged Governor Brown 
had paid him to lobby for the State Road lease, he grew quite 
facetious, and denied it in toto, save that Governor Brown 
had paid him a retainer of $1,000 for legal services, and no 
legal services were ever needed," etc. 

I glanced down at my scrap book very composedly and con- 
cluded there was something more than fun ahead in that 
meeting. He derided Felton, because he did not come forward 
in reconstruction days and help the State ''when Georgia 
needed help," and I glanced down at the volume which a 
good Atlanta lawyer had secured for Dr. Felton at the state 
capitol, where a full account was given of Judge Lester's 



184 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

foreign immigration scheme — an official report — where $10,000 
was appropriated in Bullock's time and the Judge used up the 
ten thousand and afterwards confessed that no foreigners 
would come. This humiliating result he made known to Gov- 
ernor Bullock, and his failure was contained in this very- 
precious volume, then securely wrapped and resting under 
my two restless feet, just that very minute. 

When I was pasting down, in 1876, every day's proceedings 
of the State Railroad lease investigation, I little thought my 
scrap-book would prove a Mauser rifle in a political cam- 
paign only two years later, for every single copy had disap- 
peared from the State House. 

At last the Judge took his seat, and in a few minutes Dr. 
Felton was notified that his time had come. He rose from 
his seat at the foot of the tree and came directly to me and 
said: "I am sorry that man has forced me to allude to his 
record. He is a Judge, and I would like to respect him in his 
calling, but I want those affidavits and your scrap-book." 
In the presence of that excited multitude I fished up the affi- 
davits from my dress pocket, and unwrapped the scrap-book 
and as I saw my gray-headed husband mount that improvised 
rostrum, I had more than one thought as to the hidden dangers 
that might assail him ere the campaign was over. I had good 
reason to expect and fear violence. 

"With a graciousness that was charming, he thanked his 
friends for their loyalty to him, and spoke modestly of his 
work in congress during two whole terms of faithful service, 
and declared with emphasis, "I have done my duty. I have 
nothing to regret, and not one vote to apologize for!" 

Turning to Judge Lester, he said he must say things there 
and then that he was reluctant to say — but he had been 
challenged to meet statements that he was in duty bound to 
meet, and he would do it and leave the result to the listeners 
on that occasion. He accepted the Lester challenge. He 
charged Judge Lester with dragging the judicial ermine in the 
slime of polities — that he had left the bench only the day 
before in Rome to come to Cartersville to browbeat a faithful 
representative and intimidate the men who had cases before 
him in various counties of the Seventh district. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 185 

He asked the Judge this question: "Do you carry your 
empty sleeve before this people to ask them for another 
office, before you have resigned from the high and lofty one 
of Judge — and, must I say it? — in a manner speculating on 
your wound, and asking that you be paid a price for it?" 

Then he took up the Judge's political record and showed 
how he had participated in a Democratic congressional con- 
vention in the Seventh district, which nominated Pierce Young 
at Kingston (and which did not nominate George Lester) and 
then went home to stump the district for Young's opponent, 
a Republican nominee. "There are men in this audience, your 
own neighbors in Cobb county," said Dr. Felton, "who have 
given me affidavits, voluntarily, concerning your support of 
Mr. Cole. Here are these gentlemen present — and here are 
their sworn statements. Will you deny it? Dare you say it 
is untrue? Yet you have appeared, in this presence to charge 
me with an alliance with Radicalism, and opposition to Democ- 
racy, when you know the statement is not true and that my 
service in Washington makes it plain that you speak falsely 
here for a purpose ! ' ' 

Then he took up the immigration scheme — when ten thous- 
and dollars of our tax money was handed over to Judge Les- 
ter and Mr. Weil, under Bullock's regime, and which proved 
to be only a present to these favorites who flourished at that 
time, when Bullock's gang flourished "and from all accounts," 
said Dr. Felton, "one handsome German girl adventured to 
come, and she married the Judge 's co-partner in this enterprise 
that cost poor old Georgia ten thousand dollars — and with no 
other result than the inexplicable and unexplained favoritism 
shown to Governor Bullock's attached friend and supporter, 
Judge George N. Lester!" 

"Do you care to revile me any more, Judge Lester, and tell 
this people I did not aid Georgia in the days of reconstruction, 
as you aided this great old state when hordes of thieves and 
carpet-baggers were feeding on her very vitals? I have 
causes for special gratitude and I will place among them my 
freedom from all such schemes as you carried on in Bullock's 
time, which resulted in nothing and worse than nothing to a 
war-desolated state that was bound hand and foot, until 



186 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Southern men like yourself could pick her very bones bare of 
her tax money. Now, when you tell me you thus aided the 
state, I tell you I am thankful I was not one of those who 
raided it in this way — to the everlasting discredit of the 
raiders. ' ' 

Then he took up my scrap-book and read from the testimony 
of Governor Brown where he swore he paid certain attorneys 
to talk up the lease. He read Lester's receipt for this fee of 
$1,000, and then he made the welkin ring with what the state 
had suffered in loss of revenues by this lease, and the appear- 
ance of Judge Lester in this campaign represented to his 
mind further schemes of this sort, and perhaps many more 
receipts for fees of like magnitude to be hereafter brought to 
light by future legislative investigations. The constitutional 
convention had already met and denounced lobbying to be a 
crime — and the Judge had confessed that he had never ap- 
peared in a court house to defend Governor Brown's lease. 

''Now, what induced you to take Governor Brown's money, 
Judge Lester, under such suspicious circumstances?" the 
speaker shouted, and the crowd shouted in reply. 

Mr. Henry Grady, editor of the Atlanta Constitution news- 
paper, was sitting where I could see him. He dug his um- 
brella staff in the dirt, ever and occasionally. "When Dr. 
Felton asked that awful, searching question, Mr. Grady spoke 
in muttered tones : ' ' My God ! he has killed him too dead to 
skin!" 

A gentleman of highest standing in Cartersville declared 
that Grady said it, although the editor rushed to Atlanta that 
night and wrote up the day's doings as a clean-cut victory 
for Lester for next day's Constitution. 

Judge Lester became very angry. As Dr. Felton closed 
Lester sprang to the platform and cried out: "My fellow- 
citizens, I want to say something — and Dr. Felton must hear 
it : If you, Sir, assert or insinuate that one dollar ever en- 
tered my pocket illegitimately and dishonestly, I denounce 
you here to your face — preacher, as you are — an unmitigated 
liar!" He then went on in furious denunciation, charging 
Dr. Felton with wearing God's livery to carry on politics, and 
made every sort of denial that an innocent man might make 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 187 

had lie been unjustly charged. He roared and yelled until he 
was purple in the face and trembling with rage. 

When he closed and Dr. Felton again stepped on the 
speaker's stand, it did my heart good to see how the Felton 
men crowded up to him and cheered him to the echo. I shall 
never forget his words : ' ' My friends, I was never in a better 
humor in my life. You will all bear witness that Judge 
Lester made me a challenge in regard to his record. He 
opened the debate. He made positive assertions — and I should 
have been forever estopped in criticism of his record, had I 
been silent today. 

"I call you to witness that I have not failed to furnish the 
proof, and brought it to his attention, face to face. The de- 
rogatory words he has uttered in this day of confusion and 
defeat against myself, I shall not notice. He knows I 
have spoken the truth and produced my authorities and the 
absolute and convincing proof has made him angry and I call 
your attention also to the fact that I told you and him, in 
the beginning, that I was sorry to be thus compelled to speak 
to a Judge — a man in authority, who has debased that lofty 
calling in the many ways herein exposed — but he led the de- 
bate and I only followed his lead." 

As we drove home in the quiet of the afternoon, we 
summed up the day's proceedings in a thankful spirit, but 
with a full understanding of what was in the forefront of the 
campaign — which had nearly four months to run, until elec- 
tion day in November. First, every Bullock Democrat would 
try to defend his own reputation by defending Judge Lester 
and by abusing Dr. Felton. Colonel Dabney's two races were 
not of a kind to make them fight for their political lives and 
reputations. To a man, you could spot those Bullock sup- 
porters and sympathizers. Behind them, was the money and 
influence of every man who had been besmirched in the Bul- 
lock regime. 

Second. The State Railroad men sailed in — every mother's 
son — and they were in, from snout to tail. Governor Brown, 
the president, spared nothing to win, the railroad became a 
willing servant to tote and carry, to control the election for 
Judge Lester. Every man on the road, from the top to the 



188 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

bottom grade, understood they were to work and vote for 
Judge Lester on election day. 

Lastly, as I expected, we were to find Gen. Gordon on the 
stump — in many and various places, and he came into our own 
county to browbeat Dr. Felton's friends and supporters. 

I expected to discover tracks leading up to Huntington's 
money, and I was forewarned that it was at work. I wrote an 
editorial for the Free Press, the Felton newspaper in Carters- 
ville, charging the same and pointed out signed articles in an 
Atlanta newspaper that I had been reliably informed were paid 
for by the money of the great monopolist. I also did so, in 
Columbus Enquirer-Sun. 

A demand was made for proof or retraction, and Dr. Felton 
was approached by Col. Pike Hill, who bore a belligerant 
message from the indignant editor. When I read over those 
duel papers, only a few days ago, I laughed heartily at the 
sequel. Instead of a duel, there was a very quiet letter that 
ended the strife and this was my first and last connection with 
a proposed duel — a demand presented by a second, etc., etc. 
The proof was there ! 

It was common report that every possible scheme would be 
worked in the Seventh district before Judge Lester was nom- 
inated. Hon. B. H. Hill, on July 2nd, gave an open letter to 
the public press in which he said he made it convenient to 
visit Cartersville, late in June, and there he saw members of 
the Democratic executive committee. He had been informed 
by Dr. Felton that the only purpose of some who had control 
of the party machinery was to humiliate and defeat him in 
a spirit of revenge. He asked the executive committeemen if 
Dr. Felton would have a fair chance if he submitted his name 
to the convention? 

"None in the world," was the reply. 

"It is no use talking, we are going to have a convention, 
expressly to beat him, and we intend to crush him out by 
5,000 majority." 

Anonymous writers filled the columns of the Atlanta Con- 
stitution, and I had the names of "Cato" and "Citizen" 
furnished me. One was a Bullockite and the other an as- 
pirant for office in the Seventh district, who had tried to go 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 189 

to the legislature and couldn't get elected in the voting pre- 
cinct he lived in. It was a battle-dore and shuttle-cock busi- 
ness with them. They jeered, questioned, and slandered by- 
indirection. At last I decided to draw their fire and wrote 
the following communication: 

A Reply to "Citizen." 

Cartersville, Sept. 11, 1878. 

Editors Constitution: "Citizen" writes an open letter to 
Dr. Felton and demands a reply through the Atlanta Consti- 
tution. He claims this reply as a constituent. Dr. Felton is 
absent and has left his correspondence in my care as his regu- 
lar secretary. Whether this work is well done or otherwise, I 
have never failed to satisfy him with my willing and volun- 
tary service. He will endorse this communication. As 
"Citizen" is imperious in his demand for a reply, I have not 
delayed an hour since his open letter reached me. 

The charges, as I understand them, are these: "Dr. Felton 
called Judge Lester pure in 1874; and calls him corrupt in 
1878." 

"Dr. Felton charges that Judge Lester was made commis- 
sioner of immigration by a Radical legislature and received 
his commission from Governor Bullock." 

To the first charge, I will say, four years can make con- 
siderable difference in the standing of a public man. It may 
increase friendship or lower esteem. If he proves himself 
worthy of continued confidence, he will generally receive it. 
This is the rule, allowing for occasional exceptions. In 1874, 
the investigation of the State Road lease had not taken place. 
Neither Dr. Felton nor the public had any official evidence of 
the "retainer" taken by Judge Lester. Governor Brown hesi- 
tated about showing the receipt — he gave it up under protest. 
While people may differ about the moral quality of the trans- 
action, it is very certain that the distinguished minds who 
framed our state constitution were very decided in their 
opinions. They pronounced lobbying to be a penal offense. 
Dr. Felton thinks as they did. Hence he cannot accord to 
Judge Lester very exalted purity in that particular transac- 
tion. In justice to Judge Lester, Dr. Felton is willing to grant 



190 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

that he believes the Judge ''sees no harm" in taking such 
fees. He is the person most interested and he is to be the 
judge of the right and wrong in his own case. 

Judge Lester's political and official record is the subject of 
legitimate criticism. Dr. Felton invites investigation into his 
own official conduct. 

If Judge Lester has any proof that Dr. Felton was not true 
to his constituents — if he gave a vote or performed an act 
for money outside his legitimate salary, Judge Lester has a 
perfect right to question his motives and make the matter 
plain to the people of his district. Every patriot owes it to 
his country to expose corruption in official conduct. Thus 
alone can a free government protect itself. Dr. Felton was 
not so well acquainted with Judge Lester's official record in 
in 1874, as in 1876 and 1878. He understood him better in 
these later days. 

The next charge is altogether a different matter, and 
"Citizen" is laboring under a mistake. Dr. Felton does not 
charge that Judge Lester was appointed by Governor Bullock. 
He knows he was elected by the legislature that assembled 
the Fourth of July, 1868, which instituted the commission of 
foreign and domestic immigration on March 13, 1869. He 
does say that Judge Lester resigned the commission to Gov- 
ernor Bullock after he had filled the office fourteen months. 
The Journals of the House show this to be correct. Judge 
Lester also expressed "his grateful appreciation of the kind- 
ness and courtesy which had at all times marked his ex- 
cellency's deportment and official intercourse." 

"Citizen" takes considerable pains to prove that legisla- 
ture Democratic. That it might have been, but the acts of 
that special season are conceded to be anything rather than 
Democratic in a literal sense. 

In September, 1868, and March, 1869, were passed various 
acts, authorizing bonds for the Macon and Brunswick, Chero- 
kee and Van "Wert, and Alabama and Chattanooga, and other 
schemes of similar character. 

On March 8, 1869, five days after the commission of foreign 
and domestic immigration became a law, the act authorizing 
the Brunswick and Albany railroad bonds was passed. If one 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 191 

was Democratic, the other was also. You cannot claim one and 
reject the other. The bond committee, in commenting on 
these acts, said : ' ' They were pushed through a bastard legis- 
lature by the infernal force of gold." 

Their "means and appliances" Avere limited to the sum of 
$10,000, appropriated by the act aforesaid and which in no 
event were to be increased. Of this sum, $7,000 was set apart 
as compensation for the commissioners, leaving $3,000 and no 
more to be employed in printing, preparing and circulating 
such publications. 

"Citizen" does not tell us why Col. Sam Weil applied to 
the legislature, in November, 1871, for "compensation for his 
own losses." I refer you to the Journal of that date. 

"Citizen" inquires, "Was it morally wrong for Lester to 
accept the office? We reply with another question, "Was it 
right to take the hard-earned money of the tax-payers to do 
nothing ? ' ' 

Judge Lester tells the people in Upper Georgia that Dr. 
Felton did nothing in congress. Fortunately the Congressional 
Record tells another story. The commissioner of immigration 
fails to show the whereabouts of a single immigrant, although 
rumor credits the enterprise with one intelligent and highly 
respectable German lady, 

"Citizen" gets much excited over a speech made by a 
colored voter in Cartersville. Dr. Felton had as much to do 
with that speech as had Judge Lester with a speech made in 
Rome, by one Jim Black, colored, who stated he was for 
Lester, because Lester had helped Bullock and Felton did not. 
It will not do to charge every public man with all that is said 
by strong partizans and friends — the platform would not be 
reliable with such a policy. The Constitution has presented 
the questions of "Citizen," Judge Lester's friend. Will it 
allow the reply of Dr. Felton 's private secretary? 

MRS. W. H. FELTON. 

This was written nearly thirty-two years ago (February, 
1911) and it stands today as it stood, on its merits, at the time 
of writing. I know I can confidently appeal to the young men 
of Georgia who may chance to read my words — that there was 
nothing ignoble, unwomanly or indecent in this reply to a 



[ 



192 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

newspaper article filled with a tissue of lies and misrepresen- 
tations, when the author was afraid to uncover and show his 
head in the open, lest his own skull would be cracked. 

Immediately "Citizen" fired a fusilade against both Dr. Fel- 
ton and myself. Hear the concealed caluminator — when he 
replied in the Atlanta Constiution in the following words: 

"You, Dr. Felton, march down into the mire and filth of 
r\^ the political arena, thrusting before you into its besmiiching 

^ foulness — a woman, your wife. 

"A strange sight to Georgia men — stranger yet, thank God, 
to her women. I sympathize with her, and pity the necessity 
which forces her from the privacy she adorns, into the public 
stare to shield you with a woman's name and the robes of a 
woman's immunity. * * * 

"Stand aside, Madam — I have naught to do with you! 
Uncover the Doctor and retire to the privacy of your heart- 
stone" — followed by two columns of abuse, villification, false- 
hood and insolence. 

The Constitution threatened me, editorially. Said the 
editor: "Dr. Felton will be sorry before this thing is done 
with, that he did not have the hardihood to place his own 
sign manual to the defense made by his private secretary. 
It has come to a pretty pass when the champion of Independ- 
entism is afraid (?) to meet his opponent, and lacks the nerve 
\ to sign his own name to an article in his own defense." 

Time has mellowed my feelings, but I am willing to say it 
took a good deal of God's grace to be friendly with such people 
in later life. A miserable negro made a remark about some 
disreputable white woman in Rome, and that was charged up 
to Dr. Felton, and my patience was completely exhausted the 
following winter when a Georgia congressman's wife delib- 
erately asked me, "If Dr. Felton assailed the virtue of Con- 
federate soldiers' wives and daughters?" I looked her 
squarely in the face and asked her to give her reasons for 
asking so despicable a question, and then I would give her 
the proper reply. From that day to this, my indignation has 
been forced to struggle with my respect for her — whenever I 
see her name in print. It is an established fact, that men of 
fair reputation made a business of hawking such miserable 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics; 193 

lies from neighborhood to neighborhood, and were in some- 
body's pay, and I shall believe to my dying day that it was 
Huntington's money employed in Georgia to defeat honest 
men and put his super-serviceable tools in the congress of the 
United States. 

Dr. Miller, Judge Wright, of Rome, Hon. A. H. Stephens 
and General Toombs advised young men to vote for Dr. Felton, 
and the entire district simmered with indignation that such 
a campaign of abuse was to be encountered in our congres- 
sional district. 

In Judge Lester's behalf General Gordon led the outside 
forces, and he lent aid and countenance to local desperadoes, 
who spared neither the cradle or the grave, in their dislike of 
me and hatred of Dr. Felton. Editorial after editorial ap- 
peared in the Constitution with headings of "Mrs. F's H." 
(Mrs. Felton 's husband), "The Private Secretary's Hus- 
band," etc., but I am satisfied that every time they acted the 
ruffian — they lost caste among gentlemen, and lost votes for 
their candidate. It had lasting effect in Bartow county, which 
gave Dr. Felton a majority of 1,657 on election day, and Cobb 
county (the home of Judge Lester) also gave Felton a hand- 
some majority. On Sunday morning (before election day on 
Tuesday) I was informed that ex-Go v. Joseph E. Brown had 
given orders to start a free excursion train from Atlanta to 
Chattanooga on Monday morning. Everybody could ride free 
— round trip to Chattanooga and return. 

I went at once to writing letters — notifying the voters that 
it was known to be a trick to get them into Tennessee and keep 
the excursion train there until the election was over in the 
Seventh district. (It did not return until Wednesday). That 
afternoon I wrote out telegrams to friends in every railroad 
town on the State Road, which as you know, traverses the 
district, except from Atlanta to Bolton, on the Chattahoochee, 
six miles out of Atlanta. I stood by the operator until every 
telegram went off, paid the bill, and went home to ruminate 
on the uses to which the state's railroad property might be 
applied to influence the politics of the state in behalf of cor- 
rupt politicians. 

The engineer who had charge of that Monday train now 



194 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

lives in Cartersville, and he said he reached Dalton with no 
passengers except one old lady and two little children. He 
laughs now over that mishap. 

When the train pulled into Cartersville the road was lined 
with Feltonites, who made merry with the train-masters and 
jollied them over the defeat of the plan. Those who examined 
the train reported a barrel of whiskey and two tin cups — 
sheltered in an alcove. Also a free contribution for campaign 
purposes, I suppose. One of the substantial fruits of the cam- 
paign was a letter from Chas. L. Frost, who became interested 
in this campaign because of the abuse of himself by Bullock 
Democrats. He said his connection wixh the Brunswick and 
Albany railroad brought him in contact with men of high and 
low degree, who displayed a greediness for money to which he 
had seen no parallel in a long life with experience. He also 
said: "H. I. Kimball, who secured Democratic votes in the 
legislature for aid to Brunswick and Albany railroad bonds in 
the shape of exchanging the road's second mortgage, for gold 
bonds of the state, appears to have a very defective memory 
in attempting to whitewash them. * * * Does that gentle- 
man forget that he told me at his office that he had made a 
full settlement with Trammell, and I could now leave the state 
alive?" He told me that Trammell divided the funds with 
eight of his comrades, and that "Peace now reigned in War- 
saw." 

It may transpire that some future investigation will give us 
the full roster of the eight — just as Huntington's letters to his 
partner, Colton, in San Francisco, uncovered many of the men 
in congressional circles who took his money and worked and 
voted for his schemes. Dr. Felton's official majority in the 
district in 1878 was 1,350. Judge Lester's vote in Cobb was 
a settler — and I expect he would have fared bettet if he had 
stifled some of the villianous methods used in his behalf with- 
out let or hindrance. 



A POLITICAL EPISODE THAT CONCERNED ME IN- 
DIVIDUALLY. 

During the year 1876 there was a friendly newspaper in 
Canton, Cherokee county, Georgia, edited by Rev. P. H. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 195 

Brewster, the same man whose printing outfit was seized and 
destroyed in Cartersville when Dr. Felton and Colonel Tram- 
mell were opposing candidates in 1874. Mr. Brewster had a 
partner during a part of the time, but as Mr. Brewster fav- 
ored Felton, and Mr. Jas. 0. Dowda favored the ring Demo- 
crats, they divided on the 13th of September, 1876, Mr. 
Brewster purchasing Mr. Dowda 's interest. Then Mr. Brewster 
requested me to give him any political happenings that might 
come to my knowledge to put in his paper, for Mr. Dowda was 
out. His valedictory was placed in the issue of September 13th 
and he (Mr. B.) was in control of his own newspaper. 

We were just starting to Lafayette and Catoosa county and 
places adjacent when his letter came to me. While I was 
resting at a friend's house, eight miles from Ringgold, about 
September 20th, I wrote the article, here copied, and Editor 
Brewster made the headline : 

A Voice From Catoosa. 

Editor Greorgian: I write to tell you the cheering news in 
the upper counties. Dr. Felton 's vote will be largely increased. 
At Trion he had a large crowd, evidently in strong sympathy. 
At Dalton he has fine encouragement, as I understand. (I did 
not go to Dalton at that time). It is thought that his vote in 
Whitfield will equal, if not exceed Dabney's vote. The op- 
position started their tricks too soon. They published the 
names of persons at the Dalton (congressional) convention 
who were not there, but whose votes and influence were 
pledged to Felton. Colonel Dabney is making charges against 
Dr. Felton in his speeches, connecting him with Radicalism, 
which would be amusing if it did not betray the weakness of 
Dabney's cause. Crowds follow Dr. Felton 's appointments in 
this county. The people are awake. It only needs a few tell- 
ing licks to show the people they are earnest and truthful in 
the cause of right and honesty. 

(Signed) A WOOL HAT. 

This article was published in the Georgian on September 27, 
1876. Under date of September 13th, in same paper, this can 
be found: 

"My connection with the Cherokee Georgian ceases with 



196 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

this issue, although my relations with the associate proprietor 
has been agreeable, etc. 

(Signed) Jas. 0. Dowda." 

During the campaign in 1878, a public speaker in Rome 
denounced me as a ''Catoosa farmer," and read a letter from 
certain parties in Cherokee county, one of them Jas. 0. Dowda, 
which ridiculed me as a fraud, etc. 

An investigation was obliged to follow this tirade. Mr. 
Dowda came out in a publication, in the Atlanta Constitution, 
and in it he used the following words : He said, ' ' about the 
first of September, 1876, a 'wool hat' communication came to 
the office in course of mail. I opened it and read it. Col. Jas. 
R. Brown was in the office at the time. I showed it to him. It 
struck me forcibly that it would be a fraud to publish it. I 
asked him his opinion of it, and showed him a note accom- 
panying the communication, which began 'Dear Brother 
Brewster,' and was signed 'R. A. Felton' (Mrs. Felton\ Col. 
Brown and I agreed in our views about it. I decided 1 would 
not publish it. 

"I kept it, however, and gave it to Mr. Brewster, because 
of the private note that came in the same envelope. He read 
it, I gave him my objections to it. I told him I would not 
publish it, for it was a fraud. He took it home with him — 
came back in a few days and bought me out." 

The campaign in 1876 closed and nobody revealed the 
"fraud." But this communication of mine was kept until the 
campaign of 1878, and then these two gentlemen, Dowda and 
Brown, furnished the "fraud" to a courageous speaker in the 
city of Rome, who stood before a Lester audience and gave 
me Hail Columbia ! 

The Lesterites pranced and cavorted, and the Constitution 
found a veritable mare's nest in "Dear Bro. Brewster." 
As the Georgian editor was a local Methodist preacher, a good 
friend, and we always addressed him as "brother," it was 
entirely natural that I should thus address him, even in a 
private letter, written to him as a newspaper editor. These 
gentlemen were only visitors in Mr. Brewster's newspaper 
office — had no more right to open his letters than I to open 
yours, dear reader, but Mr. Dowda not only opened my private 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 197 

letter to Mr. Brewster, but exhibited it to Hon. Jas. R. Brown, 
and together they pronounced judgment on it as a "fraud." 
As a matter of fact, Dr. Felton did not speak at Trion until 
the 14th of September. He did not speak at Dalton until the 
16th. He did not speak at Ringgold until the 20th, and we 
did not get home until September 23rd. I have here written 
every word of this "Wool Hat" communication, and I should 
not have sent a line to the Georgian if I had not been informed 
that Mr. Dowda was out and disconnected with the paper. 
"While he may have been upright in his private dealings, I 
was convinced he was a veritable trickster and a rabid and 
perfectly unscrupulous man in politics, and the facts here 
shown go to prove it. 

Of course Mr. Brewster was enraged that his private letters 
had thus been manipulated by men who occupied seats in his 
newspaper office, as callers, while he was out. What he said 
to Mr. Dowda about opening other people's letters I leave you 
to imagine, as Mr. Dowda forwarded to me the following cer- 
tificate, signed before a notary: 

"Mrs. R. A. Felton.— Madam : At the request of Rev P. H. 
Brewster, the undersigned makes the following certificate, 
namely : There came to the office of the Cherokee Georgian a 
communication, signed 'Wool Hat,' about the 1st of Septem- 
ber, 1876. Enclosed was a small slip containing a very 
polite apology by you for being the author of it — justifying it 
by plea of common usage, and request to publish the same. 
That this was the sum total in substance of the slip referred to 
above. 

(Signed) Jas. O. Dowda. 

September 3, 1878." 

The "Wool Hat" article was not only true in all respects, 
but a most modest statement of facts in 1876. Mr. Dowda was 
afterward anxious to impress upon the public the idea that 
he and Hon. J. R. Brown were responsible for inspiring Mr. 
Linton Dean, in Rome, to use this "Wool Hat" matter to in- 
jure Dr. Felton 's candidacy, for, said he, "No fair-minded man 
holds Judge Lester responsible for acts he does not in some 
way endorse," and that he became anxious to save himself 
from the penalty of opening other people 's letters is seen when 



198 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

he furnished me the "certificate." Mr. "Walsh, editor of the 
Augusta Chronicle, said: ''The Democratic papers that have 
dragged Mrs. Felton's name into the contest have shown very 
bad taste, if nothing more. Mrs. Felton is a noble woman — 
a devoted wife and mother, and has won the respect and ad- 
miration of all who know her. The papers have a right to 
oppose Dr. Felton as fiercely as they please, but they have no 
right to drag his wife's name into the campaign." 

The Columbus Enquirer-Sun said: "Some of the papers 
sneer at Mrs. Felton, in the Seventh district. Every time they 
do so they add to Felton's strength and diminish Lester's. 
We have never had the pleasure of meeting the lady — but we 
know numbers in Columbus, who are among the first gentle- 
men of this or any other land, who pronounce her among the 
most gifted and accomplished women - of our country. She 
writes letters to papers and is doing all she can to elect her 
husband, and we honor her for it. Answer the arguments, 
gentlemen — if you can." 

Said The Madisonian : "We regard Mrs. Dr. Felton as one 
of the most amiable and accomplished ladies that ever added 
attraction to Washington City society. Her successor will 
have a hard time to fill, if anybody attempts to imitate her. 
God bless Mrs. Felton, say we. 

"Although opposed to the election of her husband, and 
only because he antagonized Democracy, we regard her and 
him as among the best that ever represented Georgia at 
Washington — morally and politically. We hope our tongue 
will cleave to the roof of our mouth ere we write a word in 
disparagement of Mrs. Dr. Felton, whom we regard as one of 
Georgia's best women." 

Said the DeKalb News: "Has Georgia Democracy gone 
mad? Have Georgia editors forgot the respect due to a 
'woman,' that they so mercilessly abuse Mrs. Felton for what 
she has written in her husband's cause? Far be it from us to 
approve of Georgia ladies entering the political arena, but 
we must enter a protest against such wholesale abuse of what 
our brother editors are pleased to call a 'woman;' we will 
thank kind heaven for more 'women' who are willing to help 
their husbands to bear the burdens of life, whatever circum- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 199 

stances surround them. Gentlemen, it is a shame, and we feel 
like saying : Confound the editors — confound the papers, and 
confound everything that will not step aside and bow to any 
Georgia lady who loves her husband more than she fears the 
barbed arrows of Georgia editors." 

When Dr. Felton spoke at Spring Place, Murray county, 
some days after the attack on me, in Rome, in regard to 
"Wool Hat," a Mr. Thrailkill, of that county, handed the 
speaker a letter to read aloud to the audience. The letter was 
unsigned, but was intended to be sent to some newspaper for 
publication and Mr. Thrailkill stated that Hon. J. R. Brown, 
of Cherokee county, had sent him the letter and asked him to 
to sign his name to the same and print it, and the communica- 
tion stated that Dr. Felton was seeking to injure the State 
road and he could not therefore support Felton ! ! 

When Dr. Felton read aloud the letter to the audience in the 
presence of Mr. Thrailkill, and told how the Canton politicians 
had sought to make capital of my "Wool Hat" communication, 
it created a sensation. 

Mr. Thrailkill said Col. Brown had sent him the letter to 
sign and claim as his (Thrailkill 's) own, and there was a blank 
spot left for the signature. Mr. Thrailkill gave the letter to 
Dr. Felton as a memento of the campaign and I kept it because 
of the memories of that terrible era, when our opponents were 
merciless and mendacious in their attacks on me. 

On Friday night before the election (on Tuesday) Dr. 
Felton had driven in from Roswell, Cobb county, to Marietta 
(Judge Lester's home) to board the W. & A. Railroad train, to 
reach Cartersville. After he had taken his seat in the cars a 
Lester crowd gathered about the train, where they begun to 
howl and yell like wild savages. Some of them entered the 
car and used all sorts of insulting language to Dr. Felton, 
such as "damned old hospital rat," "Wool Hat," "Jeans 
Britches" — and as many epithets as they could find in a 
vocabulary of vulgarity and profanity. As he sat near a win- 
dow a friend came in and asked him to get out in the middle 
of the car, as the ruffians were none to good to hurl a stone 
at his head. Not a man belonging to that train crew attempted 
to rebuke this ruffianism — and although he had paid his fare 



200 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

for a seat, he was left to the mercy of those ruffians until the 
train pulled out. A telegram came next day asking me to go 
to Marietta on Monday, where Dr. Felton was to speak. We 
were met at the depot by an immense crowd, a carriage drawn 
by four white horses, and they drove us all around, even in 
front of Judge Lester's office, as a stinging rebuke to the 
dastardly persons who met the train on the previous Friday 
night. 

The court house was packed to the utmost ; the outside was 
crowded with angry men, who resented the attack made on 
Dr. Felton by men of no character, and who thus befouled the 
good name of the town and county, and I was able to measure 
up the situation with some degree of accuracy. 

On the night of the election day, when Dr. Felton came 
home about ten o'clock and reported his remarkable victory 
in Cobb county, I became satisfied that ruffianism is a poor 
weapon in politics. His friends had one room in the Car- 
tersville depot. Judge Lester's friends another, and the tele- 
graph office was in reach and in hearing of both parties for 
reading out telegrams. Among the first returns (after Bartow 
had been heard from) came from Marietta. It was announced 
that Felton had carried nearly every precinct in Cobb county, 
and, although there was a deal of ruffianism at the polls in 
Marietta, Judge Lester was beaten by nearly three hundred 
majority — while Felton 's majority in Bartow was nearly 
1,700. (The official majority in Cobb was 271). One of Dr. 
Felton 's bitterest foes exclaimed, "D — n a candidate that 
can't carry his own county," and he departed. To remember 
that he had spent money, lost friends, made enemies in his 
own town and to no purpose, was doubtless exasperating. I 
watched for Cherokee's vote, where "Wool Hat" had cut no 
inconsiderable figure. Felton 's official vote was 1,530, and 
Lester's 792 — in Judge Brown's county and where Jas. 0. 
Dowda was a voter. 

Where we were so well advertised as "frauds" and 
"Radicals," it was astonishing that the vote should speak 
in thunder tones against such plans and practices as had been 
used to defeat us; and I say it, solemnly, to destroy us. 

I must not forget to mention the great barbecues thet were 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 201 

given by the Lesterites and Feltonites in the town of Carters- 
ville just before the canvass closed. The Lester barbecue was 
spread in a grove, opposite the home of Col. L. N. Trammell's 
brother, and General Gordon was the star performer on that 
day. The disorder was tremendous. One Lesterite family had, 
with scores of others, prepared a magnificent basket of dainties 
— iced cake, etc., etc. "When she found she could not save it 
from the vandals in a better way, she sat down in it. General 
Gordon heaped upon Dr. Felton the most violent vituperation 
and as he was serving in the senate, his denunciation v/as ac- 
cepted as truthful by Felton 's foes. All over Bartow county 
did he travel and declaim to break down Dr. Felton among 
his neighbors and church members. Fresh from "Washington 
City, where he had lately voted against the Thurman funding 
bill, and where he was known as Huntington's "man" and 
as you will later see, claimed as ''his man" by Huntington, 
he traversed the Seventh district to defeat an honest repre- 
sentative who had voted against Huntington, and whom Hunt- 
ington desired should be displaced. 

At the Felton barbecue the best of order prevailed. A pro- 
cession of fifty of the truest citizens of the district marched 
through town wearing white "Wool Hats," and labeled "Mrs. 
Felton 's "Wool Hat Boys." The face of the earth was working 
with men from all over the district. Crowds came on trains, 
thousands in vehicles — camping over night. A friend in At- 
lanta sent me a large goods box full of stick candy. I selected 
a shaded place, took a seat and handed out candy, as long as 
a package was left in the box. I got up at daylight to feed 
the people in our house, packed my barbecue baskets, went to 
the barbecue grounds — on the east side of town — stayed there 
until everything was complete and over with, drove home at 
sundown with a splitting headache, but all the same satisfied 
that politics is an exciting game — well worked. 

Judge Simmons and the Holtzclaw candidacy will be ex- 
plained later. 



202 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

THE FRAUDULENT BONDS OF GEORGIA. 

It was in the summer of 1885, that the question of paying 
the discredited bonds was agitated in the newspapers of New 
York and Georgia. There has never been any cessation of the 
determination of interested persons — lawyers and others — to 
force payment, whenever a legislature can be used or con- 
trolled into opening the question, or when a governor can be 
elected who will do what Governor Matthews did in the time 
of the "Yazoo Fraud," namely, throw all his influence to- 
wards the nefarious scheme. We owned and edited the Car- 
tersville Courant (1885) and I made the agitation a subject of 
editorial comment. I mentioned the name of Judge John I. 
Hall, of Griffin, and sent him a marked copy of the paper — 
July 2, 1885. Here is his reply: 

"Griffin, Ga., July 4, 1885. 
"Dr. and Mrs. W. H. Felton, Cartersville, Ga. 

"Dear Sir and Madam: I received last night a marked 
copy of your paper of July 2, 1885, containing on extract from 
the New York World, which contains statements credited to 
Mr. Kneeland and Mr. Clews, touching the conduct of the bond 
committee while in New York and your comments thereon, 
for which I thank you. I never saw the statement of Clews 
and Kneeland until I read your paper last night. I see from 
the newspapers that Clews, Bullock and Judge Lochrane have 
made a great many mis-statements about the conduct of the 
state in ignoring the fraudulent bonds, and I concluded to call 
attention to some of their gross mis-statements, especially to 
Clews' statement that he was an innocent purchaser of some 
of these bonds, and to the statement of Bullock that the bonds 
were regularly and legally issued and no fraud was practiced 
on the state, but my professional engagements have prevented 
me from giving the matter any attention up to this time. I 
agree with you, that the time has arrived for the surviving 
members of the 'bond committee' to speak. I shall confer 
with Judge Simmons and we will be heard from. The state- 
ment made by Kneeland is absolutely false. 

"The statement made by Clews that we reported the testi- 
raoney of himself and Frost unlike it was given to us, is utterly 
untrue. In due time it will be stated just how the examina- 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 203 

tion of Mr. Clews was made, how he tried subsequently to 
alter his testimony, how he was not permitted to do so — but 
was permitted to make any additional or explanatory state- 
ment he desired. Every line of the testimony was taken down 
just as the witness gave it, and all the testimony was reported 
by the committee and is now on file in the office of the secre- 
tary of state. "When the committee made the report and con- 
sidered the matter of printing, it was found that a volume of 
several hundred pages would be required to cover all the 
evidence taken, and as a greater portion of the evidence did 
not bear upon the issue involved, we printed only so much of 
the evidence as was pertinent to that issue. But the entire 
evidence was made a part of the report, it is so stated in the 
printed report and is now in the office of the secretary of 
state. Every word of the testimony that is in any wise re- 
ferred to the issue involved — the fraudulent issue of the 
bonds of the state — was embodied in the printed report. Please 
send me your paper for one year. I am, Yours truly, 

"JOHN I. HALL." 
In the spring of 1886, the Macon Telegraph published the 
following editorial — during the Bacon-Gordon campaign. I 
will state also, by way of parenthesis, that I never saw the 
forthcoming article mentioned by Judge Hall, and which he 
and Judge Simmons were to sign, as the surviving members of 
the bond committee. I knew nothing absolutely of Judge Hall, 
but I did know that Judge Simmons had defended Colonel 
Trammell in the Cartersville newspapers. 

New Light On the Campaign. 

Macon Telegraph, Friday Morning, June 4, 1886. 

The Telegraph is in receipt of the following letter. It should 
be read by every .citizen of the state, as having a direct bear- 
ing upon the probable object of the present campaign. The 
author and the gentleman he quotes are responsible and fear- 
less men : 

"Americus, June 2, 1886. 

"Editors Telegraph: A prominent and reliable citizen was 
at the election in Dooly county yesterday in the interest of 
Hon. C. F. Crisp. From him I learn the following facts in 
regard to said election, some of which may be of interest to 
you: 



204 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

"Rev. Mr. Harrison, of Snow, Dooly county, was on the 
grounds all day actively canvassing for Gordon and won him 
many votes. He showed a letter to many there, signed by H. 
W. Grady, of Atlanta, ordering him to have all carriages 
necessary to carry voters to the polls and to send bill to him 
for payment. The gentlemen I refer to, read this letter. Mr. 
Harrison also exhibited two wall hooks which he told the 
crowd were to be used to hang Bacon on. * * * The gen- 
tleman also heard from the following prominent citizens that 
when Gordon visited Dooly on May 11th, he made the follow- 
ing statement openly there, to-wit: 'That when Georgia re- 
pudiated the Bullock bonds, he didn't feel satisfied that the 
state had done right, and had seen no reason since to change 
his mind. Also that holders of these bonds approached him 
and offered to sign a check for any amount that he (Gordon) 
might name if he would lobby the legislature in the interest of 
their bonds.' The gentlemen, my informant says, heard Gor- 
don make this statement were Dr. S. B. Stovall, Dr. C. T. 
Stovall, Col. John Holmes McDonald, Heard, Hamilton and 
others." 

"We ask the citizens of Georgia to read this letter and ponder 
upon it. Gordon says that when Georgia repudiated the Bul- 
lock bonds, he didn't feel satisfied that the state had done 
right, and had seen no reason since to change his mind. The 
question naturally arises, would General Gordon as governor 
stand between the people and corrupt politicians when Clew's 
crowd of bondholders make their final effort to override the 
state? Some day not far distant a new constitutional conven- 
tion will be called in Georgia. Under the manipulation of just 
such men as Gordon there is going on now an intermingling 
of parties and elements that will change the complexion of 
our assemblies in the near future. There are many millions 
locked up in those bonds, and many millions more in the hands 
of the holders to back an effort to force payment upon them. 
That money is being used now. Georgia's good name is con- 
stantly assailed in the north by a subsidized press, and her 
credit in the money markets by agents of Clews & Co. Re- 
cently the courts of New York were invoked to this end. 

Have Clews & Co. invested money in this Georgia campaign? 
Whence comes the funds to hire all the horses and carriages 
in close counties to carry voters to the polls? Does anybody 
believe that the Atlanta Constitution is footing these bills? 
Is General Gordon acting in behalf of Clews & Co.? 

These are questions that will be asked in all sections today. 
The friends of General Gordon are estopped from declaring 
that he could nut be approached upon such a subject, by his 
own admissions. He is charged with saying, that "holders of 



My Memoirs of Georgla. Politics 205 

these bonds approached him and offered to sign a check for 
any amount that he might name if he would only lobby the 
legislature in the interest of the bonds." It is not on record 
that General Gordon knocked down the man who made this 
proposition. He does not appear to be indignant over it. Has 
General Gordon reconsidered his refusal? 

It was declared time and again that Hon. A. H. Stephens 
was pressed by ex-Governor Bullock and the bondholders, 
after he had snubbed the Independents and went over, bag 
and baggage, to Senators Brown and Colquitt. If he had lived 
to control a legislature, it is more than probable that we should 
have heard more about the bonds. 

General Gordon's advent made it plain that somebody was 
flinging out a bag of money, and suspicion turned towards 
the fraudulent bonds. I attributed the influx of money to Mr, 
C. P. Huntington, but others connected Clews & Company with 
a part of it. The statement made by the Telegraph (and so 
far as I know, never denied or questioned) indicates enough to 
warrant a reasonable suspicion. I was anxious to hear from 
Judge Hall and Judge Simmons, and I wish I could have seen 
their defense of themselves in print. 

On June 5, 1887, I furnished to the Macon Telegraph an 
article on these repudiated bonds. In the same issue the editor 
thus speaks of it: 

"Shall Georgia Pay Those Repudiated Bonds?" 

Under the above caption we publish an article today from 
one of the most gifted writers and purest patriots in Georgia. 

Its appearance is timely. There are indications that an 
effort will be made before the legislature at the coming session 
to re-open the question of paying the repudiated bonds. 

This question was settled by the legislature after thorough 
investigation, upon the sworn testimony of witnesses as yet 
unimpeached. That question, as outlined by "Tax-Payer," 
shows that for downright, unblushing villainy, the transac- 
tions through which these bonds were put afloat stand without 
a parallel in the history of the state. 

The lapse of time has softened the feelings of hate and 
bitterness with which the people of Georgia once regarded the 
principal actors in this great crime. It is with regret that we 
recur again to those days, when she was bound hand and 
foot, and when aliens and adventurers, assisted by some of 
her traitorous sons, were in league with each other for the 



206 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

purpose of robbing her of her credit after they had bank- 
rupted her treasury. 

If any of them have since repented of the crimes they then 
committed against her and are desirous of her prosperity and 
concerned for her welfare and honor, they should have taken 
care that the effort to perpetrate a steal, which was defeated 
fifteen years ago, should not have been renewed at this time. 

As they have mistaken the patience of a people who have 
been mocked by the immunity from justice which has some- 
how been vouchsafed to them, they need not expect, in view 
of renewed effort to rob the treasury, that any quarter will be 
shown them. 

"Tax-Payer" cites a condition of things, developed by the 
sworn testimony of respectable witnesses, that should have 
sent to the penitentiary the men who were engaged in pro- 
moting a great crime. They have the unblushing effrontery 
now to bring forward a scheme through which the stale is to 
be asked to sanction an effort to rob her. We do not believe 
that a single member of the legislature will be found to offer 
resolution or bill for this purpose. If such should be the case, 
the contempt and indignation of a patient and long-suifering 
people should be exhausted to make the name of such an one 
odious forever. 

And may we not address a word to the legal profession? 
How many lawyers of character would be found in this state 
to carry before the people, as a matter of right and without 
fee or reward, the proposition to pay these bonds? 

Does the honorable profession of law justify the advocacy 
of a cause as an attorney which the private citizen would scorn 
to favor? 

Has the profession degenerated to such an extent that its 
members feel themselves absolved from the obligations every 
honorable man in all other professions and vocations ac- 
knowledges as due to his state? 

The people of Georgia should hold to just accountability all 
men in public or private station who lend themselves to this 
infamous scheme. 

The constitution forbids it. 



Should Georgia Pay Those Repudiated Bonds? — What the 
Present Agitation Means. 

Macon Telegraph, June 5, 1887. 

Editor Telegraph: From the signs and symptoms that mark 
the present situation, it is very clear that the time has now 
come, in the opinion of those who are interested, to force the 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics ' 207 

payment of those Bullock bonds which were repudiated after 
Governor Bullock fled the state with the serious apprehen- 
sion in his mind that an outraged public was at that time 
ready and willing to bring his acts as governor into judgment 
and punish him. Many years have elapsed since Thos. J. Sim- 
mons, John I. Hall and Garnett McMillan published to the 
world the methods by which those bonds were endeavored to 
be pushed on the state of Georgia and to deplete the state 
treasury, merely to enrich certain persons who fattened f.n the 
"rich drippings" and official stealage just after the war — 
under legislative chicanery and corruption. It would jippear 
also that public opinion has been so often set at naught lately, 
and desperate schemes and schemers have so often carried out 
their plans over public protest and public honesty, that these 
schemers have settled upon the present time to force the pay- 
ment of a so-called debt which the constitution of Georgia, ten 
years afterwards, denounced as fraudulent and unlawful. It 
is a sad commentary on our condition as a state when such 
schemes tear away the mask and assault the taxpayers boldly 
like highwaymen or the foot-pads of earlier periods, de- 
termined to get this money by fair means or foul, sooner or 
later. 

There are pamphlets being distributed to members of the 
legislature at this writing which show both the audacity and 
the animus of the scheme. 

Now, let us get certain facts before the public which will 
clear away some of the debris which is being piled about the 
subject (merely to obstruct and confuse) by these paid agents 
of the enemies of Georgia, who contemplate this speedy raid 
on the treasury. 

In the year 1871, on December 9, the house of representa- 
tives and the senate passed an act over the governor's veto, 
authorizing a full investigation on the subject before us. 
Twenty-five senators against ten repudiated his excellency, 
and the vote in the house stood 117 to 20, much more than the 
necessary two-thirds. Thomas J. Simmons, John I. Hull and 
Garnett McMillan were appointed the committee, and they met 
in the room of the speaker of the house of representatives on 
March 1, 1872, and they uncovered a sink-hole of corruption. 
They found one hundred and ninety-four bonds of the Alabama 
and Chattanooga railroad of one thousand dollars each, num- 
bered from 1,007 to 1,200, inclusive. J. F. Clapp, who owned 
No. 1,007, swore that this bond bore the signature of Bullock, 
governor, and Eugene Davis, secretary of the executive de- 
partment, but neither the seal of the state nor the signature 
of the secretary of state. Jacob Skillman held bond No. 1,008, 
indorsed the same way. Theodore Salters held No. 1,009, in- 



208 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

dorsed the same way. H. A. Johnson owned one hundred and 
sixty-four of them which were hypothecated to the New York 
Warehouse and Security Company, in aid of the Alabama and 
Chattanooga railroad, all without lawful signatures. J. S. 
Peterson swore that he was in the office of H. I. Kimball & 
Co., in New York, and saw Governor Bullock indorse two hun- 
dred and forty thousand dollars of bonds of the Bainbridge, 
Cuthbert and Columbus railroad, assisted in putting on the 
seal of the company, afterwards delivered to E. N. Kimball. 
Bullock was a habitue of Kimball 's New Y^ork office and mani- 
fested great interest in Kimball's negotiations. Frink, on ac- 
countant of Kimball's, says Kimball sent to New York a large 
amount of bonds in August, 1871, when the road was only 
graded fifty miles and no iron laid. 

William M. Tumlin, a contractor for the Bainbridge, Cuth- 
bert and Columbus road, swore that he was satisfied that the 
board of directors never authorized Kimball to issue any such 
bonds. Kimball borrowed money from Pierce, Kidd & Co., 
of New York, and deposited these bonds as collateral. These 
bonds were signed by Bullock, but lacked the seal of the state 
and the signature of the secretary of state, and these bonds 
were never signed by the secretary of state. Bullock was 
then making ready to go on a big jamboree to California, and 
no doubt needed money to make it. 

The Brunswick and Albany railroad had some noted 
lobbyists to push it along, and Bullock put out $3,300,000 
gold bonds on this scheme, numbers 1 to 1,880, inclusive. The 
railroad had already sixty-five miles completed before the 
war, and on the first of May, 1871, less than one hundred 
miles had been built. Kimball was president, his father-in- 
law chief manager of construction, and his nephew was super- 
intendent. Cook & Kimball declared their intention to cheapen 
the work to increase their profits, and they did it. lu May, 
1871, there were no station houses or depots on the line. 
Col. John Screven, of Savannah, testified that he believed 
$20,000 per mile to be ample to construct it. He was receiver 
of the road, and found three millions of debts against it. 
Now, where did all the money go? Foster Blodgett's son 
swore that his father lobbied it, and Kimball's office Avas on 
the floor of the house, and that Kimball was there bossing 
the job. Foster Blodgett received $15,000 of the bonds from 
Kimball as lobby pay. Who will dare say that such money 
should be paid again? 

Roland B. Hall, a member of the legislature from Glynn, 
swore that he held $6,000 of the Brunswick and Albany rail- 
road stock, presented to him by one of the contractors. An- 
other witness swore he got seven. Oliver T. Lyon, one of the 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 209 

contractors, swore that his company worked from Warcsboro 
to Albany, the work amounting to $140,000, of which they got 
in money fifty or sixty thousand dollars, and as much in 
supplies, and the company then owed them $30,000. 

When they got to the nineteenth mile post, Henry Clews had 
in his possession bonds to pay for 110 miles. A witness swore 
that he threatened to expose the fraud, when the chief en- 
gineer told him it "would break things up." 

Bullock sent the following to Clews in New York, June 6, 
1871, when only 140 miles of track were laid, according to 
sworn testimony of contractors : 

"Henry Clews & Co., 32 Wall street, New York: State 
engineer on Brunswick and Albany railroad reports 213 miles 
graded, 183 ironed, a force of 3,000 men at work, and says 
the road will be completed to Eufaula early in October. 
Revenue of state last year, $1,635,765 ; increase of taxable 
property over last year of $20,000,000 ; increase revenue from 
Western and Atlantic Railroad, $235,000. 

(Signed) "RUFUS B. BULLOCK." 

The state engineer swore he made no such report, or any 
other report at the time mentioned. Witness showed this 
telegram to Lochrane, Clew's attorney, proving it to be un- 
true. Lochrane said: "Let it alone; make no fuss. Bullock 
is gone and it would make no difference now ! " 

The civil engineer employed by the road swore that only 
one hundred and forty miles were completed on June 16, 1871, 
ten days after Bullock's deceitful telegram (?) to Clews. R. 
A. Crawford, one of the accredited attorneys now pushing the 
bonds on the legislature, swore that W. L. Avery, a contractor, 
told him Bullock was paid one hundred thousand dollars for 
indorsing the bonds of the company. Avery told him he was 
on the train passing out of Atlanta, when Pond, Bullock's 
secretary, delivered the bonds, and Bullock was standing on 
the veranda of the National Hotel, to watch Pond and see the 
delivery of the bonds. Finney, who drew the money in New 
York to pay out to contractors in Brunswick, warned Clews 
that he was in danger and to be careful in dealing witli these 
parties — that they were irresponsible. Clews said he would 
take care of himself. Witness saw a dispatch to Kimball, 
stating the road had been finished to a certain mile post, when 
it lacked seven miles of it. Now Clews is asking care from 
the state. 

James T. Blain, director of the Brunswick and Albany rail- 
road, swore that no money was paid in by stockholders as 
investment — just speculation. B. Y. Sage, chief engiueer of 
the Air Line Railroad, swore thusly: "After the passage of 
the bill granting aid to this road, and pending and before the 



210 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

signing of it, Bullock said to witness 'if there is anything to 
be made out of it that he (witness) might count upon Bullock 
being in, and he (Bullock) was on the make, that he thought 
if there was anything to be made out of it, it should be divided 
among friends.' " 

Now, Mr. Editor, I wish you to weigh these words well for 
the benefit of your readers, and tell us what duty does the 
State of Georgia owe to such a scheme as this, except to scorn 
it, to spit upon it, and to repudiate it forever? Haven't Bul- 
lock's friends enjoyed enough of our money? Clias. L. Frost, 
an honorable gentleman, who is upon record as to the char- 
acter of the men Avho entrapped Georgia into this gigantic 
swindle for pay, swore that Bullock was quite willing to 
deliver eight hundred thousand dollars of gold bonds v/ithout 
regard to number, but he refused to take them exceDt in a 
legal way, and as the work called for them. But Kimball pro- 
cured the bonds in this illegal way, and far in advance of the 
work, Kimball still holding the second mortgage bonds, and 
innocent purchasers who should have been granted an ex- 
change of these gold bonds were denied them. Kimball re- 
fused to settle with Frost, and Frost held back certain bonds 
issued by the railroad, whereupon Kimball issued duplicates ; 
which were not signed or indorsed, fortunately — Kimball hav- 
ing to fly before the scheme was set up and perfected owing 
to his speedy flight from avenging justice. 

Time would fail me, and space would fail you, to rehearse 
more of the testimony at this writing, but I ask space to 
copy a few lines from the report signed by Messrs. Simmons, 
Hall and McMillan: "If these roads are good paying roads 
and of amazing benefit to the state, that is claimed by the 
bondholders, every one of them will get his pay from the 
company, independent of the state's guaranty. If this talk 
about paying roads and developing our resources be true, the 
bonds are perfectly good without the help of the state, so 
there is no room for complaint. But how is it if, on the con- 
trary, they are not paying roads, are of no account, built 
only for speculation and plunder, if resources simply mean 
money, and develop to steal, if the indorsement overthrew 
both the constitutional and statutory safeguards of the state's 
credit? 

'-'We submit to the world's impartial judgment the bond- 
holder's complaint, that the state refuses to be bound by an 
unlawful guaranty, the bond being good without the guaranty, 
and the road, both liable and able to pay it, is not half so 
well grounded as would be the state's complaint, and the 
complaint of its citizens, if forced to bear a burden imposed 
in violation of the positive prohibiting of the law," etc. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 211 

*'I entered not into this covenant," is the language of the 
State. "It is not my deed," is her complete defense. There is 
no latitude or choice ; we act under an imperious necessity — 
the necessity of an oath. ' 

Some are in this matter in whom is found no guile. Their 's 
is misfortune Avithout blame. The rest are not so. When 
politically prostrate, wrecked in fortune and citizenship, the 
wretched remnant of our substance devoured by greedy beasts 
and birds flung in upon us in the wake of war, under color of 
the laws of the land to make complete our disaster and deso- 
lation, cheated of a voice in selecting our law-givers, dis- 
honest partisan registrars — men, nine hundred miles away, 
met in unholy conclave, were drafting laws to load us and our 
children with debt, and pushing them through a bastard legis- 
lature by the infernal force of gold. Thus bound hand and 
foot we were stoned by the money changers, whilst these 
gamblers in the stock market who call themselves innocent 
purchasers, stood by and held the raiment of them that slew 
us. He, who in an evil hour ordains an ungodly chalice for 
his fellow, must not murmur if to his own lips the bitter cup 
be pressed by the avenging fate of a better day." 

It would take about eight millions to satisfy this stoning 
crowd and the money changers of New York who have turned 
a swarm of their agents loose on us, whose pay is contingent 
on the recovering of this money. The State has to be run 
down by a pirate crew who are to loot the treasury for their 
pay. The poor South, standing at the door of Congress, willing 
to accept the Blair bill with its marked humiliations to us, 
and our confession of our ignorance, yet these men are be- 
leaguering the Legislature already with documents and paid- 
for arguments that will draw eight millions of dollars from the 
labor of this country without the least return for the loss if 
they succeed. "Honesty" is the battle cry of these men. They, 
like Uriah Heep, are painfully honest, if not humble — but 
like whited sepulchers, their inside intentions are "full of 
rottenness and dead men's bones." Oh, ye hypocrite?! By 
the grace of God, who is long-suffering and the incapacity and 
timidity of our people generally, these men now vegetate out- 
side prison limits, but woe ! to the man — the Georgian — who 
dares to rise in the next Georgia legislature and ask the setting 
aside of the verdict of an outraged people, who forever de- 
clared these repudiated bonds of Bullock and Kimball to be 
illegal and fraudulent in the highest constitutional law. These 
bonds were conceived in corruption of the deepest dye. They 
debauched some of the chosen sons of a noble old state, who 
betrayed Georgia for thirty pieces of silver, and it seems that 
the slime of the serpent attaches to every poor creature who 



212 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

allows the tempter to approach him. Banish the whole thing, 
whenever it crawls into the state capital by a decisive vote. 
Settle the matter by forbidding its discussion, and pray God, 
when the legislature is able to get away from Kimball's old 
opera house into a building untainted with his and Bullock's 
devious methods, that the new building may never know of 
either, by sight or by sound. TAX PA^^ER. 

It was lobby work, done for the Brunswick and Albany 
Railroad bonds, around which the campaign in 1874 in the 
Seventh district centered. It was a subject about which I 
thought I knew something — and what I did not know of per- 
sonally, the report of the bond committee could tell me. I 
have the old report now, which verifies every statement made. 
Some years later, I was waked up out at our country home 
about midnight by a knock at the front door. We were in- 
stantly aroused and alarmed, expecting perhaps serious tid- 
ings. M}^ mother was away, and in her eighties, and my mind 
turned to her. The Atlanta Journal had sent its reporter 
to get some facts from my scrap-book. Mention had been 
made of Frost's suppressed testimony in the day before 's 
paper, and Colonel Trammell demanded retraction. A search 
at the capitol failed to find the printed report of the bond 
committee — so the reporter came to our house to find the 
story and its connection with what was said or reported. I 
threw on a wrapper, put on my slippers and we hauled out 
the scrap-books from their usual place of storage. The 
reporter wrote while I read aloud to him. Before the day 
dawn he was gone to catch the 5 o'clock train at Cartcrsville. 
The full text was printed that afternoon. My scrap-book of 
1874 related what Colonel Trammell said at Rome, in a public 
speech; the scrap-book of 1878 furnished a letter from Frost, 
which I will append in this article. The Journal had its 
bout with Mr. Trammell, as before related. 

I took it up in the Macon Telegraph during 1887, when 
Judge Simmons' name was offered as supreme court judge, 
before whom the question of the fraudulent bonds would go 
if he secured the election. It seemed to me that we wore not 
only providing ourselves with a governor who informed the 
public he was approached and offered a blank check, which 
he might fill up to his own desire if he would lobby thf* legis- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 213 

lature in the interest of these bonds, but we were placing a 
judge on the bench who apologized for omitting the part taken 
by Colonel Trammell before the legislature in Bullock's time, 
although Frost says the committee, of which Judge Simmons 
was chairman, took down that part of the testimony and not 
only omitted it, but the chairman was decidedly opposed to 
receiving it when Frost gave it. Frost's testimony, as told by 
Frost in his open letter, printed in 1878, exposed Simmons as 
a political partizan beyond the shadow of a doubt. If the 
majority of the committee had been like Simmons, the bond- 
holders might have laughed poor old tax-ridden Georgia to 
scorn. The situation was growing tense. If a majority of the 
supreme court and also the governor were on the bondholders' 
side, our defeat would be inevitable and irretrievable. 

So I went into the Macon Telegraph again over the non-de- 
plume of Veritas. I had all the data, all the reports — and our 
judiciary was known to be not above political considerations. 
Our railroad commissioners were also appointed by our gov- 
ernors. The appointment of Colonel Trammell was harshly 
criticised not only in Georgia but in outside newspapers to the 
office of railroad commissioner, because of his confess'^d rela- 
tions with the Brunswick and Albany Railroad. It seemed 
that Georgia was poor as to official timber when we were 
compelled to take as officials persons who were compelled to 
defend themselves before the newspapers, if not before the 
people. 

It was understood all over Georgia, early in 1886, that Judge 
Simmons was the candidate selected to oppose Major Bacon, 
for the office of governor. Political judges, to most people, 
were as obnoxious as political railroad commissioners. 

It seemed a marvelous coincidence that the candidate who 
was recognized as the gubernatorial choice of the triumvirate 
should, for a time, hold on to his superior court judgeship, 
neglecting his duty while he carried on electioneering tours 
for governor — and still occupy the bench while doing so, but 
that was nothing compared to our disgust after his sudden 
subsidance as gubernatorial candidate created, and ho made 
his mad rush for the supreme bench. 

When the judicial ermine emerges from the slime of such 



214 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

politics, it is obliged to show stain ; and when people lose con- 
fidence in their judges and are made to suffer from partizan 
politics in trials of their court cases, civil liberty has about 
retired and monopolistic tyranny has usurped its pedestal. 

I was only a woman, but I determined to do my best to wake 
up the people to their danger. Nancy Hart could pull a trig- 
ger and defend her people against Tories — and I obtained my 
husband's consent and his backing for the venture. So I 
sailed in and wrote the following — and it reads like I expected 
and intended it should read, and it is true as well as good 
today : 

Shall the Judicial Ermine be Draggled In the Slough of 

Politics? 

Editor Telegraph: "Since the memory of man runneth 
not" to the contrary, the bench has been regarded as the seat 
of justice, and the ermine and emblem of purity of character. 
A judge is yet but a man, and to fill this high and responsible 
office, when elevated to the bench, he should be removed, and 
should remove himself from even necessary participation in 
affairs or questions before the people, which tend to heated 
discussions, rivalries, envyings, hatreds and combinations to 
raise up one and put down another; and when a judge uses 
his ofBce to obtain other and more remunerative positions for 
himself, it goes without saying, he disgraces his calling. 

To make a man a judge of the supreme court of Georgia 
is a serious and responsible task. The legislature should look 
into the fitness, character and antecedents of the applicants. 
This your correspondent proposes to assist, with certain of- 
ficial facts within reach, which pertain to the claims and 
character of one of the avowed candidates, namely, Hon. T. J. 
Simmons, of Macon, Georgia. 

Before beginning this task it is well to keep in mind that 
the constitution of the state of Georgia makes lobbying a penal 
offense. The legislators who formed the constitutional con- 
vention of 1877 and formulated our highest code of laws were 
forced to do this because the State of Georgia had been out- 
rageously debauched ever since the war by such hirelings, 
who took pay to press claims through the legislature to the 
state's injury. The law may be a virtual dead letter, because 
of the low standard of public opinion, but it stands in full 
force unrepealed in our state constitution. A judge who 
blinks and winks at lobbying, is not a judge to be relied upon. 
A man who, as a sworn committeeman, used his official an- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 215 

thority to manipulate or suppress testimony to shield others, 
which testimony was sworn to by witnesses and paid for by 
the state, is too unreliable for the supreme bench of Georgia. 
This was done by Hon. T. J. Simmons in the year 1872. He 
v/as appointed in the year 1871 as chairman of a committee 
to investigate the fraudulent bonds of Georgia. For 115 days 
he drew pay from the state treasury, at $10 per day, to do 
this work, amounting to a total of $1,150. There was also 
paid $10 per diem to John I. Hall and Garnett McMillan. T. 
J. Simmons remained ten days longer in New York than the 
other members of the committee, and received additional pay. 
His expenses to and fro were $168. Alton Angier, clerk, was 
paid $953 and Chess B. Howard received $1,000 as messenger. 
There was, th'^refore, no hindrance as to full investigation. 
Col. Thomas L. Snead, a commissioner for Georgia, heard cer- 
tain New York witnesses who swore to their testimony before 
him. Among them was the president of the Brunswick and 
Albany railroad, who handled the gold bonds of the state in 
making the exchange, ordered by the law, authorizing the 
issue of such gold bonds. Charles L. Frost was president, and 
Henry Clews vice president, and both were sworn by the com- 
mittee as witnesses. This testimony was brought to Georgia, 
and when it was sent to John W. Burke & Co., state printers, 
a paragraph in Frost's testimony was marked around and the 
following, reported to be written by Simmons, was marked on 
the original "in pencil": "Take this out in copying." "Take 
this out." 

The words in the omitted paragraph are these (there is in 
writer's possession an official copy, impressed with the seal 
of the state of Georgia) : "When I was in Georgia making 
this exchange four gentlemen called at my room, two of them 
I understood were Mr. Trammells. They notified me that they 
had a claim on Kimball for forty-six thousand seven hundred 
and fifty dollars for services rendered in getting through the 
legislature the act of 17th of October, 1870, and that I should 
not leave the state with these gold bonds until I settled their 
claim. I replied, I had nothing to do with them — never having 
employed them, and I would have nothing to do with it. I 
told them at the time if they could satisfy me that they had 
a claim on the company for their services I would have it 
settled. Before I left I turned over to H. I. Kimball, as one 
of the contractors, sixty-five second mortgage bonds, numbers 
from 1001 to 1065, inclusive, which he used to pay these men 
either by hypothecation, exchange or otherwise." 

This was found in the secretary of state's office, and was 
copied by D. G. Cotting and the seal of the state put on it. 
Kimball testifies he paid to W. T. Trammell, of Griffin, the 



216 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

value of sixty-five one-thousand second mortgage bonds, "ex- 
changed the bonds and settled the claims held by Mr. Tram- 
mell." He furnished such statement in an open letter written 
to J. W. Wofford, Joel C. Fain and J. E. Shumate, bearing 
date October 2, 1874. To clinch it, he swore to the statement 
before John Milledge, Jr., N. P., Fulton county, Georgia. 

He distinctly states in this published letter, now before me, 
that Frost was shown a list of the drafts held by Trammel! 
and "expressed himself fully satisfied that these claims were 
just and legitimate and ordered their payment." 

Now, the question arises, why did T. J. Simmons suppress 
it? What was his motive? 

I can give you his version and his reasons, and I can then 
give you Frost's version and Frost's conclusions, and the 
public may decide. The letter signed by Hon. T. J. Simmons 
was given to the public in the fall of 1878, and was written 
from Macon, Ga., December 21, 1877, to B. E. Green, of Dalton, 
Georgia. 

"Dear Sir: You ask 'why Frost's testimony was suppressed 
in the published report?' We did not publish it for several 
reasons. First, it was not taken before the committee. It was 
a voluntary statement made and written by Frost in his office 
and handed to a member of the committee. Second, we did 
not believe it true when he handed it to us. Third, wlien the 
matter was brought to Colonel Trammell's attention by the 
committee he showed us the written contract, which proved 
Frost to be a liar, as I believed he was at first. Fourth, his 
testimony had no bearing at all upon the question we were 
investigating. * * * 

(Signed) "T. J. SIMMONS." 

Every word that Frost swore to before Thos. L. Snead, com- 
missioner of Georgia, on April 26, 1872, was printed in the 
report but this omitted paragraph. Why did Simmons leave 
out this particular paragraph and print the rest? "False in 
one, false in all." 

No matter what the individual belief might have been, they 
received his testimony and there was a legal and proper way 
to prove its falsity if it could be proven by Colonel Trammell 
or others. Next, Colonel Trammell seemed to be making up 
the report instead of the committee, and in the face of Frost's 
testimony and Kimball's affidavit, pray where does Mr. Sim- 
mons stand? But, said the partisan committee who after- 
ward investigated the "suppression" — this paragraph "did 
not illustrate the issue and was needless expense to the state." 
Count up for yourself the cost of putting those few lines in 
type. Why did it not illustrate these fraudulent bonds? But 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 217 

it may be said W. T. Trammell is not L. N. Trammell. Grant 
the fact — nobody claimed he was, and it was not W. T. 
Trammell who denied receiving the $47,500 — for which the 65 
gold bonds were hypothecated to raise that amount for H. I. 
Kimball. Col. L. N. Trammell made a speech in Rome on 
September 10, 1874, which was reported in the Rome Com- 
mercial of September 11, 1874, in which he said: "I took a 
fee and would do it again. The contract was made with 
Colonel Avery, (another contractor). The contract is dated 
November 9, 1869, and I became a legislator first Wednesday 
in November, 1871. I received as fee $2,500 in cash — $2,500 
in paid-up stock as first payment, and $2,500 cash as second 
payment." 

Avery settled his contract with L. N. Trammell, it seems, 
and Frost swears he turned over to Kimball "sixty-five one 
thousand dollar gold bonds to pay two Mr. Trammells and 
two others." Kimball swears he paid it to W. T. Trammell, 
of Griffin. The bond report shows that Frost exchanged these 
gold bonds after October 17, 1870, the time the bill which 
authorized the issue of these bonds became a law. Comment 
is needless! Were there two contracts? The Trammells' con- 
nection with the matter in question has the effect of illustrat- 
ing Frost's letter, which follows, and if Frost correctly 
diagnosed the situation, it will appear that Simmons had more 
interest in the matter than appeared on the surface, when he 
interposed his friendly aid to screen his friend. Governor 
Bullock, in a late published letter, intimates that Judge Sim- 
mons would give a different verdict, if he had now to in- 
vestigate fraudulent bonds. Doubtless he would. The public 
will discover for itself, if he becomes the party before whom 
such legal trial is ever had. Is the state of Georgia so poor 
in legal talent that she has no candidate who is popular enough 
to defeat this man? Keep the judiciary pure. Mark his ad- 
herents when the vote is recorded ! VERITAS. 



THE GOLD RING. 



A Letter From Charles L. Frost, Giving What He Knows 

About It. 

New York, September 20, 1878. — To the Free Press: Your 
paper, sent to me by a friend, contains a letter from Mr. T. J. 
Simmons, dated December 21, 1877, in which I am villitied for 
my testimony before the bond committee of the Georgia legis- 
lature in 1872. 

Simmons was a member of that committee. I gave my 
testimony at the request of its members, supposing that they 



218 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

were gentlemen, and not suspecting that either of them, under 
the mask of civility, was seeking the occasion to wrong me, 
and I stated the facts truly, as bound to do in honor and 
conscience. 

In conversation with one of them I mentioned the appro- 
priation of certain bonds for the benefit of Mr. Trammell and 
others. He said that the information was important, and de- 
sired me to incorporate it in my testimony, which I did. When 
the testimony was printed for the use of the legislature, that 
part of it was mysteriously left out. Simmons now says that 
the omission was in part caused by communication betv/een 
Trammell and the committee. If Simmons tells the truth, the 
committee, after taking my testimony on that subject, brought 
the matter to the attention of Trammell, and took some sort 
of a counter statement from him. And yet he goes on to say 
that the testimony has no bearing on the question under in- 
vestigation. Then why did the committee ask for my testi- 
mony? Why did the committee call on Mr. Trammell? 

The act of the legislature of the 9th of December instructed 
the committee to ascertain: "For what purpose the bonds 
were negotiated and all other facts connected with the history 
of said bonds, and to report the same to the general assembly 
at the next session." 

The member from Macon most assuredly did his duty under 
the act when he desired me to give particulars of Trammell 's 
connection with the issue of said bonds. Mr. Simmons was 
decidedly opposed to my evidence in the matter, but be was 
overruled by the majority of the committee, one of whom 
appeared to be acting under the advice of Mr. Toombs, the 
attorney of the committee. I thought the committee knew 
their own business and would not call on me or anyone else 
for information not pertinent to their commission. It did not 
occur to me that the great state of Georgia would have en- 
trusted any of its concerns to such blockheads as Simmons 
now represents himself and his colleagues to have been. 

I might answer Simmons' scurrilous imputations on my 
veracity by retorting on him in similar vile language. But to 
abuse a man behind my back and a safe distance from him is 
not my style. That mode of attack I will leave to Simmons. 
He had enough opportunity in 1872 to abuse me to my face, 
or rather to attempt it. But he showed no disposition to treat 
me with disrespect then. What motives, personal or political, 
have since debased his manners, I will not now undertake to 
say. 

I was identified with the Brunswick and Albany railroad, 
having been led by citizens of Georgia to believe that the en- 
terprise would be beneficial to the state and profitable to in- 



My IMemoirs of Georgia Politics 219 

vestors. The latter expectation has not been realized. I hope 
that the former has. I cannot believe the prominent men of 
the state approve of the policy of obtaining other men's 
money for public improvements and then refusing to comply 
with contracts made under the broad seal of the state and 
then calumniating them for telling the truth when inter- 
rogated. 

I do not concern myself in the feuds of Georgia politicians. 
My connection with the Brunswick and Albany railroad 
brought me into contact with many of them. Some of them 
seemed to be actuated by an honest regard for the public 
welfare. Others of them, both high and low degree, displayed 
a greediness for money to which I have seen no parallel in a 
somewhat long life and varied experience. If I were to make 
public all that I know and all that I have learned from credit- 
able sources, it would add a striking chapter to the history of 
human covetousness. But I do not know that this information 
would do the world any good, and it might increase the heat 
of your political brawls, which are already hot enough, and I 
forbear. 

Mr. H. I. Kimball, the contractor, who secured Trammell's 
and others' services to secure the Democratic votes to carry 
the bill in the legislature for additional aid to the Brunswick 
and Albany road in the shape of exchanging the road's second 
mortgages for gold bonds of the state, appears to have a very 
defective memory in attempts to "whitewash" them. I am 
surprised that so good a Christian as Brother Kimball should 
make the attempt to "whip the devil around the stump." 
Does that gentleman forget that he told me at his office that 
he had made a full settlement with Trammell, and that "I 
could now leave the state alive." And that he told me of Mr. 
Trammell having made a divide of the funds with eight of 
his comrades and that "Peace now reigned in Warsaw?" 

If it should leak out that Simmons was one of the, eight, 
would it not reasonably account for Mr. Simmons' conduct 
in having my testimony suppressed as "immaterial" before 
the legislature and for his vile abuse of me? Echo answers, 
"Who knows?" Your obedient servant, 

CHARLES L. FROST. 

When the bond report was laid before the Georgia legisla- 
ture this suppression was concealed, but these were some hints, 
innuendoes, etc. They became noisy enough to compel an in- 
vestigation before the legislature of 1872, and a committee 
was appointed, consisting of W. D. Anderson, William J. Head, 
and Henry J. Lang. I had no personal acquaintance with 



220 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

Messrs. Head or Lang, but Mr. Anderson was one of the party 
of politicians who came out to our home in 1874, endeavoring 
to persuade Dr. Felton to come down and allow a new man 
to run the race for congress, with he and Mr. Tramm<j]l out. 
Mr. Anderson lived in Cobb county and did not represent his 
county, because I hold a petition right now, numerously signed 
by Cobb county citizens, declaiming against the brazen effort 
to bring down Dr. Felton to save Colonel Trammell's reputa- 
tion. The petitioners eschewed Colonel Anderson's effort. 
Mr. Head was a citizen of Haralson county, where the election 
returns in 1874 were robbed of one hundred and twelve votes, 
as majority for Felton, and then locked up and prevented from 
reaching the governor for nearly three weeks. If he was not 
a rabid Trammell man, he was manifestly a wild partizan. 

Colonel Acton, of the Atlanta Constitution, heard the vote 
declared in Haralson, with 125 majority for Felton. When 
the returns w^ere finally doctored twelve majority was the 
figure. It is my belief that this committee was picked for a 
purpose. This committee approved the suppression. It is 
patent that the findings of the committee were authoritatively 
censored! Read the suppressed testimony, on a preceding 
page, and see how it tallies with the committee's report that 
is signed by at least two of Colonel Trammell's strong political 
partisans, and then read this report : 

Mr. Speaker: The committee appointed to investigate the 
alleged suppression of material testimony, given by one Chas. 
L. Frost, and the withholding the same from the printed 
evidence submitted to the general assembly by the said bond 
committee, have to report that the act of the general assembly, 
December 9, 1871, by virtue of which said bond committee 
was appointed, specially charged said committee to investigate 
the "history" of said bonds, as to the alleged and fraudulent 
issuance and negotiation of the same. The evidence of said 
Frost is not included in the printed evidence submitted by the 
bond committee, and does not illustrate the issue. The evi- 
dence was not material for that reason, and the further reason 
that the committee sought to print nothing but material evi- 
dence, so as not to incur any unnecessary expenditure. A 
portion of said Frost's testimony was not printed. Said testi- 
mony was not suppressed, but was left by the committee on 
file in the treasurer's office, subject to the inspection of the 
legislature. Its temporary absence was satisfactorily ac- 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 221 

counted for to your committee. It was taken out to be copied. 

Your committee will add that they are sensibly impressed with 

the idea that the testimony of said Frost is justly subject to 

very severe and unfavorable criticism. 

WILLIAM D. ANDERSON. 
WILLIAM J. HEAD, 
HENRY J. LANG. 
August 19, 1872. 

Nobody censures Colonel Trammell for using all possible 
influence to procure a palliatory report. He was fighting for 
all in sight. It was Hon. Garnett McMillan who asked for the 
investigating committee, one of the bond committee that sup- 
pressed the testimony of Frost, and he and Judge Simmons 
were apparently fighting for their own reputations as well. 

The article on Judge Simmons' candidacy made it necessary 
for Colonel Trammell to speak out again. He wrote the fol- 
lowing : 

Atlanta, Ga., September 11, 1887. 

Editor Telegraph: My attention has been drawn to the 
communication of "Veritas," appearing in your issue of the 
6th instant. 

In connection with his attack upon Judge Simmons, "Veri- 
tas" incorporates insinuations, innuendoes and charges orig- 
inated by Charles L. Frost against me, which demand my 
notice. 

These charges are not new to the people of Georgia. They 
were first made and thoroughly discussed years ago. Since 
then I have been unanimously elected president of a Demo- 
cratic senate of Georgia. I have been elected elector upon the 
Tilden ticket of 1876. I was elected without opposition to the 
Constitutional Convention of 1877. I was chosen unanimously 
to preside over the state Democratic convention of 1880. I 
have been chairman of the state Democratic executive commit- 
tee. I have been appointed railroad commissioner of the state 
of Georgia, and, after serving six years in that office, I have 
been reappointed thereto ; and twice have the senators of 
Georgia, sitting in sworn and solemn judgment upon my char- 
acter and fitness, ratified the executive appointment. 

Might I not point with pardonable pride to these proofs of 
a party's and a people's confidence, and exclaim: "Here are 
the witnesses to my character, and the judgment Georgia has 
passed upon me?" 

It was the contracts that made the sensation — ^not the honors, 
which Bullock Democrats, Governor Brown or the triumvirate, 



222 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Brown, Gordon and Colquitt, heaped on Mr. Trammell which 
interested the people of Georgia and Colonel Trammell tinally, 
in 1894, published the two contracts. 

Atlanta, Ga., November 9, 1869. 
It is agreed that L. N. Trammell, Esq., shall use his best 
endeavors to defeat any legislation detrimental to the in- 
terests of the Brunswick and Albany Railroad Company at 
the next session of the Georgia legislature, and that in con- 
sideration of such services, said company shall pay him, on 
condition that no such legislation shall pass, five thousand dol- 
lars — one-half in paid-up stock in said company, and one-half 
in cash : the sum to be deposited in the hands of some re- 
sponsible citizen of Atlanta, on or before the first day of the 
session, to be delivered to said Trammell on the defeat of any 
such unfriendly legislation, or at the close of the session. 

The Brunswick and Albany Railroad Company. 
By W. L. Avery, Attorney. 
L. N. Trammell, Attorney. 

"This contract," says Colonel Trammell, "was made when 
by 'universal custom' such contracts were entered into by 
abler, perhaps better men, than myself. I know of no reason 
why I should have been expected to spend my efforts at per- 
sonal expense to subserve the interests of this corporation. 
Who would do so before the courts? Why should I have done 
so before the legislature? 

After this contract was executed, unanticipated danger and 
difficulty to the company, coupled with a failure to make the 
deposit agreed on, induced me to make also the following con- 
tract : 

Atlanta, Ga., July 20, 1870. 
It is agreed that L. N. Trammell, Esq., shall use his best 
endeavors to defeat any legislation detrimental to the Bruns- 
wick and Albany Railroad Company by the present legisla- 
ture; and in consideration of such services, said company 
shall pay him, in consideration that no legislation shall pass 
whereby said railroad company shall be deprived of their char- 
tered rights, or the endorsement of their bonds, as now pro- 
vided by law, the sum of twenty-five hundred dollars la cash, 
to be paid upon the last day of the present session of this 
legislature. H. I. KIMBALL, 

Financial Agent, B. & A. R. R. Co. 

Here are the two contracts, and I am going to tell you that 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 223 

Colonel Trammell, in speaking to the voters at Rome, where 
he was particularly severe on Dr. Felton's record, calling him 
"an incendiary to the Democratic party," failed to tell of 
this contract with H. I. Kimball. He said : 

"My contract with Colonel Avery is dated November 9, 
1869, and I became a legislator in November, 1871. I received 
as a fee $2,500 in cash, $2,500 in paid-up stock, and $2,5i)0 cash 
as second payment. In 1869 I met Colonel Avery, of New 
York. He wrote me to meet him in Atlanta. He was at- 
torney for the Brunswick and Albany Railroad. The bill 
giving state endorsement to the bonds of this road was passed 
by a Democratic legislature, pure. It was no "bastard" legis- 
lature. I took the fee and would do it again. A bill was passed 
to investigate these bonds. I appointed Senator T. J. Sim- 
mons, an absolutely incorruptible patriot, as chairman of the 
investigating committee. The committee went to New York, 
held laborious sessions, and set aside as fraudulent about eight 
millions of the Bullock bonds." (Do not forget that a pure 
Democratic legislature passed the bonds, and pure Judge Sim- 
mons was to investigate his pure Democratic colleague, as 
Colonel Trammell 's appointee!) 

"C. L. Frost, the president of the B. & A. Railroad, sent to. 
the committee a sworn affidavit, charging me with fraud and 
corruption in reference to these bonds. The committee sum- 
moned him and he refused to obey the summons. After sev- 
eral attempts to get him before them, they declined to receive 
his statement. The house adopted McMillan's resolution and 
appointed a committee ; Anderson, of Cobb, chairman, and the 
committee fully exonerated me from all complicity in charges 
of fraud. I held the gavel and passed the election bill over 
the veto of Governor Conley, when the lobby was full of Rad- 
ical satellites. I stood by you in defiance of all these things, 
when the bondholders were backed by eight millions of 
money." 

I pass over his abuse of Dr. Felton, but I am glad to be able 
to copy from Colonel Trammell 's own speech, published and 
scattered all over the district, his own version of the Frost 
testimony. The speech was made in Rome, in 1874, and 
printed by the Rome Commercial press. He positively denied 



224 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

all connection with Kimball in all his speeches, and avowed 
that the $7,500 he received from Avery v/as all he got. 

Read the contract with Kimball now, and then compare the 
words and figures. 

Thus it stood for several months, when there appeared in 
the Atlanta Constitution the following: 

Office of H. I. KIMBALL. 

Atlanta, Ga., October 2, 1874. 

Gentlemen : Your letter of the first instant, touching the 
matter of L. N. Trammell's employment and receiving money, 
as referred to in Mr. Frost's testimony before the bond com- 
mission, is at hand. 

I am just now preparing to leave for New York this even- 
ing, and regret that I have not the time to procure the unde- 
niable proofs (which I am positive are still in existence) of the 
fact that Col. L. N. Trammell was not employed by me, nor 
by any one for me, directly or indirectly, to aid in the passage 
of the act approved October, 1870 ; nor did he aid or assist in 
its passage. 

On the contrary, when I handed him a copy of the bill to 
read, and requested his assistance in its passage, he ex- 
pressed himself in strong terms as opposed to the bill, refused 
to accept a fee, and even threatened to annul the contracts he 
had previously made, to look after the interests of the Bruns- 
wick and Albany Company. He never received, directly or 
indirectly, one dollar in money or in bonds from or through 
me in the matter. As to the bonds referred to by Mr. Frost 
in his testimony, as having been left by him with me, I have 
to say that I had, as the financial agent of the Brunswick and 
Albany Railroad Company, drawn on Mr. Frost, president, or 
on Mr. Henry Clews & Co., (I do not remember which) for 
large amounts used in the interests of the company. Some 
forty-odd thousand dollars of these drafts had been returned 
protested, and were placed by the owners in the hands of W. 
T. Trammell, attorney at Griffin, for collection. Mr. W. T. 
Trammell pressed me very hard for the payment of these 
drafts, and after the act of October 17, 1870, became a law, he 
insisted upon having some of the bonds turned over to him 
as security until the money could be raised. 

When Colonel Frost, the president of the company, came 
here, I referred Mr. Trammell to him. I do not knoAv what 
passed between them. But I do know that at Mr. Frost's 
request he (Frost) was shown a list of the drafts held by 
Trammell for collection, with a full explanation as to the use 
and disbursements made of the proceeds of said drafts. He 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 225 

expressed himself fully satisfied that the claims were just and 
legitimate, ordered their payment and left with me sixty-five 
one thousand dollar second mortgage bonds for the purpose of 
securing their payment. I afterwards exchanged the bonds 
and settled the claims held by W. T. Trammell. I do not 
remember the matter as ever having been mentioned between 
myself and L. N. Trammell. I was at the time and for several 
months before and after, the only agent of the Brunswick and 
Albany Company in this state authorized to make contracts. 
As you refer to Mr. Frost's statement being under oath as 
an act of justice to Colonel Trammell, I have thought best to 
place this statement under equal sanction of solemnity. 

Respectfully yours, H. I. KIMBALL. 

To John W. Wofford and Others — Georgia, Fulton County : 

Personally appeared Hannibal I. Kimball, who, being duly 
sworn, deposes and says that the facts stated in this letter over 
his signature are true. H. I. KIMBALL. 

Sworn to and subscribed before me this October 2, 1874. 

JOHN MILLEDGE, 
Notary Public for Fulton County, Ga. 

Now, who was "W. T. Trammell?" The brother of L. N. 
Trammell ! — His own brother ! The speech delivered in Rome 
made no mention of Kimball — but Frost's suppressed testi- 
mony did mention him. There was terrible pressure put on 
Mr. Kimball, I suppose, and it was this threatened expose 
which induced Mr. Trammell to retire from the race, although 
Kimball lied to save him. 

Colonel Akerman lived in our town. He saw the papers. 
Mr. Frost, I understood, was nearly related to Colonel Aker- 
man. I put two and two together and understood why Mr. 
Kimball spoke out, in 1874. No mention (that I ever saw) was 
made of the signed contract with H. I. Kimball, the financial 
agent of the B. & A. Railroad until "Veritas" spoke out in 
the Macon Telegraph. We had never heard but of one con- 
tract — but there were two, and so far as my belief warrants 
the opinion, I presume there were many others never men- 
tioned in the public prints. 

I wish to note what Mr. Kimball swore to, when he said 
"Colonel Trammell was not employed by me — nor by any one 
for me, directly or indirectly, to aid in the passage of the act 
approved October, 1870, nor did he aid or assist in its passage." 
Did Mr. Kimball make a general practice of lying? Read his 



226 My IMemoirs of Georgia Politics 

signed contract with Mr. Trammell, dated July 20, 1870, and 
the act was approved in October, 1870! Can anything be 
added to this expose? 

Why did Colonel Trammell conceal the Kimball contract 
until 1887? He got $5,000 by the Avery contract, and Kim- 
ball testified on oath that he never made a contract of any 
sort with Colonel Trammell! These statements are simply 
irreconciliable ! 

In this long harangue, printed as late as 1894, I notice that 
Colonel Trammell inserts a letter, which is signed "W. H. 
Felton. " I did Dr. Felton's writing and I do not remember 
some of the statements. Colonel Trammell induced various 
friends to urge Dr. Felton to say something of the sort. He 
at one time sent Rev. R. H. Jones, our own townsman. I kept 
a copy of Dr. Felton's reply. (It is dated September 10, 
1876). 

"At Home, September 10, 1876. 

"Dear Brother Jones: I have received the letter written to 
you by Col. L. N. Trammell. As I stated to you when you 
were at my house, I would do Mr. Trammell no injustice — that 
I would prefer to heal the difference between us, rather than 
do anything to widen the breach. As a Christian, it is my 
duty to do so, and I would gladly be at peace with all the 
world. 

"My opposition to Colonel Trammell was, as he knows, 
founded upon the testimony of Frost, in which Frost made 
a sworn assertion before the investigating committee cf the 
legislature. 

"This opposition I deemed legitimate, as it affected the in- 
terests of the State of Georgia. I had no knowledge of it, of 
course, nor did I ever seek to prevent Colonel Trammell from 
justifying himself from the charges in that testimony. 

"When he complained of its unfairness, I then abandoned 
that testimony and confined my remarks to his written con- 
tract, which he brought forward himself. In that contract he 
was to receive five thousand dollars 'to prevent unfriendly 
legislation against the B. & A. Railroad.' He also stated he 
received the $5,000. 

"There is nothing in this matter that I can remedy that I 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 227 

see. He may understand this transaction to be legitimate to 
his profession. I am certainly willing to say that I belitve he 
does so regard it. Recent developments in regard to the mat- 
ter of the State Road lease and the sworn testimony of at- 
torneys and parties connected with that road makes it clear 
that Colonel Trammell is not the only attorney who has been 
paid to prevent 'unfriendly legislation.' If custom sanctions 
such service and the law admits it, he should not feel ag- 
grieved or injured by any criticism of his course in reference 
to the Brunswick and Albany Railroad. If certain attorneys 
employed by Gov. Brown to influence the views of the mem- 
bers of the legislature are held free from blame, or culpability 
in that matter, I am free to say that I think Col. Trammell 
had as good a right to influence the views of an earlier legis- 
lature, for the use of other railroad officials. 

"I am satisfied that my words were strong. My language 
harsh in the heated campaign of '74. Mr. Trammell will do 
me the justice to say that my provocation was great, that no 
expressions of the opposition were softened or even justified 
by common courtesy in their attacks upon me — my public and 
private character. It was my duty to fight for myself, yet I 
am unwilling to have Colonel Trammell suppose I was inten- 
tionally unfair or ungentlemanly. 

"I agree with him that his principal grievance is to be 
found with members of his own party — his professed friends. 
Time will make it clear to him, I hope. He will agreo also, 
that their treachery was based upon their desire to secure his 
own promotion for themselves, for time may also prove that 
they had no right to profess fairer virtue or more exalted 
patriotism. 

"I can also say that I now believe his sole connection with 
the B. & A. Road was to prevent 'unfriendly legislation.' 
Mr. Trammell desires me to say I find him 'guiltless,' from his 
official record. I can say I never examined his official record, 
and have no evidence except his own written contract, of any 
connection with the said railroad (I having abandoned Frost's 
testimony in deference to his wishes) because the testimony of 
Frost conflicted with his written contract and his statements 
in regard to it. I hope this letter will be received in the same 



228 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

kind spirit in which I write it, and may serve to bring about 
kind personal relations between us. "With kindest wishes for 
yourself personally. Yours very truly, 

"W. H. FELTON. 

"To Col. R. H. Jones, Cartersville, Ga. 

Colonel Jones, Colonel Trammell and Dr. Felton are all 
dead. I am sole survivor. I here declare that this is a true, 
bona-fide copy of the letter sent to Rev. Robert H. Jones, of 
Cartersville. It is in my hand-writing. I will testify to its 
absolute correctness. It is written in ink. The word (copy) 
is in pencil. The date is September 10, 1876. 

When I penned that reply to Colonel Jones, I had in my 
possession a letter written by Col. L. N. Trammell, of Dalton, 
dated September 8, 1876, and Dr. Felton 's answer was dated 
September 10, 1876. I will now place the letter which Colonel 
Trammell furnished to the press on September 25, 1894, with 
the signature of "W. H. Felton." 

Cartersville, Ga., October 2, ]876. 

Col. L. N. Trammell — Sir : I wrote you some two weeks ago 
a letter in answer to several letters received from you through 
friends,, but from a misapprehension you failed to get it. 

I desire to say what I have said privately and publicly, that 
any injustice I may have done you in the heated campaign of 
two years ago, I am anxious to rectify, as my earnest wish is 
to do no man a wrong. 

I wrote you two years ago that I abandoned the use of the 
Frost testimony, because I became convinced it did you in- 
justice by its misrepresentations. 

First : It conflicted with your written contract of the com- 
pany of the Albany and Brunswick Railroad, which contract 
specified the duties you were to perform and the amount of 
money ($5,000) you were to receive. 

The duties required of you in that contract were to prevent 
unfriendly legislation against said road, and to look after what 
the company and yourself considered the franchise of the road. 

Hence, while I still believe the road was a swindle upon the 
people of Georgia, I cheerfully assert that after I became con- 
vinced of the untruthfulness of the Frost testimony, as far as 
it relates to yourself, I did not intend to imply that you were 
a party to the swindle, but that you adhered to the terms of 
your contract, which are as above stated. Therefore, any 
words I may have used in the heat of debate about "Yazoo 
Swindles," I cheerfully withdraw. I write this, because I 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 229 

think it is due you, and because I desire kind personal rela- 
tions with a competitor who fought me honorably and ably 
upon the stump. EespectfuUy, 

W. H. FELTON. 

Do not forget that Frost's letter was not written until Sep- 
tember 20, 1878, two years later — but I will also say, I am not 
here to declare that this is not a genuine letter, but I have no 
copy of it. I did keep copies of all important letters to which 
Dr. Felton's name was signed. "When I saw this supposed 
letter of October 2, 1876, I directed Dr. Felton's attention to 
what I considered discrepancies. He asked: "You kept 
copies of what I wrote to Trammell, haven't you?" I re- 
plied, "Yes, but I do not recall this letter." "Never mind," 
said he. "If you write that book of Recollections, as I wish you 
to do, then you may put the correspondence where it comes 
in." 

Because of one remarkable sentence in Colonel Trammell's 
letter to Col. R. H. Jones, and which letter was turned over to 
Dr. Felton by Colonel Jones, and which is still in my posses- 
sion, and has been carefully kept ever since and which I am 
prepared to testify is the same document that Dr. Felton re- 
ceived from Colonel Jones — exactly as it reached his hands 
and afterwards placed in my hands for safe custody; I am 
going to place it here, so that our descendants shall understand 
exactly what was said in this matter, and by whom said, etc. : 

(Private.) 
"Dalton, Ga., September 8, 1876. 

"Col. R. H. Jones, Cartersville, Ga. — Dear Sir: Yours of 
yesterday has just been read. I am pleased to understand that 
Dr. Felton will make the amends that justice to myself and an 
honorable course upon his part would seem to demand. I do 
not care to embarrass him with a formal letter, demanding the 
reparation (italics mine.) A voluntary enthoseval (I spell the 
word; I could not translate it) would be more agreeable to 
him, I have no doubt. As to what his letter should contain — 
I could not expect it to contain less than the facts would war- 
rant. I would not have it to contain more. I understand the 
facts to be as follows : "When Dr. Felton became a candidate 
in '74, he, upon rumors and upon a statement made by one 



230 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Chas. L. Frost, of the city of New York, charged that I had 
been connected in what was known as the Brunswick and Al- 
bany Railroad swindle. That upon hearing my side of the case 
and from the evidence which I presented, together with the 
sworn statement of Mr. H. I. Kimball, published after I had 
declined longer to be a candidate, that Dr. Felton was con- 
vinced that my connection with the said B. & A. R. R. Co., 
pertained to the franchise of the company alone and that the 
charges of my connection with the swindle were utterly false, 
(italics mine) and had bgen gotten up by the parties con- 
testing for the nomination with me, for the purpose of break- 
ing me down. That he has examined my official record and 
finds it sustains his conclusions in the premises. With this 
withdrawal of the named charges by Dr. Felton, I know of no 
reason why our personal relations would not be entirely 
friendly, which I do not hesitate to say I prefer to war. 

"With my sincere thanks for your kind expressions toward 
me, and with the hope of hearing from you. 
Private. "Very truly your friend, 

(Signed) "L. N. TRAMMELL." 

The "demand for reparation," "the utterly false," and 
"prefer to war" — struck me with peculiar force. I said to 
Dr. Felton : "Go make your speech — I'll write the reply. You 
will be home day after tomorrow. Then you can revise the 
reply letter," etc., etc. Do not forget that Dr. Felton was 
pressed to exhaustion just then in the close of the campaign 
with Colonel Dabney. I may do Colonel Trammell injustice, 
but I thought he picked the time "to threaten war." I had 
never studied law, but I had given some time and study to 
politicians in the Seventh district. I wrote that reply letter. 
Dr. Felton sent or gave it to Col. R. H. Jones and hence I 
cannot see why Dr. Felton should have written so freely to 
Colonel Jones and then write another, three weeks later, to 
•Colonel Trammell. I certainly have no copy of this letter of 
October 2, 1876. I have before me an appeal from Hon. J. W. 
Wofford, to write something in defense of Colonel Trammell, 
but I advised Dr. Felton not to answer it — and so far as I know 
he did not answer it. I am here to testify that we got the war! 
From 1874 to 1894, Colonel Trammell and his friends made 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 231 

war on Dr. Felton unceasingly, bitter, stealthy as well as open 
war. It was that notice of war in Colonel Trammell's letter 
which moved me, and it is to make the record represent what 
was true and the facts that I determined to collect together 
these Recollections and print them. 

When Colonel Trammell appeared in the Atlanta Journal 
on September 25, 1894, Dr. Felton was contending with Judge 
Maddox for a seat in congress. This published letter, signed 
"W. H. Felton,'*' was printed there for a war purpose, as well 
as to vindicate Colonel Trammell. I wondered why Colonel 
Trammell had been silent so long — although Mr. Kimball, to 
shield Colonel Trammell, went before a notary twenty years 
previously and swore that he (Kimball) did not employ Mr. 
Trammell "directly or indirectly, and furthermore, he never 
remembered mentioning the matter with Col. L. N. Trammell." 
Mr. Trammell furnishes the contract with Kimball, made in 
July, 1870, and the act became a law in October, 1870. Com- 
ment is needless ! Was ever such tergiversation employed to 
thus deceive? Where would this thing have ended if Dr. Fel- 
ton had not exposed "Frost's testimony" in the year 1874? 

I hold the letter of Col. L. N. Trammell and Dr. Felton 's 
letter, and they may be inspected by any and all persons who 
may feel an interest therein. 

My husband often said to me, "Don't forget to write a book, 
and tell the people of Georgia what you know of certain things 
— and certain candidates. I have been badgered, abused, and 
persecuted beyond the limit. They are none too good to 
defame my good name after I am dead." Hon. John W. Wof- 
ford, writing from Kansas City some years ago, told Dr. Fel- 
ton certain things which we never expected to hear from so 
staunch a partisan — such a former, run-wild, organized Demo- 
crat. 

I will only quote one paragraph: "You encountered the 
meanest set of politicians on God's footstool in the Seventh 
district. They were not worthy to tie your shoe-strings ! ' ' 

But I have strayed from "Veritas," and Colonel Trammell's 
reply to "Veritas," in the year 1887. As will be seen, I was 
opposing Judge Simmons as a candidate for the supreme bench 



232 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

of Georgia. The Telegraph, of his own town, opposed him for 
governor and also for the supreme bench. 

''The Telegraph on more than one occasion called public at- 
tention to the conduct of Judge Simmons, and from time to 
time published the indignant protests of correspondents and 
editorials from the State press censuring him severely on this 
account. On February 7, 1886, we published a leading edi- 
torial upon this subject, from which we make the following 
extracts : 

"The position of the Telegraph in relation to judicial elec- 
tioneering tours, has been well understood. We are on record 
as having called the attention of the people to this dangerous 
practice ; and our appeal to the legislature to stop it by proper 
enactment, has had a wide and vigorous support throughout 
the State." * * * 

"Judge Simmons, of this circuit, spends a large portion of 
his time in holding courts in other localities. The statement 
that he is a candidate for governor has been made so often 
without denial from himself and friends, that no one can be 
questioned for accepting it as a fact. "We have no arguments 
or reasons to advance against this desire on his part. The hon- 
orable political ambition of no man can bear heavily upon the 
heart Of the Telegraph. But we do object to the appearance 
of Judge Simmons in a dual role. * * * in behalf of the 
people, if he desires to be governor, we demand that he shall 
make his canvass as an individual and not as a judicial officer. 
* * * If Judge Simmons shall persist in running for gov- 
ernor from the bench, we shall feel it a duty to oppose him ; 
and if he should fail to reach the higher office, the next legis- 
lature will fail in its duty, should it not find another man to fill 
his present position." 

Political judges have become such a curse to the state that 
during the present legislature two bills have been introduced 
for the purpose of correcting the practice in which Judge 
Simmons was engaged, and of which he is the most conspicuous 
example in Georgia. The evil has been complained of for 
years, and it must be abated by legislative enactment, or so 
rebuked by the people that men who are insensible of the 
dignity and obligations of judicial station, shall be made to 
fear the indignation and contempt that must fall upon them if 
these are violated." 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 233 

COLONEL TRAMMELL'S CONFESSION. 



"Veritas" Reviews the Letter of Commissioner Trammell at 
the Latter 's Request. 

Editor Telegraph: "Veritas" read the long, interesting 
article of Colonel Trammell in yesterday's Telegraph with 
great compassion for the writer and hastens to assure him 
that no "personal malice," whatever, actuated the former 
article signed "Veritas." The public should be troubled with 
nothing more from my pen on this subject, as Commissioner 
Trammell has saved his friends further embarrassment by 
making a clean breast of it, but he invites "Veritas" to help 
him in the following words : * ' May I not personally hope that 
a calm consideration of this communication shall induce him 
to the conclusion that he has unwittingly done me grave in- 
justice." To be silent under this call would indicate one of 
two things, that I had either ignorantly done him injustice, 
or had done it willfully. Neither is true, and I shall duly 
consider this appeal of Colonel Trammell, and the public may 
decide. God forbid that I should wound anyone's feelings 
wantonly ! I assure the commissioner I shall deal with this 
painful confession in patient consideration and even with 
tenderness. Tillotson says: "A more glorious victory cannot 
be gained over another man than this than when the injury 
begun on his part, the kindness shall begin on ours." "Veri- 
tas" brought official facts to notice, not to wound Colonel 
Trammell, but to advise the legislature as to their duty in 
selecting a judge for the highest court in Georgia. As it was 
impossible to omit Colonel Trammell 's connection with the 
matter, he was there reviewed of necessity. But I leave it to 
the readers of both my article and Colonel Trammell 's appeal 
for mercy, to say if "Veritas" brought forward a single fact 
that he has not made more prominent and emphasized more 
strongly. He excuses his action, and declares he had different 
motives, but the facts are established beyond question by his 
own sanction. He made two contracts with the Brunswick and 
Albany railroad to defeat unfriendly legislation before the 
legislature. The first was made with Avery, and was signed 
November 9, 1869. The second was made with Kimball and 
signed July 20, 1870 ; the latter agreement also stipulated that 
he should secure indorsement of the bonds. Look over Mon- 
day's Telegraph and see if I am not correct. 

Now for some dates to emphasize the matter: On March 18, 
1869, the first act granting aid to the railroad was passed. 
Under that act 1,500 bonds were issued and signed by Bullock 
and Angler. The contract made by Colonel Trammell and 



234 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Avery on November 9, 1869, had therefore nothing to do with 
the legislation already completed. For this contract he told 
the people of Rome he "was paid $2,500 in cash, first pay- 
ment, and $2,500 in paid-up stock, and $2,500 the second pay- 
ment. He took a fee and would do it again." I do not mis- 
quote. Those exact words are on the record. (This was in 
1874). He did nothing, therefore, for the act of March, 1869, 
that is recorded. On July 20, 1870, not quite three months 
before the fraudulent bonds of the Brunswick and Albany 
railroad were pushed through the legislature, as Judge Sim- 
mons swore, ''by the infernal force of gold." — Colonel Tram- 
mell signed the secret contract, with Kimball, and $2,500 was 
the consideration. The bill passed October 17, 1870. Colonel 
Trammell says now he opposed this measure, but what could 
Kimball suppose his work should be or would be except to 
help the railroad and "secure indorsement of the bonds?" 
Refer to the contract furnished by Colonel Trammell yesterday 
and see who is correct. "Veritas" knew nothing of this July 
contract up to yesterday. It will be news to the general public. 
I defy contradiction when I affirm, by Colonel Trammell's own 
testimony, that both Avery and Kimball hired his services 
with money to push all the claims of the Brunswick and 
Albany railroad, which they considered friendly legislation, 
and to defeat all "unfriendly legislation" which proposed to 
antagonize those bonds. These contracts immediately preceded 
the audacious effort of this railroad corporation to force an 
extra 1800 gold bonds — after the State had already issued and 
indorsed 1,500, the year before. Do not forget — by the use of 
money the State was saddled with $3,300,000 of obligations to 
help a single line of railroad, and Frost swore Colonel Tram- 
mell was hired by Kimball "to secure Democratic votes" to 
carry the measure. A regiment of angels could record nothing 
different with Colonel Trammell's contracts — Kimball's testi- 
mony. Frost's testimony, and the legislative record all at hand 
to establish this unpalatable truth. Was Judge Simmons a 
member at that time ? 

When the bond committee arrived in New York to procure 
testimony to establish the methods which were used to rob the 
tax-payers of Georgia, and to find sufficient evidence to con- 
vince the State that she must repudiate these obligations, Chas. 
L. Frost, the president of the Brunswick and Albany railroad, 
was sworn. Without his testimony nothing could be estab- 
lished, as he was the only person authorized by the act, who 
could exchange these gold bonds of the State, for the second 
mortgage bonds of the railroad. He testified before Thomas 
L. Snead, commissioner for Georgia. He swore to it on April 
2, 1872 ; two years and six months after the act had passed 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 235 

and when all passion had cooled from its first heat. The com- 
mission, Judge Simmons, John I. Hall and Garnett McMillan, 
brought it to Georgia. All the testimony he swore to appears 
in the bond report but the part concealing Mr. Trammell. 
Judge Simmons says he suppressed it because Colonel Tram- 
mell proved Frost a ''liar," by showing the contracts ; pre- 
sumably those he printed in the Telegraph of yesterday^ Frost 
also swore two Mr. Trammell 's entered his room and demanded 
pay for aiding the passage of the act of October 17, 1870. 
Colonel Trammell confesses he sought Frost in his hotel, ac- 
companied by his brother, to secure pay for lobby work before 
the legislature. So far Frost swore to no lie as to the demand 
for pay, if Colonel Trammell is permitted to testify against 
himself. Frost also swore he handed sixty-five second mort- 
gage bonds of the Brunswick and Albany railroad to Kimball 
to settle the claims of Messrs. Trammell and others. Kimball 
swore before John Milledge, in Atlanta, that he received 65 
second mortgage bonds from Frost, and settled the claims of 
Messrs. Trammell and others. Colonel Trammell says he re- 
ceived none of those bonds, but he will not say he received 
none of the money, for which Kimball exchanged them. He 
obtained $7,500 for his claims on the Brunswick and Albany 
railroad. To sum up the evidence, Frost gave Kimball bonds 
to settle claims held by the Messrs. Trammell ; Kimball ex- 
changed the bonds and settled the claims. Colonel Trammell 
received $7,500 by his own confession, and if you will divide 
the $47,500 for which the 65 one thousand dollar second mort- 
gage bonds were sold, by eight, you will see that Colonel 
Trammell received his fair proportion — a little more than the 
rest, but he was, beyond question, the ablest lobbyist they em- 
ployed. The "eight" also got good pay. 

Colonel Trammell excuses his lobbying in these words: "It 
(the contract) was made at a time when, by universal custom, 
such contracts were entered into by men, abler perhaps, better 
than myself." 

In sincere pity for Colonel Trammell and a brother Meth- 
odist, I here assure him he owes it to himself to furnish some 
examples of the universal custom. He was made a scape goat 
in the Seventh district by his professional friends, who were 
believed to be equally guilty, but they were able to secrete the 
proof. I know it has been asserted that Kimball's opera house 
was also pushed on the State by the "infernal force" of gold. 
A gentleman of high standing in Chattooga county told the 
writer he saw one thousand dollars pass into the hands of a 
certain lobbyist, who was an aspirant for office, that he ap- 
proached him at the time and told him never to expect his vote 
if he was nominated by the Democratic party a thousand times. 



236 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

I withhold the names of both. I here insist that Colonel Tram- 
mell shall show up some of these men who followed this 
"custom" in the dark days of '69 and '70. He owes it to 
himself, to his good name, to his beautiful home, his good wife 
and intelligent children, to the State of Georgia and to history, 
Charles J. Jenkins, Herschel V. Johnson, Aleck Stephens, and 
a host of other "abler" men than Colonel Trammell, were then 
active politicians before the people. Did they follow the cus- 
tom ? Was Ben Hill a lobbyist before the Georgia legislature ? 
Was General Gordon? Speak out. Brother Trammell. You 
have been too forbearing. To illustrate : Last year when the 
investigation of the Eager-Phillips matter was before the 
legislature and it was shown that somebody gave you a 
thousand dollars furnished by the railroad men, many unkind 
things were said in that connection. As railroad commissioner, 
these insinuations were damaging to your character. When it 
was the "universal custom" such "gifts" were too numerous 
to be punished, but the State has faithfully endeavored to set 
up cleaner methods, going so far as to pronounce lobbying a 
crime in the constitution of the State. I do not deny your 
right to accept any sort of a present if you are willing. 

For many long years "Veritas" has felt that you were made 
an example of and victimized by bad men, and although you 
are considered by far the shrewdest man on the railroad com- 
mission — the people seek to strengthen themselves continually 
against loss and damage. Because you were heroic and honest 
enough to confess your lobbying acts and others skulk in 
darkness and secrecy, they abuse you behind your back. I 
doff my old hat to Colonel Trammell for the heroic resolution 
to come forward at this time to do justice to Mr. Frost's good 
name. It was a brave deed performed under difficulties. 
Charles L. Frost was a man of high standing in New York 
city. A first cousin of Amos T. Akerman, against whose moral 
character no man dares breathe a word. Mr. Frost came to 
Georgia to invest his money and help the State with the 
Brunswick and Albany railroad. Because Kimball and Bul- 
lock could not use him they set their hounds in both parties 
on his track. Only one man dared to attack him. Mr. Frost 
is dead, but his good name is precious to survivors. Judge 
John I. Hall stands well in Georgia. He owes it to himself to 
forward to Mr. Frost's family a copy of Monday's Telegraph 
with the amende honorable. He owes something, likewise, to 
public opinion in Georgia. VERITAS. 

I intended to discuss the Marble lobby, which is here alluded 
to, when Mr. Eager cashed the railroad bond presented to 
Colonel Trammell, but the facts will keep to another time. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 237 

I had a little stock in the Marietta and North Georgia railroad, 
cash paid down. I was swindled out of it. Yet General Phil- 
lips was given $10,000 by Eager & Company after Eager said 
the claim was not worth a cent. Colonel Trammell got the 
money for Phillips. 

I here leave these lobby matters and present Dr. Felton's 
open letter in reply to an abusive letter written and published 
by ex-Governor Bullock in September, 1889, while Dr. Felton 
was moving every force and expending every energy at his 
command to save the W. & A. Railroad to the tax-payers. 
Ex-Governor Bullock was in the fight to get money for these 
fraudulent bonds. 

Near Cartersville, Ga., September 13, 1889. 

Editors Constitution: I find in your columns of yesterday, 
September 12th, another letter directed against myself and 
signed Rufus B. Bullock The readers of your paper will 
recollect that he printed a similar letter about two weeks ago, 
in which he boldly declared his administration was the best 
and purest that Georgia has had since the war — that it brought 
more money to the State, built more railroads, and was more 
honestly conducted than any other State administration of the 
period. 

In reply, I produced the testimony of General (now Gover- 
nor) Gordon, before a congressional committee — after he was 
sworn to tell "the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth." It established the corruption, dishonesty, wasteful- 
ness and extravagance of Governor Bullock's administration 
beyond a doubt, if General Gordon's testimony cannot be 
impeached. It was a record that no honest man could bear in 
silence. It was an expose that a gentleman would remedy 
and rectify, or die in exile. It was an indictment that would 
sunder all social relations between parties, and the injury 
would command heavy damages before any jury in the land, 
if the ex-governor could prove his innocence. The proof must 
come, or ex-Governor Bullock will go to his grave a dishonored 
man. Governor Gordon must foreswear himself and make the 
proper apology to congress and the State of Georgia, and ex- 
Governor Bullock must clear his record and prove malice and 
perjury. To this complexion it has come. 

I expected to find in ex-Governor Bullock's reply some 
defense of himself — something he could stand upon. If he 
could clear himself, it was his duty to his family, as well as to 
his own good name, to do it — no matter if he had to throw 



238 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

overboard every man in the State, dead or living, who used 
him to put unlawful money in their own pockets. 

But what did the public discover? Not only a forgiving 
spirit to our executive, but an apology for the party, who had 
either defamed him or who had made him a monster of vil- 
lainy and cupidity and negligence in the management of the 
State's finances. 

What did R. B. Bullock say of that damning testimony? 
What words did he use, that would indicate the sensibility of 
a white man? What terms did he employ to stigmatize and 
anathemize the person who took a solemn oath to affix the 
brand of infamy upon a man who now asseverated his inno- 
cence and patriotism? 

Ex-Governor Bullock pronounced the testimony "stutf, 
used for partisan purposes," and he "didn't blame" Governor 
Governor Gordon — it was "fair and proper" under the cir- 
cumstances, etc. It has been conceded that no State ever 
suffered more at the hands of an administration, than did the 
State of Georgia under Governor Bullock, and there are hon- 
orable citizens who were willing to believe that the ex-Gov- 
ernor could show he had been made a tool of — a "cat's paw" 
for others — but when he has opportunity to clear himself, 
twenty years later, he stands before the world convicted of 
all the charges and dumb before his judges. 

It is related of Uriah Heep's old mother, that she kept up a 
tearful pleading with that notable scamp during the whole 
time that the expose of his villainy and guilt was being read 
aloud to those whom he had mercilessly tricked and swindled. 
"Be 'umble, Ury — be 'umble and make terms!" Our modern 
Ury is 'umble, and he doubtless proposes to "make terms." 

A wise man once defined a knave in these words : "A. 
thorough-faced knave will rarely quarrel with one whom he 
can cheat. His revenge is plunder; therefore he is usually 
the most forgiving of human beings ; upon the principle that if 
he came to an open rupture, he must defend himself and this 
does not suit a man whose vocation it is to keep his hands in 
the pockets of another." 

It here becomes the people of Georgia to see where she can 
now be cheated. Fortunately there is no necessity for the probe 
or a detective agency. R. B. Bullock is so "full" of those 
fraudulent bond matters that he brings them up in immediate 
connection with Governor Gordon's free forgiveness, in the 
letter before me. He is anxious to see them examined into 
once more. He desires the courts to decide upon them. He 
was accustomed to manage executive business, when he had 
opportunity, in such a way as to make it profitable to others 
if not to himself. He is fairly itching to overhaul the claims 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 239 

of those bondholders — and throw the State into confusion by 
methods peculiar to himself during his gubernatorial career ! 

Twenty years have softened the bitterness of hate, with 
which "Bullock and his gang" were regarded at the time 
he fled the State, and while he remained in exile until the 
State brought him back a prisoner. It is with regret that I 
must refer again to those days when Georgia was bound hand 
and foot and robbed of her credit after her treasury was 
bankrupted. We have been mocked by their immunity from 
justice during all this time, until they are now advancing with 
a vigorous scheme of public plunder. 

Although my duties are heavy and my physical strength 
weakened, I believe the opportunity has been given me to 
warn the younger citizens of the state against R. B. Bullock's 
plan, to bring into review the fraudulent bonds before the 
courts upon which the State, by constitutional law, has placed 
its seal of everlasting condemnation. The influx of citizens 
from other States also demands that they may have reliable 
information upon this matter. It is vital to our people, be- 
cause there is an active lobby (no doubt well paid by interested 
parties), at work to weary the patience of Georgia until the 
bonds are paid, for the sake of peace and quiet. The Yazoo 
Fraud also fired the entire State with righteous indignation — 
and is olso branded by legislative authority for all time in 
the records at Washington City. They are open to the in- 
spection of every man in America; yet it was still pushed and 
pressed by the "infernal force of gold," until a large sum 
was paid out of the national treasury to perfect disputed titles 
to land in the States of Mississippi and Alabama. Those Yazoo 
thieves were willing to go down to posterity as exposed thieves 
and robbers, provided they could "worry out" some millions 
of money from the federal government. They could forgive 
any hard words or sworn testimony against their honor (be- 
cai;se their honor was a doubtful quantity — not worth defend- 
ing), provided they could cheat once more. Their revenge 
was plunder — their vocation, to keep their hands in the strong 
box of the nation. 

Let the young men of Georgia listen to the facts as take-i 
from official documents — which are now on file in the State 
library and elsewhere. 

Governor Bullock took charge of the government of the 
State in July, 1868. Georgia had a public debt at that time 
of five million eight hundred and twenty-seven thousand dol- 
lars, according to report of the treasurer. Bullock resigned 
his office on October 30, 1871. At that time the indebtedness 
of Georgia had increased to twelve million four hundred and 
fifty thousand dollars. From that $12,450,000 should be de- 



240 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

ducted $1,800,000 of bonds that appear on their face to be 
gold bonds of the State of Georgia, but which, as shown by 
the act of the general assembly, were issued in exchange for 
the second mortgage bonds of the Brunswick and Albany rail- 
road, to aid that company, and do not properly belong to the 
State's indebtedness. 

During the same period, the treasurer reports $5,733,000 
endorsed to aid railroads. To that should be added the $1,- 
800,000 in aid of the Brunswick and Albany railroad. There 
were placed $600,000 to the Bainbridge, Cuthbert and Colum- 
bus railroad, although there have been discovered only $240,- 
000 of that amount, but there were $1,450,000 issued in aid of 
the Macon and Brunswick railroad, so that the grand total 
of the State's indebtedness during the period, extending from 
July, 1868, to October 30, 1871, makes up the enormous sum 
of nineteen millions of dollars. In three years Governor Bul- 
lock increased the public debt from $5,000,000 to $19,000,000. 
Then the people began to investigate. He promptly resigned 
and fled. That flight was a virtual confession of guilt, and 
nearly twenty years have elapsed and he has no proof to offer 
to establish his innocence. The bondholders who had pur- 
chased these bonds came forward making demands. The legis- 
lature appointed a committee, and witnesses were summoned. 
After immense labor, a report was made. They said some of 
the bonds were valid, but a mass of corruption was exposed. 
Some were invalid and a mass of knavery was exposed. Geor- 
gia never declined to pay an honest debt, but she did decline 
to pay Henry Clews $47,500 ; also $90,000 to Clews, Habischt & 
Co., of London ; also, $80,000 to Boorman, Johnson & Co. ; also, 
$35,000 to Fulton Bank of Brooklyn; all of whom professed 
to hold collateral to secure these alleged claims. Georgia re- 
fused to pay the first mortgage bonds of the Brunswick and 
Albany railroad, the bonds of the Bainbridge, Cuthbert and 
Columbus railroad ; the second mortgage bonds of the Ma(;on 
and Brunswick railroad ; the Cherokee Railroad bonds ; the 
Cartersville and Van Wert bonds, and the Alabama and Chat- 
tanooga bonds, and declared invalid the $1,800,000 of semi- 
annual interest gold bonds, issued under act of October, 1870, 
to aid the Brunswick and Albany railroad, making in ail 
$6,700,000. 

The remainder of this nineteen millions the State was 
willing to pay — although it was a debt which grew out of 
Rufus B. Bullock's wastefulness and neglect, if nothing worse. 

This $6,700,00 is the amount that Rufus Bullock is so anxious 
to have paid. He is willing to be called everything that Gov- 
ernor Gordon swore to be true, provided he can capture that 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 241 

money for himself or his friends. Now what proof has the 
State that it is a fraudulent claim? 

Take the Alabama and Chattanooga bonds. They were is- 
sued under an act passed March 20, 1869. The act declares 
that the endorsement shall be placed on second mortgage 
bonds. The State refused at that time to render aid to rail- 
roads, except under these conditions : First. Private parties 
must already have money invested, equal to amount asked from 
the State. Second. The State must have first lien on all the 
property of the railroad. Third. The State was not bound 
for any payment of bonds — or the granting of aid, unless the 
enterprise was one of public improvement. In the face of that 
act, the State's endorsement was put on second mortgage 
bonds — the State of Alabama haAang first lien for $15,000 a 
mile. Besides, there was no showing that a proper amount of 
private money had been paid in. 

The Bainbridge, Cuthbert and Columbus railroad was 
granted aid, whenever twenty miles were completed, on the 
same terms granted to the Air Line railroad. Not a mile was 
ever built and not a dollar ever invested. Yet R. B. Bullock 
signed up the bonds, and wrote a letter to his secretary of 
State to sign and issue as soon as twenty miles were com- 
pleted. Off he went to California on a gallivating tour, and 
those bonds were hypothecated with Kidd, Pierce & Co. 

Cartersville and Van Wert bonds came along just here. 
The act was passed March 12, 1869, and the State granted 
aid, whenever five continuous miles were built ; $12,500 per 
mile was the limit, and the State was to be given the first 
lien on the road. Witnesses were sworn and it was proven 
that not one dollar of private money was paid in at first. It 
was organized on April 8, 1869. Subscription books were 
opened and a small amount of stock taken. The president 
subscribed all the balance — over 10,000 shares. He made oath 
in the case of Henry Clews & Co., that he "deposited two 
hundred of these bonds in the Georgia Railroad Bank, Atlanta, 
Perino Brown, president. Kimball asked him to deposit one 
hundred of these bonds with Bullock, to back up Kimball's 
credit in New York. Understanding that these bonds would 
not be indorsed and removed, or put in circulation without 
witness' order, he agreed to deposit one hundred bonds of one 
thousand dollars each with the governor, but he being absent, 
he deposited with secretary of State, with receipt taken on 
above conditions. Clews was made treasurer of the company. 
Witness knew Kimball got possession of those bonds, bat 
didn't know how." Secretary of State Cotting thereupon 
presented an order signed by the president, which ordered 



242 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

those unsigned bonds to be turned over to Henry Clews & Co., 
and that order was dated April 12, 1870. 

Henry Clews testified that $287,000 of those bonds were de- 
posited with him to raise $200,000 in cash. The contractor, 
W. M. Laman, testified that the building of the road was talked 
over in New York, December, 1869, and the company formed 
under the name of Laman, Conant & Co. Conant said he had 
the "ear" of Henry Clews and could get all the money he 
wanted. The work began January 4, 1870, and on January 
25, 1870, they bought iron from Bethlehem Iron Works, and 
paid for it in endorsed bonds of the State ! ! It was proven 
that Henry Clews gave the necessary assurance to the Iron 
Works, fortified by Governor Bullock's assurance. That Iron 
Company wrote to the contractor in these words: "We are 
also to have the assurance of the governor of the State of 
Georgia that the bonds of the State to the amount of $12,500 
per mile shall be promptly paid over to Henry Clews & Co., as 
fast as said road is completed — and a guarantee from Henry 
Clews & Co., that these bonds, when received by them, shall 
be held to secure payment of said notes at maturity." R. B. 
Bullock signed — ditto Henry Clews & Co. 

Before one mile was built, these bonds were pledged ! ! 
Her'^ 's your immaculate governor ! ! Kimball testified that 
Clews & Co., got restless in March, and refused to advance 
money unless the bonds were in their hands. Clews was the 
treasurer and the banker ! At that time, the last of March, 
not a single section of five miles was completed. Kimball 
swore it. Then Kimball went to the president of the road to 
get the bonds. Cotting proves that he was ordered to deliver 
to Henry Clews & Co., on April 12, 1870. Don't forget dates. 
The road was begun on January 4, 1870; they bought iron on 
January 25th — twenty days later — and Henry Clews swears 
thus : "On the 30th of March, 1870, I received a telegram 
from Governor Bullock as follows : ' I have the bonds of the 
Cartersville and Van Wert railroad, as presented to me for 
endorsement. I will hold the bonds when endorsed, subject 
to your order, as requested by the parties to secure you for 
advances and guarantee for iron from Bethlehem Iron Co. 
Very respectfully, RUFUS B. BULLOCK, 

"Governor of Georgia." 

Dated Washington, D. C, March 30, 1870. 

(This is in the printed evidence, page 118.) 

Now, did Bullock have those bonds when he wrote that 
Mter? It is impossible, for the president didn't turn them 
over until the 12th of April. 

Who was the wire-puller in all that swindle on the State? 
Wasn't Bullock up to his neck in this dirty business? He 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 243 

should get down on his marrow bones, to Henry Clews, and 
say it was all "fair" — done for "partisan purposes." 

Did he inform the president of the railroad that he turned 
over to Clews & Co., those bonds, when $275,000 of those 
obligations of the State were delivered? The president swears 
he did not. 

David G. Cotting swore he delivered to Governor Bullock 
one hundred of those unsigned bonds, numbered from 1 to 100, 
and presented Bullock's receipt. On that receipt Bullock 
wrote the following: "Bonds forwarded to and receipted for 
by H. Clews & Co., 32 Wall Street, to secure Beth. Iron Co., 
per order Mark A. Cooper, president, April 12, 1870. 

(Signed) "B." 

Don't forget dates. Road begun January 4th, 1870 — iron 
men consulted twenty days later, and on April 12, 1870, 
Rufus B. Bullock turned over to Henry Clews & Co., one 
hundred thousand dollars in State bonds — when the law re- 
quired five miles to be finished — and $12,500 per mile paid in 
cash by private parties, before the State could give its $12,500 
per mile ! ! 

Hon. Seaborn Jones testified he was a director of the rail- 
road. There were 265 shares of three hundred, which shares 
Cooper & Co., took; $35,000 was subscribed on the remaining 
shares. Some stock was paid — but very little — and the first 
assessment was 5 per cent. In July 25 per cent, was called for 
and, to the best of his knowledge and belief, about $15,000 was 
all the private money ever invested. The first five miles were 
completed in August, 1870. 

, Hon. Abda Johnson testified there was never a mile finished 
according to law, and was never received by the company. 
Governor Bullock was over the road before there were four 
miles completed — after he had endorsed one hundred thous- 
and dollars worth of State bonds. 

Captain Peacock, a director and secretary of the road, swore 
there was paid in something over $17,000 cash ; the remainder, 
$15,000, in receipts by contractors for work. Work begun 
in January, 1870, and bonds were prepared on January 26th. 
On 8th day of April, one hundred bonds were presented to 
him to sign. If there was ever any inspection of the road by 
State engineer or anybody else, didn't know it. 

These are my neighbors and friends. I know they swore to 
the facts. Henry Clews was then sworn and said "he ad- 
vanced one hundred and seventy-eight thousand two hundred 
and thirty dollars, and held $275,000 bonds of the company. 
In July, 1871, Kimball proposed to exchange those bonds for 
the bonds of the Cherokee Railroad — which was the new name 
for the Cartersville and Van Wert railroad. Rufus B. Bullock 



244 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

wrote to Clews that the new Cherokee bonds had been already 
delivered to H. I. Kimball for the purpose of exchange — but 
Kimball never delivered the new Cherokee bonds. Clews was 
informed that Kimball hypothecated those Cherokee bonds to 
parties in New York City." 

What are the facts? "When three miles of the Cartersville 
and Van Wert railroad had been finished they changed the 
name to Cherokee railroad, with H. I. Kimball, president, and 
got $300,000 more bonds indorsed on the identical same road; 
when only three or four miles were built at that time, and 
Bullock handed them to Kimball. What atrocity ! The road 
went into the hands of a receiver; Judge Woods declared the 
Cherokee bonds invalid and Clews bought the railroad at 
public outcry. 

He took his chances and bought the road to satisfy his claim. 
But what can be said of Bullock ? He should get on his knees 
to Clews, and grant forgiveness for having been so thoroughly 
exposed. "Be 'umble, Ury!" 

Now let us consider the Cherokee Bonds. 

The act which granted State aid never authorized a change 
of name or issuance of bonds under any other name, to the 
Cartersville and Van Wert railroad, but what did Bullock do ? 
He knew Henry Clews & Co., held $275,000 of the first bonds. 
Kimball went to Clews and proposed to exchange for Chero- 
kee bonds. This Clews' attorney agreed to do provided Gov- 
ernor Bullock would turn over the new Cherokee bonds. Bul- 
lock sent the bonds to Kimball in New York. Those bonds 
were hypothecated to the Commercial Warehouse Company in 
New York. A broker in that city testified that he started to 
negotiate those bonds for Kimball on the 15th July, 1871. 
Clews' agent appeared in Atlanta on October 17, 1871, and 
told Bullock he is ready to make the exchange. "But," says 
the governor, "they have never been presented for endorse- 
ment." Clews' agent goes back to New York with this state- 
ment, to find that Bullock had endorsed the Cherokee bonds 
three months before, and Kimball was negotiating them for 
his own purposes. Clews and Bullock now appear with the 
bray of trumpets and the flourish of brass horns, to demand 
payment of these bonds! Bullock broke his oath of office, 
fraudulently used his authority, endorsed two sets of bonds on 
the same railroad property under different names, without the 
shadow of law, and sent a false report that the bonds were 
never in his possession, when he had received them and issued 
them. He and Kimball played a transformation scene before 
the people of Georgia all the time. You saw one, sometimes 
two, but you couldn't tell which was master and which was 
man. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 245 

B. Y. Sage, chief engineer of the Air Line railroad, swore 
before the bond committee that Bullock said: "If there was 
anything to be made, he might count on Bullock being in — 
as he was on the make." 

I will try to make the Brunswick and Albany railroad 
swindle occupy but a few lines. The railroad was begun be- 
fore the war, and sixty-five mill's built. Governor Brown 
seized the road for war purposes. At the close of the war, 
the whole thing sold for $1,500, after it was dismantled of 
its iron. A Mr. Avery bought it for the firm of Conant & Co. 
It was reorganized and chartered as the Brunswick and 
Albany. On the 18th of March, 1869, they passed an act 
through the legislature granting State a^d. The State gave 
$15,000 per mile for every twenty completed miles. It was 
put through by the "infernal force of gold," to use the words 
of the bond committee. After the road was completed there 
were only one hundred and seventy miles, including the sixty- 
five miles built before the war, but bonds to the amount of 
$5,000,000 were issued to its construction. 

The secretary of State, Mr. Angier, indorsed $1,500,000 of 
those bonds. Bullock afterwards indorsed $1,800,000 of quar- 
terly gold bonds — to buy up second mortgage bonds of the 
company. He kept on indorsing bonds until there were issued 
more than $700,000 of first mortgage bonds in excess of what 
the statute allowed. When pressed Governor Bullock made 
answer that he knew it was not legal — but he expected to help 
the State by helping Mr. Kimball, who was the general man- 
ager of "Bullock's gang." The State repudiated $3,300,000 
of the $5,050,000 because no investment was made by private 
parties — because of the over-issue and because the whole affair 
was unconstitutional. 

The Macon and Brunswick is a railroad abounding in 
swindles, from beginning to end, so long as the State touched 
it. Governor Jenkins and Governor Bullock indorsed bonds 
for construction to the amount of $1,950,000, but this did not 
satisfy. They saAV Kimball could work other schemes behind 
Bullock, and they went back time and again, and although the 
road was built and in operation, they got $3,000 per mile ad- 
ditional. Oh, the swindling, the trickery, the deceit and the 
dishonesty ' ' fatigue the indignation ! ' ' 

It has been said that R. B. Bullock could sign away the 
money of the State more flippantly than he can defend or 
refuse to defend his character — for he signed ten acts in one 
day, granting aid to railroads, at $15,000 per mile. In nine 
other days he signed twenty-two more. The State aid never 
went lower than $12,500 per mile for construction. Treasurt^r 
Angier said thirty-two railroads were authorized — grantin,;>- 



246 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

absolutely thirty millions of money — to be paid by the State. 

The Western and Atlantic rialroad, which had been run 
economically with $360,000 profit to the State, per annum, 
paid in only $45,000, with an accumulated debt of $700,000 
in one year. After that year I understand the whole profit 
was absorbed. 

These are the bonds that R. B. Bullock professes to have 
paid by the tax-payers of Georgia — and as he had but one 
method, as governor, according to B. Y. Sage, I am au- 
thorized to say he is again "on the make," with less re- 
sponsibility. 

A word more on the Opera House affair, that Governor 
Gordon explained so clearly in his testimony — a business in 
which both Bullock and Kimball could be seen at the same 
time. I understand Mr. Bullock was arrested in New York 
State and brought to Atlanta to stand a trial, as to the dis- 
appearance of a certain certificate connected with the pur- 
chase of the Opera House by the State. He kept an indefinite 
supply of bonds printed (it is reported some sixteen hundred 
thousand went into the hands of Clews & Co.) a cart-load of 
blanks went into the court house, when Treasurer John Jones' 
case was being tried — so the manipulation of a certificate was 
a small affair to him, but the State made a test case of it and, 
if I am correctly informed, he was indicted for the theft of 
such a certificate, committed by himself or some one au- 
thorized by him, as a partner. The very character of the 
alleged theft made it impossible to convict, which result ap- 
peared to be as gratifying to the ex-governor's partners in the 
nefarious business as to himself. 

When a certain national investigation was before the forty- 
fourth congress and certain well-known men were kept In 
durance vile, because they had refused to answer questions — 
the Democratic investigating committee made a report in theise 
words: "Knavery and corruption abound, but when we un- 
cover one rotten Republican we find two rotten Democrats 
under him." Just so in that Bullock trial, and to save their 
scalps, the court couldn't prove a single thing by any of the 
' ' gang ' ' and no other sort of people were ' ' behind the scenes. ' ' 
But the testimony still remains, although Rufus B. Bullock, 
away in Rhode Island, shakes his fist at the tax-payers of 
Georgia and boasts of a trial which was both a farce and a 
tragedy to the people who had been robbed without mercy- - 
and afterwards taunted in the words of Boss Tweed, "What 
are you going to do about it?" 

When Kimball sold the Opera House it was covered with a 
mortgage of sixty thousand dollars, with interest. Kimball 
proposed to protect the State in that matter. He deposited 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 247 

with Governor Bullock a certificate given by the city council 
of Atlanta, showing that the State was entitled to bonds of the 
city to the amount of one hundred and thirty housand dollars. 

The certificate and the bonds were to be held by the gov- 
ernor until said mortgage was paid — nor was the certificate 
or the bonds to be delivered to Kimball until the mortgage was 
removed. Kimball gave the following receipt, which was re- 
turned to the committee from the executive office. 
Office H. I. KIMBALL. 

"Atlanta, Ga., August 25, 1870. 

"Received of City Council of Atlanta, thirty thousand dol- 
lars of bonds, which they have contracted to give the State 
in part payment for the capitol building. 

(Signed) "H. L KIMBALL." 

(Copy of the certificate issued by City Council to the State 
of Georgia.) 

STATE OF GEORGIA— City of Atlanta. 
To all Whom it May Concern : 

The mayor and council of the city of Atlanta hereby certify 
that there is due from said mayor and council to the State of 
Georgia the seven per cent, twenty-year bonds of said city to 
the amount of one hundred and thirty thousand dollars, which 
said bonds, said mayor and council propose to contribute to- 
wards the purchase, by the State of Kimball's Opera House 
property — which said proposition has been accepted and the 
purchase made — said bonds to be delivered to the holder of 
this certificate upon the return thereof. This is done in 
obedience to an ordinance of the city council, this 23rd Au- 
gust, 1870. WM. EZZARD, Mayor. 

S. B. LOVE, Clerk. 

Anthony Murphy swears he was member of city council; 
was present at meeting in Bullock's office. The city was to 
pay $130,000. Kimball was to return to the city nineteen 
thousand dollars in bonds, which had been issued for rent. 
Volny Dunning testified the same way. 

Perino Brown sworn : E. N. Kimball went to Brown, in 
December, 1870, and asked for the one hundred thousand 
dollars in bonds which had been prepared. Witness paid 
$75,000 in bonds, which Kimball took and left the certificate, 
which had been given to the State. Witness delivered the 
remaining $25,000 to E. N. Kimball. 

A. L. Harris, S. A. Darnell, J. R. Parrott, G. P. Burnett, all 
testified that Bullock was exceedingly active in getting the 
Opera House sold to the State. When the bonds came to light, 
they were in Henry Clews' hands — Kimball sold them later 
through Clews. The committee who investigated the whole 



248 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

affair express the opinion that Bullock was a party to the 
fraud. He was known to be the author of the instrument 
signed by Kimball. This certificate belonged to the State — 
Bullock received it as the State's representative. The city 
made a private agreement with Kimball — and Bullock par- 
ticipated in it, to be able to deceive the legislature and defraud 
the city. After he took the certificate he passed it into the 
hands of Kimball. All the bonds passed to Kimball, and as 
well as the security held by the State. Bullock joined hands 
with Kimball to plunder and defraud. 

The committee further says : ' ' This is but a step in the 
monstrous fraud. Under the contract of purchase, Kimball 
was to return to the city $54,500 of currency, which had been 
drawn from the treasury without authority of law, and the 
governor was ordered to hold bonds to secure the State this 
amount of money." 

Instead of doing this he delivered the whole amount to 
Kimball, leaving the $54,500 due to the State unpaid. The 
State has been robbed in the transaction of $125,000." 

They regard Governor Bullock's conduct in this transaction 
as that of "thief and robber," who as if by "force and 
stealth," has taken from the vaults of the public treasury 
that amount of money. Honest men showed where the money 
went, but dishonest men would not swear to Bullock's injury — 
and the trial fell through by reason of treason and dishonesty. 
Perhaps the same crowd are interested in the fraudulent bonds. 
Who knows? 

In conclusion, I desire to sound a warning note to patriotic 
Georgians. It has been seen that Rufus B. Bullock has neither 
sense of shame, or patriotism. He appears to be utterly im- 
pervious to the instincts of a man of honor. I am told ho was 
an early applicant for position under President Harrison — 
while he was enough of a Democrat to illuminate for President 
Cleveland in Atlanta. I have no idea of affecting his mind or 
heart by this recital of the wrongs Georgia has received at his 
hands. He is moving heaven and earth to get those fraudulent 
bonds paid — and he will do as he did in the Opera House 
swindle, betray the State, if it is necessary to accomplish that 
end. To talk of trying such cases before the courts would be 
like laying down the fence to let the herd ravage your fields. 
Bullock was tried by the courts, and he had "pals" enough to 
shield him from the chaingang, although there can be no 
earthly doubt that he delivered over that certificate to betray 
the State. 

Beginning with the bonds and going down to the end or 
his dynasty, there can be no question that more villainy was 
crowded into those three years than was possible under a less 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 249 

adroit trickster. He is welcome to flourish in society, if 
society can stomach his record, but I trust the State of Georgia 
will keep his nimble fingers out of her treasury, after such a 
dear-bought experience. Respectfully, 

W. H. FELTON. 



General Robert Toombs 



There can be no question as to who was the greatest man in 
Georgia before the war. When he was United States senator 
no man in the Union was his superior in ability or intellect — 
if he had an equal. 

Knowing Hon. A. H. Stephens' familiarity with dis- 
tinguished men before the war, as well as later, I at one time 
asked him to tell me who was, in his opinion, the ablest man 
in the United States — the best equipped man in national 
politics? His answer I shall never forget: "Taking him all 
in all, his wonderful mind, his magnificent appearance, his 
acquaintance with public questions, his masterful oratory and 
his courage, not omitting his dignity, I will say to you that I 
believe the greatest man I ever knew in these United States 
was Hon. Robert Toombs — a son of Georgia." 

He then proceeded to tell me of General Toombs in his 
prime — how he looked in the senate when the abolition movt^ 
ment pitted its greatest orators and legislators against him — 
his independence and massive statesmanship. He had much 
to say of his wonderful face in the heat of debate — a very 
giant in controversy. 

I was not acquainted personally with General Toombs until 
he was aged, infirm, and declining to the end. His last public 
work was in framing the Constitution of 1877. He was the 
guiding spirit of the convention. When it was finished some- 
body congratulated him on his work. It is reported that he 
said: "I've locked the treasury door, and flung the key 
away." I have some personal memoirs of General Toombs 
that may appear in another volume, but his last letter or pub- 
lished article that I preserved in my scrap-book was written 
to some of Dr. Felton's supporters in the campaign with 
Judge Lester, in 1878. 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 251 

The Rome Tribune. 

Regnant Populi. 

Rome, Ga., October 2, 1878. 

B, F. Sawyer, J. Lindsay Johnson, Editors. 

For Congress, 

Hon. Wm. H. Felton, 

Of Bartow County. 

GEN. ROBERT TOOMBS. 

His Letter to the Democratic Rally at Adairsville — a Patriotic 
Letter from the Grand Old Georgian. 

Washington, Ga., Sept. 20, 1878. 
Messrs. J. M. Veach, A. C. Trimble and John E. Morgan, Com- 
mittee : 
I duly received your very kind invitation to address a public 
meeting of the people of Adairsville tomorrow, and I intended 
to have done so, but I am compelled to forego that duty from 
providential cause. It is time that the people should inquire 
into the causes of the widespread poverty, demoralization, 
crime and misery which now cover the whole land; it is the 
duty of every good citizen to aid in this investigation, and in 
the discovery and application of the proper remedy for these 
calamities. In my opinion these evils are mainly, and in many 
cases exclusively the results of bad government, to corrupt 
rulers using its vast powers, legitimate and usurped, for the 
benefit of the few and to the ruin of the many. The collective 
body of the people, and they alone, can apply the remedy. All 
the powers of government belong to them. Legitimate govern- 
ment ought to be, and is nothing but the organization of the 
public force for the benefit of all, ''that rights may be re- 
spected and justice may be done." All the blood and all the 
treasure of each and of all the members of every State are dedi- 
cated, yea, consecrated by the social contract to these purposes, 
and to no other whatsoever. Hence the necessary powers of 
government are but few, co-extensive with these duties, no 
more. To protect society from foreign invasion and internal 
violence, to administer justice between man and man, to pre- 
vent one citizen from injuring another in any manner what- 
ever, and then to protect each and all in the full and complete 
enjoyment of all their natural rights, are legitimate objects 
of good government. To these ends all the public force and 
all proDerty of the people necessary to these ends may be 
legitimately applied. Within this great dividing line between 



253 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

individual rights and public authority, governments may safely 
travel, beyond that is disputed ground, doubtful, dangerous, 
"where fools madly rush but wisdom fears to tread." These 
principles have been the political landmarks of the friends of 
liberty in all the historic ages, and especially of the framers of 
the Constitution of the United States, and notably of the fathers 
of the grand old Republican, now called the Democratic party. 
The old Federal, now called the Republican party, always op- 
posed these just and beneficent principles. In order to get rid 
of them, it incorporated in its organization all those who wished 
to use the government treasury and the labor of all the people 
for their own private interest, and to promote their private 
pursuits by means of protection, tariffs, navigation laws, in- 
ternal improvements, subsidies of public money, grants of pub- 
lic lands, free mails, money corporations, monopolies of all 
sorts, and all those who had belonged to dead and dispersed 
political organizations, of every name and purpose, and by the 
aid of all these together with additional aid and comfort in 
the shape of men and money from European despotisms, made 
war upon the defenders of sound principles of government, 
overthrew the Constitution of the United States and of the 
several States, and substituted force and fraud for the will 
of the people and the organic law. This party must be de- 
stroyed. It is the first greatest work to be done by the Demo- 
cratic party. The next is to purge itself of those who now 
in the waning fortunes of the Radical party claim to be Demo- 
crats, yet who participated in the crimes of the Radicals and 
shared with them in the public plunder. To do this the Demo- 
cratic party must revert practices of their fathers, re-assert 
them, reproclaim them, yes organize to sustain and preserve 
them; make them the test and touchstone of the political 
soundness of all who seek fellowship with its organization; 
then the great work will have begun ; then it will be more than 
half finished. These great principles of the Democratic party 
have not been altered, amended or repealed by the result of the 
war. They are not to be found in the Greeley-Baltimore plat- 
form; not to be found in the St. Louis-Tilden platform; not 
usually to be found in the national. State, district or county 
convention platform. Since the Democratic party was be- 
trayed to Greeley and his co-workers in iniquity at Baltimore 
in 1872, by those hungry camp followers of the party who had 
despaired of any other way to reach the national treasury 
than by a coalition with their enemies and the abandonment 
of their principles, not to be found among the supporters of 
national banks; not to be found among the supporters or pro- 
tectors of that most gigantic fraud that ever disgraced the 
annals of any age or country, Huntington's Pacific Railroad; 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 253 

nor are they to be found among the supporters of any mo- 
nopoly whatever, anywhere or for any purpose. Next to the 
radical party, the railroad corporations of the United States, 
and corporations generally, are the greatest of all enemies of 
liberty and justice, and of the people ; the most inexorable op- 
pressors of labor and spoiliators of the industries of the coun- 
try. Democratic principles demand that they shall bear all 
public burthens equally with the people ; that their tolls and 
tariffs shall be regulated by law; that they shall be under the 
government of the law, or their franchises should be resumed 
by the State. 

I have said that the Democratic party should "organize" 
to effect these great purposes. I repeat it. Whenever men 
have common grievances or common principles co-operation 
is both easy, natural and necessary. Among the lawful instru- 
mentalities which may be used to secure that co-operation or 
united action, may be included party conventions. In all cases 
of disagreement as to proper agents to represent those of "like 
faith and order" in a public office, it is always proper and 
most generally highly useful for the friends of different candi- 
dates to meet together formally or informally, consult together, 
compare information as to the qualifications availability and 
fitness of their respective friends and to recommend some can- 
didate to the support of the people. But such meetings, to 
avoid greater danger than party discord, must be simply ad~ 
visory. Whenever they seek to make their actions authorative, 
binding upon the party then they become usurpers, then they 
tend to destroy free elections, they seek to seize the ballot box 
with no legal securities against fraudulent votes, none against 
fraudulent elections, none against fraudulent returns. They, 
in effect, deprive the people of a free election, and this action 
is scarcely less reprehensible when it is sought to be accom- 
plished by party prescription, than if it were sought to be 
done by law. Such conventions are not only wrong, but hurt- 
ful to sound principles and honest candidates. It opens the 
door to all kinds of frauds and all other evil practices in the 
selection of delegates. But there remains one unanswerable 
objection to this class of party conventions. All experience 
teaches us that but a very small portion of the people attend 
them, and such as do attend them are not such as have any 
special claims to guide, direct or control, the non-attending 
electors. 

Therefore, remit these conventions back to their original 
status. Their recommendations are sufficiently powerful with 
the people, let their action be fairly open to the approval or 
rejection of the people at a legal election without any improper 
influence to control their free action. There is another impor- 



254 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

tant point in this connection which should be considered by 
the people. No judge of the Superior Court of ths State 
should be elected to any political office while he occupies his 
seat on the bench. However honest such judge might be, his 
position necessarily impairs the freedom of elections. He has 
great power over the lives, liberty, property and happiness of 
large numbers of the people. This power will effect and is 
calculated to effect the action of many of them, and hereby 
tends to lessen, perhaps destroy the purity of the ballot box, 
the best safeguard of the people. In your present contest I 
am in favor of the election of Dr. William H. Felton. 

The evidence that he is the choice of the people of the dis- 
trict is stronger than that offered in favor of any other person. 
They have twice elected him, the last time by a largely in- 
creased majority, over an able, honest and popular citizen. In 
my opinion his election would strengthen the cause of popular 
rights, vindicate the integrity of the ballot box, and tend to 
the re-establishment of sound Democratic principles and prac- 
tices in the administration of the Federal government. His 
honesty, capacity and fidelity to the trusts confided to him by 
his constituents are not only unquestioned, but are above sus- 
picion. He is neither a lobbyist, a pap-sucker, nor an expert in 
the wicked artifices and contrivances of stifling and defeating 
the public will by means of skillfully contrived party tactics. 
His loyalty to his country and fidelity to the Democratic party 
does not seem to be questioned by that large and respectable 
body of party leaders who seem to have undertaken the task of 
relieving the people of the Seventh district of the onerous 
burthen of electing their own representative after the manner 
of their fathers. My greatest objection to him and his Demo- 
cratic colleagues has been and is that they have too closely 
followed the National Democratic party at the expense of 
Democratic principles. But this objection does not lie in the 
mouths of his opponents, who only seem to be seeking the 
nearest road to the national exchequer. The controlling objec- 
tion of these excellent gentlemen seems to be that Dr. Felton 
accepts a seat in Congerss from the people, carries out their 
supposed wishes, co-operates with the party in all of its meas- 
ures; "casts out devils" in their name, but "he don't follow 
us," and therefore "they forbid him" for this reason alone. 
"The head and front of his offending hath this extent and 
nothing more." 

Perhaps I do these gentlemen injustice by underating their 
fears of independent candidates. Whatever may be the dan- 
gers from this source in other localities, and under a different 
state of parties, they do not exist in the Seventh district. There 
their apprehensions and woes are but the "fears of the brave 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 255 

and follies of the wise." Courage, my friends, there is real 
comfort and consolation in the arithmetic of the question. In 
the Tilden and Hayes election in 1876, the candidate of the 
Democratic party received in this district 19,402 votes, Hayes 
received but 5,157 votes, Tilden 's majority 14,245 votes, or 
more than enough votes to divide equally among these Demo- 
crats and giving each a sound majority over a Radical candi- 
date. Besides the accredited organs of the Ringgold convention 
stoutly assert with all the appearance of candor that Felton has 
been twice elected by Republican votes and that Republicans 
now have a respectable candidate of their own, who will unite 
the vote of his party. If this be true, Felton 's election is im- 
possible and his respectable opponents should dismiss their 
fears and woes and be happy, but alas ! they are not happy 
— Felton 'Svill not follow us." 

I am, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 
ROBERT TOOMBS. 



GEN. TOOMBS' LETTER. 

We publish the one Gen. Toombs has written to the Demo- 
cratic voters of the seventh district. He declares himself for 
Felton. He explains with force and eloquence that no man 
that holds the position of judge in any court should run for 
an office. This fact explains the great weakness of Judge Les- 
ter. He does not believe he can be elected or else he would 
resign his circuit judgship. He wants an office and salary to 
fall back on when Felton beats him out of hearing. Judge 
Lester may be of the most honorable class ; yet he has been 
of "doubtful associations." We use Senator B. H. Hill's ex- 
pression. The papers opposed to Congressman Felton try to 
belittle his wife for the noble advocacy of her husband against 
oppression and wrong accusation. The souls of Georgians re- 
volt against such sneers against womankind, and are resolved 
to rebuke it, and they will do it by electing Felton. 

Gen. Toombs also has a number of observations which apply 
to this district. He regards conventions as only advisory. The 
appeal to the people is the last resort, and they will decide 
right. Men, because they are called leaders, have no 
right to dictate, and the voters will rebel against them. There 
has been too much of the attempted arbitrary dictation under 
the plea of conventional authority, and he shows how few en- 
gage in county meetings. He advocates Dr. Felton in the 
seventh district because the people have clearly shown they 
prefer him. It is equally manifest in this district where both, 
or a majority of the convention and people prefer Harris to 



256 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

either of the gentlemen in the field. Harris, like Felton, re- 
fuses to obey the decision of the leaders; he won't follow 
them, and Gen. Toombs applauds any one who will not. His 
letter is worth reading. Succinctly he gives utterance to great 
constitutional principles. — Columbus Enquirer. 



TOOMBS ON CHRISTIANITY. 

Several months ago Mr. R. J. Loyal, of this city, who was 
then residing in Macon, addressed a letter to General Robert 
Toombs. Mr. Loyal 's letter related to religious matters, and 
diew From the general the following reply, which will be read 
witli interest : 

Washington, Ga., 12th December, 1884— Mr. R. J. Loyal, 101 
Cherry street, Macon, Ga. — My dear Friend: I received yours 
of oOth of November last with great pleasure and intended to 
make an immediate reply, but I have not been well a day since 
its receipt. 

Independent of my loss of sight, almost total now, I am 
severely afflicted, and my nephew, who is writing this letter 
for me, is so indisposed that I am unable to write all I intended. 
I have had the settled conviction from youth that the Christian 
religion was true, and that it was the duty of every man to 
pray to God daily and to His Son, Jesus Christ, for forgive- 
ness of sins. I feel an absolute conviction that all of God's 
creatures who will truly repent of their sins and pray for for- 
giveness will be pardoned and secure eternal happiness. I 
think I have felt — I know I have felt this truth, especially in 
the last year. I have always had the greatest confidence in 
your integrity and in your friendship for me, and I intended 
to have gone farther in the interesting questions submitted by 
you, but my health will not permit this morning. As soon as 
my health will permit me to resume it, I will write you a fuller 
letter. 

You write me that you have been a long time engaged, which 
I knew, in retailing spiritous liquors, and you ask my opinion 
as to whether it is sinful. I do not think that of itself it is 
sinful, but I would advise you to get some other occupation 
as soon as you can find one to support your family. 

The Lord's prayer, which I have always considered the duty 
of every man to repeat daily, which has been enjoined upon 
the whole human race, requires us to pray to God continuously 
to "lead us not into temptation, but to deliver us from evil." 
I send you a little tract upon the subject of seeking religion. 
I send it by express this morning. It is the clearest exposition 
of the subject I have ever seen. Be sure to read the introduc- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 257 

tion by the Rev. Edwin Payson Hammond. The book is en- 
titled ''The Blood of Christ," by the Rev. Wm. Reed, M. A. 

It removes all mysteries from the true road of regeneration 
and has given me more light and consolation than anything t 
have ever read — not even excepting the Bible itself. 

May God bless you, friend, and strengthen you to continue 
in your present course. Let me hear from you, especially if 
you have received my letter and pamphlet. 

I am very truly your friend, 

R. TOOMBS. 



Gov. Colquitt and the Kirkwood Ring 

The first time I ever shook hands with Governor Colquitt 
was in my own yard at home. He was canvassing for the 
governor's place in 1876, and was on his way to Pine Log, in 
Bartow county, where he expected to make a speech and his 
vehicle had had an accident and he was waiting for its return 
from Cartersville, which took place in half an hour, perhaps. 
He declined to come in doors, so I went out to the front gate 
and was introduced by Dr. Felton. He was very affable (can- 
didates are generally so), and as he was in Bartow county, 
where my husband had received nearly 1,500 majority in 1874, 
he jollied us with some flattering words about that remarkable 
campaign. Turning to me he said: ''How did you stand it, 
Mrs. Felton? I replied, "Just as you are standing it right now. 
I guess you are doing exactly what I did putting in all your 
soul, strength and money trying to get elected ! ' ' 

We were both Methodists — he preached and I didn't — but I 
had the kindest of feeling for Gov. Colquitt at that time. He 
had not appeared in the seventh district to beat us down un- 
mercifully as did Governor James Milton Smith and Gen. Gor- 
don. I thought he was a better man than General Gordon, 
who made a ferocious attack at Rome, Ga., against Dr. Felton 
in the presence of both ladies and gentlemen just before the 
election in 1874, and as Dr. Felton had no opportunity to reply 
Floyd county was lost under that hailstorm of vituperation 
led by the Confederate fife and drum. Of all the people promi- 
nent in Georgia-Bourbonism at that time, I had most respect 
for Alfred H. Colquitt. I believed him to be what he claimed 
to be, a perfectly honest politician, because he posed as an up- 
right Christian gentleman. Tens of thousands of Georgians 
felt just as I did. His Christian character was his bulwark. 
He was deemed incapable of political dishonesty. Dr. Felton 
voted for him for governor and also proposed to allow every 
voter to put the name of the candidate for Congress in that 
district on the back of Colquitt's tickets and he would abide 
the result and leave the race if Col. Dabney obtained the ma- 



My Memoirs op^ Georgia Politics 259 

jority in this way. A fairer proposition was never offered 
anywhere and I am glad to know that it came from my hus- 
band in the heat and fury of a terribly hot political campaign 
and gives indisputable evidence of his loyalty to upright poli- 
tical principles and his fealty to Southern honor, as we then 
called it. 

Of course the proposition was declined. Although the or- 
ganized had absolute control in ten counties of the district 
made and managed the ballot boxes and so far as they dared 
to do so, they counted in or counted out in these elections, still 
they refused. I state these facts to show that Dr. Felton had 
no unfriendly feeling to Gov. Colquitt. The Southern Insur- 
ance Company burst and left a bad odor, but Governor Col- 
quitt was, as we believed, domineered over by Gen. Gordon 
in this swindle and as vice-presidents never count, we laid 
the blame where it apparently belonged on the president of 
the company. Gen. Gordon. We did not know at that time that 
the convict lease had one "silent partner," although it was un- 
derstood that his excellency Jim Smith was in it up to his eye- 
brows with his Brother-in-Law Brown, in front of him. Col. 
Bob Alston informed me definitely that Gov. Colquitt was with 
Gen. Gordon (like Bullock with Kimball), a sharer in what 
was carried on by convict leasing. When the Alston and 
Garlington fee got into the newspapers it was openly charged 
''u various newspapers that these two politicians were security 
on some notes in the bank and that the money recovered from 
Congress and allowed to Alston, went that way. Somebody 
said that Col. Alston confessed he did not have a dollar the 
week afterwards. The newspaper controversy over that "Con- 
tested Fee" was the the first thing that was known as to the 
agility and unscrupulousness of the ' ' Kirkwood Ring. ' ' — so far 
as outsiders were informed concerning pecuniary affairs in 
and around the State capitol in Atlanta. 

There was a considerable rippet about a "Direct Trade" 
organization and I have some of the published literature on 
the subject, but the author of the published charges withdrew 
them and said he was misled and so far as he could do so, he 
vindicated the reputation of Governor Colquitt in this partic- 



260 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

nlar matter. If they had been confirmed, the result would have 
been convincing as well as disastrous to the governor. 

We knew a good deal about the "Contested Fee," because 
Dr. Felton was a member of the Georgia delegation during 
the 44th Congress, and voted for the Georgia claim as did the 
others and I well recollect his stare of astonishment when 
he read of the result in Atlanta papers. I said to him: "Did 
Alston and Garlington lobby you?" "I never knew they had 
the slightest interest in the claim. This must be a fake pub- 
lication," was his reply. 

According to A. W. Reese, in the Macon Telegraph, "Bob 
Alston talked at the rate of a hundred words to the minute," 
but he did not talk the Georgia claim in our presence. He did 
appear at one time and asked Dr. Felton if he would be one 
of ten or one of twenty to contribute $200 each to relieve ' ' Gen. 
Gordon's financial strait;" at one period of his congressional 
life and when I heard of the request I could hardly hold myself 
down, but no mention of the claim of Messrs. Alston or Gar- 
lington was made known to us until it was published in At- 
lanta newspapers and then the money had been paid out to 
these lobbyists. It did not take me long to understand that 
somebody's friends were on the make in Georgia's State capitol. 
Various evidences were given that Gov. Smith had been easy 
with his partisans in the same way, although he made furious 
outcry over the signing of Northeastern Railway bonds when 
he testified before Gov. Colquitt's whitewashing committee 
on the subject. I have some newspaper defenses of Gov. Col- 
quitt in my scrapbook, one notable one which appeared in the 
Monroe Advertiser, in which it is boldly stated that '"The par- 
ties paying Mr, Murphy to assist in procuring their rights have 
done no more than hundreds of other people have done." It 
was, however, heretofore done in secret and being secretly done 
it escaped the attention of the plain common people, but it 
suddenly appeared that the easy way to procure prompt guber- 
natorial action was to employ some pimp or State house clerk 
or some lawyers without clients and the thing was done. 

The Atlanta Constitution boldly stated that Bullock was paid 
$5,000 by Grant and Alexander to secure a convict lease. Hugh 
Haralson said in my presence that "Renfro paid $2,000 for 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 261 

> 

two State offices under Colquitt" and that he would have been 
provided for if he "had done what Colquitt wanted him to 
do." I published Haralson's complaint thirty-odd years ago, 
and nobody felt called upon to deny it. It appeared in the 
Cartersville Free Press where I had access to the columns. 
The Alston and Garlington fee, and the Murphy fee were iden- 
tically the same sort of things save in dramatis persona. From 
all that could be gathered in and out of Atlanta, it was a sys- 
tem organized and carried on for public plunder. Men of very 
common character made big fortunes. Shifty lawyers were 
paid large fees out of all proportion to the services rendered 
and some of the men who were notorious in various ways still 
had influence sufficient to be elevated into some of the best 
paying federal positions in Georgia. It speaks loudly for the 
cowardice of the honest men of that time that they did not 
unite and in mass meeting assembled relate these things and 
lead a revolt! 

For the sake of the young men of Georgia, who know but 
little of the history of their own State since the war, I will 
explain the "Big Claim," which was pushed through at the 
last hour of the final session of the forty-fourth congress. I 
get my facts from the Atlanta Constitution, which were printed 
immediately after the claim went through. Bullock employed 
Baugh and Garlington to prosecute the claim. After Gordon 
was elected to the senate. Governor Smith gave the weight 
of his administration to it and the bill Avas sent to Gordon. In 
the meantime Colonel Alston got in — as he usually did — with 
General Gordon, and the three attorneys pressed the claim 
upon General Burnside, the chairman of the claims committee. 
The claim consisted of two leading items^first, for $100,000 
worth of old railroad iron, and, second, for certain rolling 
stock, locomotives, etc., claimed as belonging to Georgia's 
State railroad. Tennessee had settled in a similar way and 
the resolution asked that Georgia might get pay also. In all, 
the bill called for $200,000. 

Now I will allow Governor Brown, who knew all about the 
business, to give you the facts — and the governor's letter ap- 
peared in the Atlanta Constitution on April 15, 1877. He was 



262 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

replying to an article signed "Truth," one of General Gor- 
don's superserviceable scribes. Said he: 

"Those who know Alston's standing cannot account for his 
positive control over Gordon. 'Truth' brings in the $200,000, 
which Gordon has about obtained from the United States for 
Georgia. A dispatch published in your paper says 'Alston, as 
a lobbyist, engineered that bill through in a day or two. It 
was put down as a remarkable feat, that he went on and took 
charge of it, in a few hours carried it through one house — 
carried it right over, passed it through the senate, sent it to 
the president, who signed it in a very brief period. Now tell 
us the truth, really. Who put it through congress? Was it 
Alston, or was it Gordon? You seem to give all the credit to 
Gordon. Is the feat due to him? Now, Mr. Truth, will you 
please tell us where Senator Norwood, Ben Hill, Candler, Dr. 
Felton and the other six Georgia representatives were ? What 
were they doing when Gordon put this measure through Con- 
gress ? 

"It is reported that Alston and other lobbyists and certain 
attorneys are to have 25 per cent, of that money. In other 
words, they are to 'relieve our tax-payers' of $50,000 of it, 
for their services in the matter. If Gordon did it, upon what 
ground can the governor be justified in paying over the peo- 
ple's money to certain parties be justified? If Gordon did it, 
the lobbyists didn't do it. Tell us the whole truth about it. 
What horn of the dilemma do you rest upon — the Alston horn 
or the Gordon horn? As Mr. Truth has thought proper to 
adopt his present line and to bring General Gordon before the 
country in the usual puffing style of his flatterers ; I may feel 
it my duty to have more regard to candor than to flattery." 
Immediately there appeared in the Constitution a letter asking 
the following questions: "From your valuable paper we learn 
that a fee of some $30,000 to $50,000 has been paid to some 
worthy citizens for recovering a claim for the State Road, 
amounting to $190,000. The street rumor is that this fee or 
the greater part has been paid — and not on a warrant. Why 
pay out $50,000 to parties to perform this duty if our con- 
gressional representatives are efficient?" 

The answer was: "We understand that Governor Colquitt 
has paid $30,000 in fees to Colonel Alston and General Gar- 
lington. It was paid on a contract on file in the executive 
office. If the fees were paid without a warrant, we presume it 
was paid because they were paid out of the original sum — 
and then the net amount was covered into the treasury. ' ' 



1 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 263 

That was the way the story went. It was also stated that 
Gov. Colquitt hurried to Washington to get t he check and he 
paid it before anybody but himself, Gordon and the lobbyists 
knew anything about it in Georgia. Then he turned over the 
remainder to Treasurer Renfro, who never saw the govern- 
ment 's check at all. It was not expected that the public should 
know anything of the particulars, but they came out by reason 
of Governor Brown's insistence. 

Governor Smith thereupon appeared in print— to justify 
himself in regard to his executive conduct in regard to the 
contract, and it also came out that Chief Justice Jackson had 
some chat with Governor Colquitt about giving part of the 
blame to his predecessor. Smith; and Jackson wrote an article 
in which he declared that he visited Colquitt in his office ''the 
very day the money was ordered to be paid." Colquitt was 
determined on his course, for he so told me in course of his 
conversation. I felt anxious that he should make no mistake, 
as his enemies would take advantage of it, etc. I then asked : 
"Are you sure you are well grounded in what you are doing, 
etc., and what does Governor Smith say about it?" 

(Signed) JAMES JACKSON. 

More of this affair will appear in connection with the sign- 
ing of the North Eastern Railroad bonds, but it is entirely 
proper for me to state in this connection that Governor Col- 
quitt then and there earned the title and wore it continually 
affixed to his name, namely, "Weak Governor Colquitt." 

It is patent that there would have been no paying of this 
claim money to these lobbyists if it had been supposed that a 
legislative review of the case would have ended in approval. 
It is also patent that Alston was as close to General Gordon 
as "Wes" Murphy to Colquitt. They were on the make, and 
knew how to make it. The Constitution probed into the mat- 
ter very thoroughly, and reported thusly: "Col. J. W. War- 
ren, the governor's private secretary, confirmed what the 
treasurer had said, namely, that Col. R. A. Alston and Gen. A. 
C. Garlington each received $15,000 — and still another person 
was to be paid the same amount and he will also receive 
$15,000, and Mr. Warren said: "The money was paid out of 
the check collected by the governor, which check had not been 



264 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

turned over formally to the state. Col. Henry R. Jackson was 
interested likewise and Colonel Baugh had made some sort of 
a contract with Colonel Fain, of Gordon county." To travel 
through the dreary waste of oiScial jobbery in Georgia, any 
well-informed observer will be amazed to see how often the 
names of the same people do turn up in the managing politics 
of the so-called Kirkwood Ring. 

Governor Colquitt, while making his last race for governor, 
broke up the State Convention and concluded his can- 
didacy by running independent against ex-Senator Norwood. 
Although the negroes went for him solidly under the direction 
of hired negro preachers, still his friends were whooping and 
yelling against The Independent — Felton. The governor knew 
he was unwelcome to the genuine Democrats of the state, in 
that canvass, but he determined to get his pay, so to speak, 
for giving the senatorship to Gov. Joe Brown. 

Gen. A. R. Lawton, of Savannah, made a speech at Market 
Hill, in Augusta, in which he said : 

"There was one man and one man only during the conven- 
tion who by one word could have brought peace to that con- 
vention. That man was Alfred H. Colquitt. Did he do it? 
Not at all. If he had done so, the people would have said, 
'Well, Mr. Colquitt may have done something wrong, but in- 
deed he has a patriotic heart, and let us cast the veil of oblivion 
over his mistakes. ' But did he do it ? No. Whatever he may 
. be in private life, and I make no charges, but A. H. Colquitt 
either wasn't a patriot at the time or he didn't have enougli 
intelligence to understand a patriot's duty. 

"In 1877 the Constitutional Convention declared that a man 
who had been governor four years should not be governor 
again until he has been out four years. The reason of that was 
that they might have the right to investigate all the acts of the 
administration. The people of Georgia had served a rule ni si 
upon A. H. Colquitt to show cause why he should again be 
elected. What was it that prevented the nomination of U. S. 
Grant, but the precedents against the third term? There was 
nothing in the Constitution to prevent it, but the precedents 
were against the third term. The rule had never been violated 
but once in Georgia, and that by a man now in Atlanta wield- 
ing a magician's wand in favor of A. H. Colquitt. 

"Some in the Constitutional Convention were in favor of 
making the term two years apply at that time to the then Gov- 
ernor Colquitt. Was it true that no scandals had arisen during 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 265 

the administration of Colquitt? Is it true that no impeach- 
ment of officers were necessary? Was it true that his services 
were so valuable the people of Georgia couldn't do without 
them? Is it true, in order to defend himself, he had been ob- 
liged to make charges against that venerable man who had 
been chief justice, whose ermine was never smirched but who 
had protected the judiciary in the most troublous times? An 
ardent supporter of the governor in the capitol at Atlanta 
probably in the hearing of the governor, this orator said: 
'Joseph E. Brown was the greatest man Georgia ever made,' 
and went on to praise him lavishly. He supposed this was 
acceptable to the governor, who, in a few days, transferred 
him from the stump to the supreme bench. The governor's 
organ said nineteen respectable lawyers had applied for the 
place. He wanted them to understand he was not one of them. 
He had never applied for any office under Colquitt or anybody 
else. The organ said it would have embarrassed the governor 
to have appointed any one of these, so he appointed Judge 
Hawkins. That appointment of Joe Brown that Hawkins gave 
him such credit for, was that a good one? Did he appoint a 
man so well known that the people of Georgia repudiated 
him?" 

What did General Gordon say — was Governor Colquitt's rea- 
son for appointing Gov. Brown. In the Atlanta Opera House, 
June 4th, 1880, he thus delivered himself: "What did Gov. 
Colquitt see to guide him to a conclusion which his enemies 
now seek to use to his detriment ? He saw the strongest Demo- 
cratic districts in the State lost to the Democratic party. He 
saw in a third the same fate seriously threatened. He saw 
in a fourth Hammond, able and eloquent, elected after a most 
laborious struggle. He saw the party upon whose supremacy 
seems to depend all that is valuable to us as a people appar- 
ently on the verge of dissolution. He saw the friends and life- 
long followers of Gov. Brown among the hardy yeomany of 
the mountains dissatisfied and ready to break with the organi- 
zation and he felt that he might thus recall them to their allegi- 
ance, etc." There are others still to speak in these pages, but 
if there was ever a greater mess of "rot" put forth to deceive 
the people of Georgia this scribe has never seen it. The people 
in the hills — the yeomany — were Republicans then, they are 
Republicans today. They followed Brown as a Republican — 
they forsook him as a Democrat. Hammond's election over 
Reuben Arnold was, as I was told, a clean cut count out, except 



266 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

in Pulton county, where Arnold won with hands down in spite 
of the convict ring triumvirate. 

When Garfield was running for president the same year he 
sketched out a plan for his campaign dated August 30, 1880, 
in which he laid great stress on the necessity for making In- 
diana the battle ground. Dorsey furnished some extracts from 
the plan. Garfield said "All the plans require the employ- 
ment of men and much money. The work has been started and 
must be pushed to success." It was "much money" in Indiana 
and it was ' ' much money ' ' in Georgia. Gov. Brown had ' ' much 
money" and he was ready to "shell down the corn" to be 
elected to the Senate and "much money" will state the con- 
dition and explain the situation and nothing else will do it. 
For a great many years I have been satisfied that the Pacific 
railroads were after Southern Congressmen. There was no 
stint of Pacific lobby money, and I had a hint that Mr. Grady, 
who was as poor as a church mouse a few years previously was 
able to buy one-fourth interest in the Atlanta Constitution at 
one snap, about the time that the se9,t in the Senate was va- 
cated and filled between dark and daylight. He was publicly 
charged with getting the money out of Victor Newcomb, but 
he appeared over his own signature in a card relieving Mr. 
Newcomb of the onus. Mr. Cyrus Field was questioned and 
whimsically repudiated it, but Mr. Huntington, who bought 
legislatures and newspapers, elected Congressmen at home and 
placed Senators on his committees in the United States Senate 
with daring effrontery, had any amount of money to hand over 
for what he wanted to buy. I'll wager a good d^al if it was 
necessary to do so that Huntington's "man" and Huntington's 
money cut a wide swath in Georgia politics in 1880, and if 
Pacific railroad bribe money was powerful in Washington 
City, it was not weak or unstinted in ring-ridden Georgia! 
And in the fog of explanations and the multiplicity of reasons 
given by Gen. Gordon for handing over to Senator Brown the 
seat in the Senate there is no one reason, no one arrangement 
which will fit in and dovetail so cleverly as that unknown 
"friend on the Pacific" whose name was not given. 

I desire that Gov. James Milton Smith shall say a few words 
at this time. He "quit speaking" to both Colquitt and Gor 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 267 

don when they failed to aid him in his race for the Senate 
in January, 1877, but he spoke out in public after Gov. Brown 
was planted in the coveted position in 1880. His speech was 
delivered in the Columbus Opera House, and he was introduced 
by Col. Blandford and the house was full and crowded. He 
said: 

''The people of the South have looked to the Democratic 
party for honest government. With a divided party it is im- 
possible this high mission shall be performed. Who was to 
blame for the failure to nominate a candidate in the late con- 
vention? It is the duty of the people to discuss this question 
thoroughly and settle it fa:rly. Either Colquitt of the so- 
called majority, or Norwood of the minority is to blame. 
Those who are to blame should be unconditionally retired to 
private life by the action of the people. To answer this ques- 
tion, I must call your attention to some of the official acts of 
Governor Colquitt. The people of Georgia can not soon forget 
the startling effect produced upon the public by the announce- 
ment that General Gordon had resigned his seat in the United 
States Senate. All the circumstances attending this act were 
calculated to excite curiosity and provoke inquiry in the public 
mind as to the cause for it. It lacked but a few days of the 
expiration of Congress. * * * j^ should be borne in mind 
that the office which General Gordon held belonged to the 
people of Georgia. He was not a trustee therein for the 
benefit of his State and people. The same remarks apply with 
equal force to the conduct of Governor Colquitt. He is to 
exercise his powers as chief magistrate for the people, not 
for himself. How did General Gordon and Governor Colquitt 
meet the public inquiry in reference to the matter referred 
to ? Did General Gordon say in response to inquiries, simply 
and kindly to the people of Georgia, that his circumstances 
were such that he could no longer serve them in the high 
position of United States Senator? Did he inform them that 
it was after having sought a re-election to that high office and 
when his family expense was as great as at the time of his 
resignation, he suddenly found it necessary to retire from the 
position? The people had a right to know why it was he so 
suddenly resigned and clandestinely. It became the duty of 
Governor Colquitt to name his successor. Did he make a 
single inquiry of any human being, except General Gordon and 
Jiis appointee, as to whom he should elevate to the honor of 
a seat in the United States Senate? But Governor Colquitt 
asked no questions ; at once he fixed upon J. E. Brown to 
receive the appointment. 

It is the right of this people to know why Governor Colquitt 



268 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

condoned the political sins and iniquities of J. E. Brown. It 
is their right to know why General Gordon, who had been 
denounced in the public prints by Joseph E. Brown as a traitor 
to his party and section, should resign to make room in the 
councils of the nation for his former enemy and traducer. It 
was the right of the people to know all these things and their 
servants had no right to object thereto. 

But how did these servants, especially Governor Colquitt 
and General Gordon conduct themselves? Immediately Gov- 
ernor Colquitt begun to make speeches to the people of the 
State, as he said, to vindicate himself. Commencing at the 
capitol, he went from county to county announcing himself as 
a victim of religious persecution, that he was a Christian, that 
he had preached to the colored people of the State, and for 
such religious acts he had been cast out as evil, that religion 
was assailed in his person. He asserted that he was being per- 
secuted for Christ's sake, and he called upon all religious 
people in the State to rally to the maintenance of pure religion 
against infidelity. He and his friend, General Gordon, rode 
forth like Castor and Pollux, animated by one purpose and 
aiming at one object. The governor was to be vindicated from 
the assaults of infidels and sceptics by re-election to office. In 
vain it was that the people who were amazed at the conduct 
of these gentlemen demanded to know who had condemned 
him because he was a Sunday-school man, or who denounced 
him because, in the eloquent diction of General Gordon: "He 
had floated the banner of the King of kings!" It is unneces- 
sary to say the questions were not answered. They professed 
to be deeply indignant that they should be questioned. "Why 
should Colquitt be questioned?" says Gordon. "Is he not the 
hero of Olustee ! Colquitt is persecuted because he floated 
the banner of the King of kings." Did you not know. Gen- 
eral Gordon, when you resigned that Brown was to b^ your 
successor? "I will answer no such questions," responds the 
general. "Governor Colquitt wants no support from people 
who ask such a question," and "Was I not at Appomattox" 
"Do I not say that Governor Colquitt should be re-elected, 
and does he not float the banner of the King of kings?" 

And thus they went over the State appealing to the people 
in thrilling terms to elect Governor Colquitt. * * * in truth 
it may be said that the crusade preached by Gordon and Col- 
quitt against the infidels met with no opposition whatever. 
* * * Today Governor Colquitt stands before the world as 
a disorganizer and a disrupter of the party, which four short 
years ago honored him for his present high position by a 
majority of 80,000 votes. 

I am- governed by no ill will to the governor. Most of the 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 269 

facts I will refer to are written and speak for themselves. His 
religion shall be as sacred to me as it is to him. I do him no 
dishonor concerning his Sabbath-schools. The facts I refer 
to shall be his official acts only. I shall refer first to the Alston 
fee case. Shortly after Governor Colquitt came into office the 
Garlington paper (the contract with Baugli & Garlington) was 
found in a heap of waste paper and Colonel Alston, in an 
affidavit on file in the executive office, swore that he himself 
filed it. I now state here before you that the indorsement on 
the Baugh letter of attorney and the unsigned and unread 
Garlington memorandum were the only evidence outside the 
statements of Messrs. Alston and Garlington themselves that 
any agreement had ever been made with them that the 12^2 
per cent, agreed to be paid by Bullock could possibly be in- 
creased to 25 per cent. I here state positively that when I 
left the office of governor of the State I did not know that 
Alston or Garlington pretended they were to have as much as 
25 per cent, of the amount of the claim collected. The case 
never went to the court of claims, and a statement made here 
in this house by an advocate of Colquitt that increased ex- 
penses were incurred in the court of claims is a mistake. Con- 
gress appropriated $198,000 on the claim referred to, Governor 
Colquitt considered the matter of sufficient importance to 
warrant the executive in leaving the capitol in Atlanta and 
traveling to Washington in person to secure the money. The 
amount was paid to him on a draft on the assistant treasurer 
in New York. The governor brought the draft to Atlanta and 
turned it over to John W. Renfroe, State Treasurer, who sent 
it to New York and through the Fourth National Bank of that 
city the then special agent of the State Treasury received the 
money, every dollar of which was, through that bank, paid 
out on the bonds and coupons of the State. I say now to you 
here, not one cent of the proceeds of that draft referred to 
ever went to the hands of Alston, Garlington or any other 
agent who collected, or pretended to collect, the claim. But 
you ask how that Alston-Garlington fee was paid? It was 
paid, fellow-citizens, with money taken by the governor, no 
cent of which formed any part of the proceeds of the draft 
referred to. Those proceeds were used in New York. Alston 
& Company were paid with money taken out of the treasury 
in Atlanta. But, you will ask, how the accounts in the treasury 
were made to balance? It was done by skilful bookkeeping, 
an art held by Governor Brown in former days to be highly 
reprehensible. Some time after the draft referred to -was sent 
to New York, the treasurer was charged upon the books of 
the comptroller general with the amount of the same, less 
the sum handed over to the governor for the fees. So you; 



270 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

will perceive by this adroit process the treasurer is made 
chargeable with only $152,000, and odd hundred dollars, the 
proceeds of the draft, whereas in truth he had received $198,- 
035 as such proceeds of such draft. If you will turn to the 
Constitution of 1868 (and the same provision is in our present 
Constitution), you will find that money can not be drawn from 
the treasury except by an appropriation by law. * * * 
(Governor Brown made a fauxpas when he was first elected 
governor before the war, when he ridiculed the banks for 
"balancing books.") It is not pretended that the amount of 
these fees had been appropriated by law. You will under- 
stand that the governor, in his official oath, swore in effect that 
he would abide by and perform the provisions of the Con- 
stitution. Did he observe the Constitution when he paid the 
amount of the Alston fee without an appropriation ? 

You remember the circumstances where General Toombs ad- 
vanced $25,000 to pay the expenses of the Constitutional Con- 
vention of 1877. It was published far and wide that the gov- 
ernor could not pay any money out of the treasury, except by 
appropriation of law. When the attention of the convention 
was called to it ("the governor's ultimatum") General Toombs 
rose in his place and said he would defray the expenses and 
trust the old Commonwealth of Georgia to refund the money. 
Nevertheless that bill was paid by the governor without any 
appropriation by law. About the 20th day of December, 1877, 
the governor put his hand in the treasury and drew out and 
paid over $21,000 of the bonds issued to meet the convention's 
expense. At that time the governor was under the necessity 
of borrowing over $150,000 to meet the wants of the govern- 
ment. He in effect borrowed the money, according to the 
records, to stop interest on the convention's bond. 

I will pass from this subject and this class of cases to remark 
that a gentleman in Atlanta informed me the other day that 
there was fully a half peck of such cases furnished from the 
comptroller's record. I now come to the signing of the North- 
eastern Railway bonds. Application was made to Governor 
Colquitt's predecessor (Smith himself) for this indorsement 
some time before the expiration of his term of office. He 
referred the question to Attorney-General Hammond, who said 
the company was not entitled under the law to such indorse- 
ment. The refusal to grant State aid was not recorded on the 
minutes, as the matter was turned over to Govenor Colquitt 
a few days before his (Smith's) term expired. For more than 
twelve months after Governor Colquitt came into office he 
failed and refused to indorse these bonds. The matter was 
referred to the finance commmittee of the legislature in 1877 
and the newspapers said at the time that the committee 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 271 

reported uninimously against the indorsement of the bonds. 
It was stated on the streets that Major Ely, Colquitt's own 
attorney general was opposed to the indorsement. Attorney- 
General Hammond's adverse opinion is now on file in the 
executive office. The fundamental law, which the governor 
was sworn to obey, took away from the governor and from 
every other official the power to pledge the credit of the State 
in all such cases. Nevertheless the governor, in the face of 
this provision of the Constitution, made this pledge. He swore 
to obey the Constitution, yet he made this pledge. The next 
matter to which I call attention is the wild land troubles which 
led to the impeachment and conviction of Comptroller General 
Goldsmith. I here state that the reports of Comptroller Gen- 
eral Goldsmith fully pointed out to the governor all the dif- 
ficulties which environed the subject of taxation of wild lands 
in the State of Georgia. No person can read the report of this 
unfortunate official, made to the governor in the early part of 
1878, without feeling that it was his purpose to be honest. 
He not only pointed out the difficulties attending this wild 
land subject, but he took pains to explain these difficulties. 
The report placed the governor in possession of all the in- 
formation needed to enable him to secure justice to the tax- 
payers of the State. The facts therein developed show that 
it was impossible under the then existing laws to collect the 
taxes without doing great wrong to the honest people of 
Georgia. In this connection it is proper to state that the col- 
lection of such taxes had been suspended in the administration 
of Governor Bullock and the same had not been collected in 
the administration of Governor Colquitt's predecessor (Smith 
himself, who uttered these words). Governor Colquitt was 
specially requested to suspend the collection of these taxes, a 
request he declined to entertain. Now it is true that no man 
on this earth (Goldsmith or anybody else) could have ex- 
ecuted the wild land laws, without injury to the owners of 
such property. The governor was fully advised — he knew 
these facts. Did he have the power to interpose and prevent 
the wrong? If you will turn to Section 75 of the Code of 
Georgia you will find the governor is invested with the power 
to suspend collection of taxes or any portion of them until 
the next meeting of the general assembly. If Governor Col- 
quitt had exercised the power given by law and suspended the 
collection of taxation on wild lands until the meeting of the 
general assembly, would he not have saved the State of Georgia 
and his own administration from the terrible disgrace which 
fell upon them by the trial and conviction of poor Goldsmith? 
If the governor had done his duty, would Goldsmith have been 
convicted? (Cries of no all over the House). Why? Because 



272 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Goldsmith would never have been tried and the people of 
Georgia would have been spared the blush of sharfie which 
tinges their cheeks wherever this case is mentioned." Gov- 
ernor Smith then attacks Governor Colquitt's management of 
the penitentiary system, and says : "If the governor had been 
as careful to make visitations to the different prison camps in 
Georgia as he has been to attend the Sunday-school interest 
in New York and elsewhere, how many a pang of suffering 
might have been spared to the poor convicts of this State, both 
white and colored. Fellow-citizens, we want men who will do 
their duty, who will do it because it is duty. 

He says himself he has preached to the colored people of 
the State, but did the governor ever think it worth while to 
preach to a camp of convicts in Georgia? Thousands of holy 
men have enlisted to teach Sunday-schools, but who has felt 
himself commissioned to visit the camps of these unfortunates 
or teach them the way of salvation? Has our governor ever 
done it? If so, when and where? If these have been abuses 
under the present system it has been his fault. The law gave 
him power to acquire any information he might desire. Have 
they been inhumanly treated, their moral condition neglected, 
suffered for medical attention, proper food and clothing? I 
charge here tonight that it is the fault of Governor Colquitt 
if these things are true. It was my purpose to refer to the 
Macon and Brunswick Railroad and his mistake in the sale, 
also his action in the Marietta and North Georgia Railroad, 
but the lateness of the hour forbids. In these and many other 
acts the governor has blundered profoundly. He has been 
very weak throughout his entire administration. The con- 
sequences, fellow-citizens, are the same to you, whether by 
corruption or incompetency. These should teach the same 
lesson to the people." 

Before I introduce Senator Hill, in his denunciation of Gov. 
Colquitt, it is well to say that Gov. Colquitt's administration 
put its hand under and over J. W. Renfro, who made confes- 
sion of his own guilt in using the money of the State illegally 
to obtain a percentage from the banks and thus used the State's 
money, and Gov. Brown's hand was over and under J. W. 
Nelms, the principal keeper of the penitentiary who misused 
his own authority over the State's convicts to provide better 
convicts to his bosses and to pinch the lesses he was not favor- 
able to, but poor Col. Goldsmith was condemned by the very 
same legislators who pronounced both Renfro and Nelms 
' ' whiter than snow. ' ' It was a time of humiliation and public 



II 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 273 

shame in Georgia and the condemnation of Goldsmith will ever 
remain a blur and disgrace upon the men who conducted the 
State's business under Colquitt's regime! 

While the canvass was on in 1880, J. W. Renfroe sent a 
challenge to Gen. W. Tatum "Wofford, who lived three or four 
miles from our house. Wofford, who had been a member of 
the Constitutional Convention in 1877, was reported as saying 
things in a speech delivered in LaGrange, Ga., in the following 
words: "He (Wofford) called Renfroe a rogue and said that 
he would refuse his hand on the street for it was covered with 
crime." Ex-Governor J. M. Smith carried Renfroe 's chal- 
lenge to Wofford. Wofford refused to accept it at the hands 
of James Milton Smith, so it was handed over to Capt. Henry- 
Jackson. Then Jos. E. Brown (running for Senator) and Lo- 
gan E. Bleckly (Gen. Gordon's brother-in-law) with Col. P. 
L. Mynatt, united to calm down the "raging sea." It will 
be clearly seen that a number of people had their hands over 
and under the treasurer who plead guilty and was acquitted 
by a set of men in the Senate who took orders and obeyed 
without question the great triumvirate — Brown, Gordon and 
Colquitt. 

In the year 1882, commenting on the Georgia election in 
1880 when Gov. Colquitt was elected over Norwood, I found the 
following in the Washington Post: 

"There is no colored majority in Georgia. On the contrary, 
the white men have a majority of at least 20,000. As for 
their being Republican, it is known everywhere outside of 
New York that at the gubernatorial election of 1880, nine- 
tenths of the colored voters supported Governor Colquitt 
against Norwood." 

I was not surprised next day to see the National Republican, 
published in Washington City, say editorially : 

"It is known everywhere outside the editorial room of The 
Post that the colored voters supported Colquitt because they 
were made to believe they were voting to break up the Bour- 
hon Democracy. He was not the regular Democrat. The 
Democratic State Convention broke up without making any 
nomination. Colquitt and Norwood both announced as can- 
didates. Each wing had a committee. Each claimed to be 
Democratic and each could claim to be independent. Mr. 
Norwood's hostility to the negro had been most pronounced 
and public. By reason of this fact, Colquitt naturally became 



274 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

more particularly the negro's candidate. In this he was as- 
sisted by that excellent man, Joseph Brown, who, having 
been a Radical at one time, understood the business. Nor- 
wood received the great majority of the Democratic vote, 
while the minority, acting with the negroes like good and true 
scalawags, carried the State for Colquitt. It was an anti- 
Bourbon triumph as far as appearances went. The speech of 
Joe Brown before his election to the senate could not have 
been excelled by its negroism, or the defiant tone of its seala- 
wagism. It was only when he opened his batteries on Mahone 
and the Virginia Independents for having made a campaign 
similar to that of Colquitt and himself, that the Georgia 
negroes found out they had been sold. We thank The Post 
for its candid admission that nine-tenths of the colored voters 
supported Colquitt as against Norwood. We hope that when 
next they give one man the executive chair of the State and 
another a seat in the United States senate, they will bestow 
them upon friends." 

It is an old saying: "Go from home to hear the news." 

It would be amusing, if not tragic, to repeat again in thJs 
connection Senator Ben Bill's tirades against Dr. Felton just 
before these two Washington city papers thus delivered them- 
selves after the senator was captured by Brown and Colquitt 
and coaxed along to attack the men in Georgia who had issued 
a declaration of purer political principles to save themselves 
from negro domination. But it would add nothing to the force 
of Governor Smith's denunciation or of General Lawton's 
calm and deliberate arraignment of Governor Colquitt's 
administration to show to the public that these leaders 
of negroes in Georgia were forcing into the arena a pur- 
blind man then almost dying with cancer to do something 
which neither undertook to do — namely, attack Dr. Felton in 
print. With a sagacity which was admirable for its judgment, 
neither one of these worthies ever set down in cold type what 
they talked so briskly on backstairs and in secret conclaves. 
I sometimes wish Dr. Felton had enjoyed the opportunity. In 
such an event this book would have had some interesting politi- 
cal data. 

Senator Hill talked freely about the signing of Northeastern 
Railroad bonds. Mr. William Goodnow, one of the directors 
of the Rolling Mill, who furnished unpaid-for iron to the rail- 
road, wrote to Mr. Hill directed to the United States Senate 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 275 

a latter marked strictly private, in which he informed Mr. 
Hill that "they only procured the bonds by paying a large 
amount of money to parties so near the executive that I can 
not believe the negotiations were unknown to him (the gover- 
nor). Is it not mortifying to know that such things could be 
done, even while the trial of Bullock was pending? * * * 
But I can not put upon paper what I will tell you when we 
meet. By far more than we made on the iron it has cost us to 
get our pay, to say nothing of the serious loss we have incurred 
to our credit by withholding the signature until we were in 
the condition of drowning men ready for relief at almost any 
piece. Let not one word of this escape to anyone, until you 
see me. Respectfully, William Goodnow. " Mr. Hill made 
oath before a legislative comittee saying he did not "believe 
a word of it. ' ' But a letter written to him by the 
governor made him believe a good deal. As soon as Mr. Hill 
reached Atlanta he went directly to Mr. Goodnow 's house and 
"he told me Morrill was the chief negotiator. Goodnow sent 
for Morrill and as they lived in adjoining lots, Morrill soon 
got there. ' ' I said to him : ' ' Tell me the facts exactly as they 
occurred." He said that some time in the fall about the last 
of September or first of Ooctober, West Murphy, in the treas- 
urer's office, came to him and told him he could get the in 
dorsement on these bonds very quick — ^that nobody else could 
and that i:^ we would pay him $15,000 he would get the in- 
dorsement. Mr. Childs, of Athens, was communicated with 
and he refused to have anything to do with such a matter. 
Morrill declined, too. Then the matter dropped some time. 
He said Murphy kept coming and insisted he could get it and 
nobody else could. Finally Murphy dropped to $10,000. 
Finally Murphy put on so much pressure that Morrill said: 
"Meet me at my house at 4 o'clock Sunday afternoon." Mur- 
phy came as appointed. Morrill spoke of his reluctance and 
said it was "d — d hard" or a "hell of a case" that people 
couldn't get their rights without paying for them. He offered 
Murphy $5,000, but at last $8,000 was settled upon. Murphy 
says to him: "Morrill, I know just what you are thinking, 
that I have found out the governor is going to indorse these 
bonds and I will run up and get it. ' ' He also said : "It is not so. 



276 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

I know you will never get this indorsement until you pay this 
money, for the truth is there is an old man up yonder witi a 
big office and never expects to get it again. He is as poor as 
Job's turkey or a church mouse, and he is going to make all 
the money he can out of it." Then Morrill said to Murphy: 
"You get the bonds indorsed and I'll pay you the money." 
Murphy says: "Put it in writing." Morrill said: "Hell! 
Put such a thing as that in writing ? ' ' Murphy said there were 
several parties interested who must be satisfied. Something 
was said about Citizens Bank, etc. Murphy told Morrill the 
signing would take ten days, but the time was extended to 
twenty days. The agreement was made. It was the 10th day 
of January and he pledged the Citizens Bank that somebody 
will pay the $8,000. Morrill called this money ' ' swag. ' ' Mur- 
phy pressed for the money and said the "old man" was going 
off that night and couldn't wait. Morrill paid Murphy with 
a check on the Citizens Bank. Mr. Goodnow had warned Hill 
that some man in the executive office would give the indorse- 
ment for money. During the spring of 1878. Gov. Colquitt 
was in Washington. Hill had kept these matters secret, but 
he said to the governor: "Your failure to inform me or give 
me notice lost me my fee. ' ' "What did Colquitt answer ? ' ' The 
fact was they had so much money to pay somebody else, that 
they did not have it." I said: "I did not believe it, and Col- 
quitt said: "If he was in my place he would not say that." 

This testimony was given under oath and the indorsement 
had been paid for early in 1878, and the governor made this 
remark in the spring of 1878. After Mr. Hill went home in 
the summer of 1878 he took counsel with Judge Trippe and the 
latter said, "go and tell Alfred Colquitt what you know." 
On the 24th of August I went to see the governor and told him 
what Morrill said and that they had paid "West Murphy $8,000 
and had to do so, or they could not get the bonds indorsed. 
Hill did not tell Colquitt what Morrill said happened in the 
treasury when he found Murphy and Colquitt in close con- 
versation and the governor looked confused and disconcerted, 
but he did remind Colquitt of what he himself had said in 
Washington City in the spring about their being unable to 
pay Hill. Hill suggested that he should see Murphy for the 



My j\Iemoirs op Georgia Politics 277 

contract was in writing and the evidence that Murphy got 
the money is in writing, etc." Mr. Morrill showed Hill the 
writing and Hill examined it. "It was a pledge to Hoyt from 
the Citizens Bank to pay $8,000 in twenty days and in red ink 
in the corner it said: "Received $8,000 thirteen days after." 
Murphy gave the receipt for the money to the Citizens Bank. 
Judge Trippe went to Hill in great excitement and said : ' ' Milt 
Smith (Governor Smith) knows all about it." "How do you 
know?" Hill asked. "Why he told me all you told me about 
it." I went to see the governor on September 10, 1878. I 
asked: "Have you seen Murphy?" "Yes, and he says there 
is nothing in it." "He says he got the money, but my name 
was not mentioned. ' ' I said : ' ' Send for Murphy and Morrill 
and have us face to face, and bring out the facts." But he 
answered: "Do you see, Murphy." Hill told him about Gov. 
Smith knowing it and that Hugh Haralson was talking about 
it in Washington City and said Smith was going to bring it 
out. Hill said : ' ' This thing is between you and Murphy. He 
has committed a crime against you as governor and a crime 
against the people of Georgia and it is your duty to protect 
yourself and your office." What did Colquitt say to Hill? 
Listen : "It will do no good to have Murphy return this money 
to the company, it would be thought that it was a confession 
that it was wrong to receive the money." Then Hill said. 
"You shouldn't allow a subordinate in the executive office to 
take such fees, that wouldn't do" and Colquitt replied he 
"thought it did not matter." Remember this is the testimony 
of Senator Hill given under oath before a committee of the 
Georgia legislature and do not forget that this scandal had 
been secretly brewing nearly or quite a year and Hugh Haral- 
son, Gen. Gordon's brother-in-law, was telling of it all over 
Washington City and Gov. J. Milton Smith knew all about it 
and yet the governor was as innocent as a lamb that his in- 
fluence had been sold for $8,000 cash in his own office and 
under his own nose ! 

TpII it. to the marines! It will not do to try to reconcile the 
facts with the verdict of that committee of politicians ! I pre- 
served every word of the testimony — it is before me today — 
and granting that Morrill could tell two stories concerning 



278 My ]\Iemoirs op Georgia Politics 

the same conversation "for a dog that will fetch a bone can 
carry a bone;" the conviction is irresistible that the gover- 
nor's office w^as a rare, fine place to make money in this dubious 
way! The scapegoat was poor, Mr. Goodnow! Just like Gold- 
smith was sacrificed to appease the thirst for gore, poor Good- 
now was scourged and pilloried for telling the truth! 

While this scrimmage was going on in Atlanta, Dr. Felton 
was having a hot and heavy canvass in the seventh district, 
which ended the first Tuesday in November and in which lobby 
fees played an important part ; and this committee of investiga- 
tion met in Atlanta on November 9, 1878. If Gen. Gordon re- 
signed the seat in the Senate to restore the strongholds of 
Democracy to the State of Georgia it was more than convincing 
that the Democratic party had a load to bear with Gov. Col- 
quitt's administration that was heavy, degrading and mal- 
oderous! The majority report could not find that the governor 
had anything to do with the J\Iurphy fee, although he said 
Murphy told him he was interested, etc., but the report closed 
with a direction to the legislature, preventing ''any officer of 
the State, or any person holding office by authority of the 
State from accepting a fee, or being employed before the gov- 
ernor in any matter or claim that the governor is required to 
pass upon," a significant statement when carefully analyzed 
because it would seem to imply that weak governors made 
themselves helpless before such men as Murphy. The minority 
report was a little more to the point, and said "the testimony 
in this case discloses one evil too great to be passed over with- 
out notice or condemnation at our hands. Nor can it be said 
that this abuse is not a proper subject for our animadversion 
since out of its evil operation the occasion for this inquiry 
arose." The minority also called upon the legislature to pro- 
tect weak governors from their own incapacity to carry on 
the business of the State. 

The Alston fee was also known to the governor and those 
attorneys did their w^ork before the governor (if they had in- 
fluence anywhere) who was in rapid haste to see them paid for 
their services. Mr. Hill's indictment had a serious flaw in it 
because he and Murphy were operating before the governor 
to secure the identical indorsement that Murphy had power 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 279 

to easily accomplish. It chagrined Mr. Hill intensely to know 
that Gov. Colquitt considered West Murphy a better lawyer 
than himself. His address to the people of Georgia on this 
subject indicates great ability to state his own case, but the 
weak place, the link in the chain that made the whole thing 
useless, was his own desire and inclination to make the gover- 
nor do for him what West Murphy really could do — namely, 
controvert the law and override the inhibition which the Con- 
stitution of the State had made imperative in withholding 
State aid from Georgia railroads. 

The Senator prepared an elegant piece of writing. It reads 
well even today, but the fact remains he was after a fee, and 
was angry because the governor's little man got it! If Mr. 
Hill had been secured in his fee, after he had influenced Gov. 
Colquitt, we would have heard nothing from him further, and 
although the majority report with assinine subserviency de- 
clared Mr. Murphy "not guilty of any illegal conduct or cor- 
rupt practices," and the minority report only talked about 
Murphy's practice as an "evil" — I hazard nothing when I 
say that after thirty-two years have come and gone the whole 
thing is still notorious and everybody concerned is besmirched 
more or less from the biggest to the least of them. If Georgia 
had not been dominated by the convict lease, in which West 
Murphy was a dominant figure, we should have seen more sensi- 
ble and practical results from the investigation. It was a 
"nest of rotten eggs" and Murphy was one of the eggs and 
the lessees stood by each other in rule or ruin. Mr. Hill's clos- 
ing sentence in his notable address is good reading. "Murphy 
committed a fraud on the governor and I reported the 
fraud to the governor. Thereupon the governor treats Murphy 
as his friend and denounces me as his enemy! Murphy in- 
troduced into Democratic Georgia the first known instance of 
that form of corruption which in other States and in the fed- 
eral government has done and is doing more than all other 
forms of corruption to disgrace our politics, to impoverish hon- 
est people, to enrich official rogues and to threaten our popular 
institutions with ignominous shame, rottenness and ruin. Mur- 
phy boasts of his act and defends it, the governor excuses it, 
and I denounce it. On this issue the demand now is that IMur- 



280 My ]\Iemoirs of Georgia Politics 

phy shall be justified, the governor shall be sanctified, and I shall 
be immolated. It is pleasant now, as it has often been pleasant 
through many trying ordeals to know that the people must 
render the verdict before the rings, politicians and sensational 
mendicants can execute the sentence." Signed Benj. H. Hill, 
Washington, D. C, Jan. 7, 1879." 

As an after clap, "Mr. A. H. Cox, of LaGrange, created quite 
a sensation in the House by offering a bill, making it a criminal 
offense for any clerk or secretary to repeat what Mr. IMurphy 
has done." As soon as I saw this notice I endeavored to find 
the bill because it was Mr. A. H. Cox, chairman of the House 
committee, who brought in the report, otherwise the majority 
report, in which we find these words, "And it is the opinion of 
this committee that Mr. Murphy was not guilty of any illegal 
conduct or corrupt practices in the matter of the indorsement 
of the bonds of the Northeastern Railroad Company." Did 
Mr. Cox put his ear to the ground and hear a rumbling down 
in Troup county? Mr. Murphy frankly told the governor that 
he was being paid to bring the matter before him. The evi- 
dence before the committee shows this and the governor didn't 
deny it, and he told Mr. Hill "it didn't matter." Why did 
not Mr. Cox call for a muzzle for the governor as he said 
Murphy had done nothing illegal or corrupt? If a woman's 
judgment is good for anything in this matter, it was the convict 
lease to which Gov. Brown belonged and to which Senator Gor- 
don belonged, and to which Mr. J. W. Murphy belonged, and to 
which Senator Hill did not belong, that made the wavering 
balance turn to that side and Murphy won. Some years ago 
a case was being considered before the North Georgia Confer- 
ence that the dignitaries were afraid to investigate. They 
sat over the case for a solid week and then ignored it, but 
wound up by saying: "The North Georgia Conference was 
never nearer to God ! ' ' The Democratic party then in authority 
was disgraced by various impeachments by the Murphy fee, the 
Alston fee, and the notorious peculations and lease profits m 
the hands of the "powers that were," but the Democratic party 
stuck its head in the sand and allowed its barrenness and un- 
worthiness to expose in its rear. But the ' ' Christian governor 
racket" was never nearer to success. The executive office and 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 281 

the other departments were long suspected of being "tolling 
places" for the exaction of unjust and unauthorized fees, and 
Mr. Hill spoke truly when he said "these guilty men are num- 
erous, revengeful, active and unscrupulous. They wax fat with 
public plunder and are able to subsidize papers, hire detractors 
and buy ealuminators to do their bidding. When tolerated by 
those in power they are more dangerous than hungry wolves 
and it is easier for public men to join them than to fight them. 
"Murphy is not the only man who has used his public office 
for private gain and grown rich on a small salary. I see in 
a report to the General Assembly that State and executive 
oflEicers of the State are also lessees of the State. ' ' 

Why did not Senator Hill make it known right there and 
then that Gen. Gordon, his colleague in the Senate, was a 
lessee of convicts and West Murphy, the despised clerk, another 
lessee of convicts and thus give point to his charges? They 
were after his scalp and they got it, for he would never have 
been re-elected senator as Gov. Colquitt was booked for the 
place and did take it as soon as Mr. Hill passed on. Mr. Hill's 
great and talented oratory did not keep him from blundering. 
He said it "was easier to join the plunderers" than to fight 
them. Dr. Felton decided it was more patriotic to fight them 
than to join them. It was a difficult task to fight them, but 
I often ask myself why such men as Henry G. Turner and 
Alexander Lawton and many others did not step out from the 
ranks and fight and perish in fighting if need be in the pres- 
ence of all the political tergiversation that confronted the 
honest yeomany of the State when the State House was a ' ' toll- 
ing place" where men were forced to buy their rights? It 
may be so still, but I do not hear the echoes as they once fell 
on my startled ears in days where I was more actively engaged. 

Hon. Milton A. Candler expressed himself on the vindication 
business in forcible terms. I will copy only an extract and 
I make no criticism on his declarations, except to say he had 
the ability and he should have made sufficient outcry to have 
his friends and supporters stand up to be counted. The bugler 
is needful, but the buglers should keep as near to the front as 
possible and lead the forces to the scene of combat. 

"Since January, 1877, the people have been the neglected 



282 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

subject of this sort of administration (Colquitt went in at that 
time) coming into power upon the popular acclaim of 
"economy and reform," the people are now commanded to be 
satisfied with the inaugural promise and the frugality and 
reforms established by themselves in the convention of 1877 
under complaints of the administration and in spite of its 
opposition. 

With unblushing brassiness, sound public credit and light- 
ened taxation are claimed as the fruits of its own patriotic 
efforts in face of the fact that the records of the State fail 
in evidence of an executive recommendation or act tending 
to this result, while everywhere in convention legislature and 
courts are the reproofs of the people for dereliction of duty 
and violation of law. Much of the legislation of 1878 and 
1879 by the people's representatives was for the security of 
public money from the personal use of State officers, the pro- 
tection of the citizen from their extortion and the governor 
from the corrupting influences of his subordinates. 

To this unexampled history is added the extraordinary 
spectacle of the governor of the State everywhere, except in 
the place of official duty, haranguing the people in defense of 
his assailed administration and piteously begging vindication 
of an honest name and a good profession in the leadership of 
a political party and his retention for another gubernatorial 
term. 

Vindication is neither the duty nor the policy of political 
parties. To this work the organization has no right to put its 
members, the effort to do so tends to its disruption. No party 
is strong enough to carry an impeached administration, how- 
ever unjust the impeachment may be. In battle and in race, 
the wounded and the halt are left behind for the care of non- 
combatants and the protection of the hospital. Healing and 
strength is not for them found where truth and right struggle 
for supremacy, and honest government needs defenders. 

If the Democratic party in Georgia shall aim at nothing 
more than to give good government to the people, let charity 
do its perfect work in taking care of the weak and worn and 
put its standards in the hands of the strong, the brave and 
the honest, and it will deserve and receive the support of a 
virtuous people, will live to fight many more battles and 
rejoice in seeing justice established, prosperity protected and 
the happiness of the citizen secure. M. A. CANDLER. 

During the heat of Gov. Colquitt's campaign for vindica- 
tion. Gen. Gordon, who was canvassing the State after he 
slipped out after dark from the Senate, called a public meet- 
ing in Decatur, Ga., where Col. Candler lived and then and 



]My jMemoirs op Georgia Politics 283 

there made one of his peculiar harrangues, so graphically pic- 
tured by ex-Gov. J. M. Smith and became vociferous and 
arrogant in calling for vindication. Col. Candler rose in his 
place and remarked he "knew of no man who needed it more 
than Governor Colquitt." Not the least of the aggravations 
and trials which beset the honest people of Georgia at that 
time was the insistence of Gen. Gordon, who had played such 
a questionable part in bringing Democratic Georgia to its 
then unhappy condition. 

Judge Hiram Warner made an address to his home people 
in Greenville, Merriwether county, and among other things he 
said was this : ' ' The only authority the governor had to make 
a contract or employ lawyers at all is to be found in the 63d 
section of the code. The governor has no right to make an 
absolute contract; the law says such fees shall be conditional, 
which means to be reviewed by the General Assembly through 
their representatives to pass upon and adjudicate the amount 
of their fees and not the governor." Gov. Colquitt's organ 
immediately lectured the former chief justice and as good as 
told him he knew nothing of the subject and wound up by 
saying, "his strictures on Gov. Colquitt are unjust, untenable 
and unauthorized." 

It was a time when every fellow who "plead law" before 
the governor and got his pay out of the State Treasury, could 
be relied upon to show disrespect and impudence to such men 
as Judge Warner. Judge Warner, was courageous enough to 
say some things concerning Treasurer Renfro's office that 
should be chronicled right here. 

"He (Renfro) offered to pay back a large sum if they (the 
legislature) would not prosecute him, but the committee 
thought it was not proper that he should buy himself out in 
that way. If he had taken the public money, he should be 
prosecuted and made an example of to deter others from 
doing likewise, and they were right. But since his acquittal 
I have never heard of his paying that money back, and I don't 
think he has ever done it. He offered to pay it back to avoid 
prosecution, but when he was acquitted, he kept the money. 
There is one question I want to put to you today, and it is 
this : Did you approve of it at that time ? I presume you did. 
Did you think it was right then to investigate into the affairs 
of your trustees, the State House officers, and to expose fraud 



284 ]My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

and peculation ? I presume you did. And if it was right then, 
it is right now. You have no other protection but through 
your representatives and the investigation of these matters. 
You pay your taxes and that is the last you see of them." 
The State of Georgia was badly off with the disorders that 
were in evidence around the State capitol, but it was not suf- 
fering for the retention of Mr. Renfro in the office of treasurer. 
The old State was not panting also with anxiety to retain an 
executive who was not only too weak to understand his duties, 
but whose administration had been accompanied by the prac- 
tice of every political vice, while professing every political 
and religious virtue. Gov. Colquitt's strong card was in get- 
ting up federal legislation for his political friends. It would be 
an omission to overlook the "Tuggle Fee" in this connection 
I quote fram a reporter's interview with Hon. M. A. Candler, 
at that time member of Congress from the Atlanta district. 
He was asked about the "Tuggle Fee" and said the appro- 
priation of $72,000 was for expenses in the Indian wars of 
1835-38. ''The matter was put into the hands of W. 0. Tuggle 
by Gov. Colquitt." It seems that Tuggle stumbled on this 
matter. He was looking up older claims when he came across 
the claim which has just been recognized. (We will not forget 
that ex-Gov. Smith, in his review of the Colquitt administration, 
told the Columbus people that a "half-peck" of such docu- 
ments were lying around in the executive office.) A commit- 
tee of the legislature to whom was referred the protest of 
James A. Green against the payment of the fee of W. 0. Tuggle 
for collection of the claim of the State at Washington City, 
reported that Green was appointed the agent in 1876 and his 
appointment was never revoked, that he was then the author- 
ized agent of the State, that Gov. Colquitt had no right to ap- 
point Tuggle or pay him without consulting Green. The re- 
port and accompanying resolutions were referred to the judici- 
ary committee. The records of the General Assembly show 
conclusively that James A. Green was appointed agent for 
this Trezavant claim and Col. Green was frequently in Wash- 
ington, visited our parlor in the National Hotel and talked 
freely of its difficulties and its prospects. He was assiduous 
in his attention to the claim. His son had married the daugh- 
ter of one of our strongest friends, and we were anxious for him 



j\Iy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 285 

to get something out of it, but Gov. Colquitt forestalled him. 
Gen. Gordon was in favor of Mr. Tuggle and under date of 
April 22, 1879, wrote that he did not believe any member of 
Congress had ever heard of the claim before, and that settled it 
of course. I never knew whether Mr. Tuggle allowed Mr. 
Green anything or not. But Mr. Green had the nerve to re- 
fresh Gov. Colquitt's memory and he addressed the governor 
a letter on 27th February, 1879, in which he told of his efforts 
at home and in Washington City, and he protested against be- 
ing displaced after his appointment had been given him (Green) 
by the Georgia legislature. He asked Gov. Colquitt "by what 
right and by what authority Gen. Gordon moved the Senate, 
that the papers referring to the claim should be taken* from 
the files of the Senate and handed over to Tuggle?" He told 
the governor that no agent but himself had been duly ap- 
pointed since 1858, and the executive wrote him: "I was not 
aware at the time of Tuggle 's appointment of the resolution 
of 1876. (In which Green's appointment was renewed by the 
legislature). "I regret that I was not informed of the full ex- 
tent of your agency. Indeed success is hardly probable with 
any amount of work." Mr. Green then replied: "I have dis- 
tinct recollection of the conversation with you before I left 
Atlanta and if my recollection is not at fault, I called your at- 
tention to both resolutions, under which I was acting as agent 
for the State of Georgia. If you will only refer to the note I 
wrote you at that time, I submitted to you the memorial pre- 
sented to Congress in this Trezevant claim, and the report of 
the house committee on the bill to refund the amount to the 
State of Georgia. I spent the most of two sessions of Congress 
in Washington before the war, but at every session of Congress 
that I could trust since the war, I have pressed these claims 
and let me say to you, governor, I do not intend to surrender 
my agency unless the legislature takes it way from me, for 1 
have spent a thouasnd dollars and more in money and the State 
has never paid me a cent. I do not propose to be slaughtered 
in the house of my friends." To this letter Mr. Green said 
the governor made no reply. The "warrior of Olustee" also 
"flaunted the banner of the King of kings," and Tuggle got 
the money! Mr. Murphy might have turned a nimble penny 



286 My JMemoirs op Georgia Politics 

again as he did with the governor's signature to the North- 
eastern Railroad bonds. 

In September 1880, Mr. A. H. Stephens wrote to me these 
words : ' ' Colquitt was not fit for governor when he ran be- 
fore, and he is not fit now," and it is simply unnecessary to 
say more when a governor of the great State of Georgia was 
so indifferent or obtuse as to make Mr. Tuggle a claim agent 
without looking into the nature and status of the claim before 
doing so. He was either negligent or he was strictly unfit for 
the office of chief executive ! I do not hesitate to say also that 
if Dr. Felton, while a Congressman, had gone gandering all 
over the United States, preaching in Northern pulpits or negro 
churches or getting money from Chatauqua lectures the truly 
organized would have had "conniption fits." But the governor 
seemed to be only a figure head and unless he had enlisted 
ex-Go V. Brown's help in his 1880 race by giving him a position 
in the United States Senate, he would have dropped out of 
sight ! 

An influential Northern newspaper expressed its horror 
when Senator Gordon was shown to be a convict lessee and 
said: "I would not occupy that place for a million dollars," 
but according to Gen. Lawton's speech in Augusta, "Georgia 
had never before witnessed such a sight as the acting executive 
of a sovereign State running all over from county to county 
crying out "Elect me or I shall be ruined!" And as Senator 
Hill declared upon oath in regard to Murphy's abuse of his 
position before the executive in regard to signing the North- 
eastern bonds. Governor Colquitt said: "It didn't matter." 
Nothing of that sort mattered. 

And it didn't matter, so long as the State House was filled 
with officials absorbing the revenues of the State and with 
"tolling places" in the executive department "where claim- 
ants had to buy their rights." This matter of State agents 
was perhaps the most harmless of the many schemes of corrupt 
peculation because the federal government paid over money 
to be used for remuneration. According to wise Justice Hiram 
Warner, we paid our taxes, and that was the last we saw of 
them. 

The Southern Life Insurance Company — Editor Willingham, 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 287 

in Cartersville Free Press, March 20, 1879, wrote thus : 

"In speaking of the Southern Life Insurance Company in 
his letter to Dr. Felton, Gen. Gordon states that the books of 
the Atlanta department over which he presided, showed that 
every death loss it had incurred had been paid and the trans- 
mission to the parent company at Memphis of near one and a 
quarter million of dollars. 

It should be borne in mind that when the Georgia depart- 
ment was established here it was with the understanding that 
all the money received by it was to be invested in the State of 
Georgia as security for the policyholders; but Gen. Gordon 
tells, us now that all was sent to IMemphis in yiolation of this 
understanding that it should be invested in Georgia. 

The very day on which the circulars giving notice of the 
application of the company for bankruptcy were distributed in 
Atlanta, a LaGrange policyholder was informed by Gov. Col- 
quitt that the institution was sound and that a large amount 
of money would be received the next day to be let out on good 
security. The said policyholder was told (by Gov. Colquitt) 
that he could get ten thousand dollars of that money. What 
was the surprise of that policyholder when he saw in ten min- 
utes after leaving Governor Colquitt the circular giving notice 
of application for bankrutcy on the part of the Southern Life 
Insurance Company?" 

This editorial was seen and read by Gov. Colquitt and Sena- 
tor Gordon at the time (1879) and neither of them cared 
enough for their personal reputation to deny or apologize or 
extenuate this crime of getting money under false pretenses. 
These gentlemen swallowed up the branch department in Au- 
gusta, Ga., as was openly charged by the "Barnwell, S. C, 
newspaper, and there was no denial. I knew little or 
nothing of Mr. Colquitt as a Senator. He had learned the art 
of getting into office and of holding on to office and if he did 
a single thing while he was United States Senator that was 
worthy of remembrance or applause such an exploit never im- 
pressed itself upon my mind long enough to be placed in my 
scrapbook. 

It was stated that he and Gov. Brown made a valiant fight 
and succeeded in placing Mr. J. W. Renfro in the position of 



288 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

postmaster in Atlanta, the best paying federal office in the 
State. 

It is also recorded in the files of the Atlanta Constitution that 
Col. N. J. Hammond fought this appointment to the bitter 
«nd. Hearing that the two Senators had been boasting of their 
intention, Congressman Hammond telegraphed the President 
to hold up until he might reach the white house and explain, 
but when he rushed with furious haste into Mr. Cleveland's 
white house office the deed was done, the appointment was 
then on its way to the Senate for confirmation ! Congressmen 
were not in it ! Oh ! Mr. Murphy was a powerful advocate 
before Gov. Colquitt, but Mr. Renfro was even more stupen- 
dous before the two Senators from Georgia. Mr. Nelms was 
made United States marshal and "everything was lovely for 
the goose hung high ! ' ' 

It was a double-header engine that pulled this load in Geor- 
gia politics. The front locomotive had an engineer — the other 
one did not need an engineer — it was * ' me, too, ' ' and for all in- 
terests and purposes, Gov. J. E. Brown could have managed 
the whole business at home and in Washington by simply plac- 
ing a postage stamp on Senator Colquitt's seat, to show that 
the seat was accredited to the federal government with liberty 
to vote at roll call; but nobody questioned the real authority. 



THE CAMPAIGN OF 1880. 

In the year 1880 there was a general election from President 
down to constable. Everybody had to pass under the race- 
track pole, and politics was hot from start to finish. The im- 
peachments, during the session of 1879, when Goldsmith was 
made the scapegoat of Colquitt's administration and Renfro 
exonerated by the same legislature, had lasting effect on the 
politics of the State. While it was decreed and determined 
that Dr. Felton should never be elected to Congress any more, 
it was also demonstrated that ring rule in Georgia politics 
was more accentuated and demonstrable than at any time since 
Bullock retired. Dr. Felton 's re-election in 1878 was positive 
gall and wormwood to the Kirkwood ring, headed by Senator 
Gordon and the Bullock Democrats, under Gov. Brown. After 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 289 

these two forces united in the early spring of 1880, it could be 
easily foretold that they were resolved to wipe off all political 
opposition and rule the State of Georgia. 

Governor Colquitt had been elected in 1876, but he was to 
be kept in the office for another extra term, while he and Gov. 
Brown traversed the State to control votes for themselves, 
one for governor and the other for United States Senator. 

The various impeachments, the exposures, the Alston fee, 
the Northeastern Railroad bonds, the Tuggle fee made a heavy 
burden for the executive, and the whole business was mani- 
festly unpopular and the people were tired ! 

Senator Hill's "Address to the People of Georgia" made 
racy reading and it was believed that Governor Colquitt 's day 
was over until we were startled one morning in Washington 
city by an associated press dispatch anonuncing the change 
from Gordon to Brown in the United States Senate. The seat 
had been given to Gov. Brown and the arrangement perfected 
before the reading public had any notice given of the resigna- 
tion; or of Gov. Colquitt's ready willingness to placate Gov. 
Brown. 

The evils under Bullock had been continued under Colquitt 
and Senator Hill's open denunciation of the Colquitt regime 
had much to do with precipitating the crisis. The impeach- 
ment trials were so plastered over with spite in one hand and 
favoritism in the other hand, that the common people were 
disgusted. The Constitutional Convention of 1877 had placed 
limits on the State offices. They were told they could do cer- 
tain things and they were not allowed to do certain other 
things. The words were plain, the declarations were emphatic. 
No governor could play with the strong box of the State of 
Georgia any more. No treasurer could be allowed to draw 
a percentage from the money of the State deposited in banks. 
It was positively declared that lobbying must be outlawed from 
the State capitol. It was declared to be a crime, to be punished 
as a crime. The duties of all the State officials were set down 
in terse, positive language. But a weak governor was easily 
pulled around by the same gang that had flourished under 
Bullock and likewise under the rule of James Milton Smith. 
"When Murphy secured $8,000 in cash from the Rolling Mill 



290 IMy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

people who had sold iron to the Northeastern Railroad and 
who were about to lose their money — then it was demonstrated 
that men had to ' ' buy their rights ' ' of clerks in the State capi- 
tol and this buying was the result of adroit management of 
Georgia's executive, A. H. Colquitt. On January 7, 1879, Sen- 
ator B. H. Hill wrote an open letter from Washington, D. C, 
that I desire the readers of this book to remember : 

''In February last I was informed that the president of the 
Eolling Mill Company, without the knowledge or authority of 
the company, had paid to J. W. Murphy, a clerk in the treas- 
urer's office, the sum of $8,000 for his influence in procuring 
from the governor the indorsement by the State of the bonds 
of the Northeastern Railroad Company, in which indorsement 
the Rolling Mill had large interest. It thus became apparent 
that the great crime of using public office for private gain, 
which had grown to such proportions in the general govern- 
ment, and in some of the Northern States and from which 
our Southern States had suffered so much under carpetbag 
(Bullock) rule had taken root in the Democratic administra- 
tion in Georgia. But the governor did not take this view 
of the crime or of his duty in regard to it. The governor does 
not seem to think the clerk had committed an act of corrup- 
tion; he could not see that the clerk should not practice on 
the governor's official acts for gain, etc. Governor Colquitt 
is the first and only public man, so far as I can learn, who has 
failed to see that such use of a public office for private gain 
is corruption. The people called to testify were only the 
parties to the crime, just as such criminals have always denied 
from the foundation of the world, certainly since Cain and 
Abel. Murphy was employed as a clerk into the treasurer's 
office, and employed D. P. Hill to do any legal work and paid 
Hill $400 to do the legal work of this case. * * * And they 
say Murphy made an argument before the governor! Have 
we a governor who needs to be enlightened by his clerk? It 
is asked, is there any law forbidding a clerk to take money 
to influence a governor? I reply, is there any law forbiding' 
the governor to take money to influence the treasurer or tha 
attorney general? 

The pretext offered is that the parties (or Morrill) are satis- 
fied. Parties who pay money for corrupt object are generally 
satisfied. The post traders were satisfied to pay money to 
Mrs. Belknap to influence her husband in his official duties. 
Those who paid Credit Mobilier stock to the members of con- 
gress for their votes were satisfied. The chief priests and 
elders who paid money to Judas to betray his Lord were 
satisfied with the service. Judas was honest enough to repent, 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 291 

return the money and then hang himself. * * * Guilt and 
corruption are ever ready to hide behind irrelevant and false 
issues. The thief in Lear boldly demanded to change places 
with the justice. In this case the man charged with corrup- 
tion and his abettor, equally brazen, have fought to put me 
on trial for reporting and denouncing the crime. It will soon 
be in order for criminals to arraign grand juries for daring 
to indict them. It is claimed that the governor had no con- 
trol over Murphy. This is not true. He has control over the 
executive department, and especially over the treasurer's 
office, and could suspend Murphy's immediate master, and 
the treasurer himself, if he adopted or tolerated the fraud of 
his clerk. If the good governor would expend on Murphy, for 
committing the crime, even half the epithets he has expended 
on me for reporting it, his attitude would be more satisfactory 
to all good men. 

The report of the majority of the committee is nothing but 
a proposition to make the crime of Murphy, the crime of the 
legislature, the crime of the Democratic party, the crime of 
the State. They cannot whitewash Murphy without black- 
washing in indelible strans the fair name of the State. The 
great Democratic part^ in New York has shown us how Tweed 
was dealt with, when it was at one time deemed sacrilege to 
question Tweed's good name. Under the lead of Tilden and 
'Conner they arrested this bloated corrupter, with his mil- 
lions, and he died a prisoner — without money, without friends 
and without chpracter. Murphyism in Georgia is Tweedisui 
in its beginning. The crimes are precisely the same and 
there is much in the surroundings strikingly similar. Even 
now this evil in Atlanta is large, and will not readily die." 

(If Senator Hill had added that Governor Brown was a 
convict lesf.ee, that the treasurer's clerk was a convict lessee, 
that the r^-overnor was a silent partner in the convict lease 
with Senator Gordon, he might have given the cause of the 
Tweed-like evil, as well as the palpable corruption of these 
politicians). 

"The progress of this case shows beyond doubt that this 
is not the only crime, nor Murphy the only criminal, of this 
kind m the capitol and in the State. Does any sensible man 
supp(ise that Murphy, unaided and alone, could have ac- 
complished what we see was accomplished? Could any un- 
aided criminal have had papers defending him, friends flat- 
tering him, great and so-called good men helping him, and ;i 
comnittee of able and true men making a solemn report 
abscilving him from everything wrong in the fact of his 
undisputed and confessed corruption?" 



292 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

(Ah, yes, Senator Hill! For upwards of twenty years, in 
Georgia, these convict lessees had millions of convict money, 
multitudes of friends, cliques of flatterers, many and truculent 
followers who would have kissed the D — I's toe to handle and 
use that convict lease money!) 

"Murphy is not the only man who had used public office 
for private gain, and who is growing rich on a small salary ! 
I see in a report to the general assembly that State house 
officials are actually parties to contracts with the State, and 
executive officers of the State are also lessees of the State. 
* * * I know, as few men can know, the dangers which a 
public man must encounter who dares at this day to make 
war on frauds and corruption in the public service. These 
guilty men are numerous, active, unscrupulous, and vengeful. 
They are fat with public plunder — and are able to subsidize 
papers, hire detractors, and buy caluminators to do their 
bidding. When tolerated by those in power, they are more 
dangerous than hungry wolves and it is easier for public men 
to join them, or let them alone, than to fight them. * * * 
(Heaven knows this United States senator spoke the truth — 
Dr. Felton had this pack of "hungry wolves" on his track for 
twenty long years. They completely dominated the politics of 
Georgia). 

"If we excuse or condone fraud in our State or government, 
and by our own party, we have no right to condemn fraud in 
the federal government and by the adversary party — to at- 
tempt it will subject us to mockery and ridicule. 

"Now, fellow-citizens, I close this address by expressing in 
a few brief words all the pith and marrow of the whole case ! 
Murphy committed a fraud on the office of governor. I re- 
ported that fraud to the governor. Thereupon the governor 
treats Murphy as his friend, and denounces me as his enemy ! 
Murphy introduced into Democratic Georgia the first known 
instance of that form of corruption, which in other states and 
all other forms of corruption to disgrace our politics, to im- 
poverish honest people, to enrich official rogues, and to 
threaten our popular institutions with ignonimous shame, rot- 
tenness and ruin. Murphy boasts of his act and defends it 
— the governor excuses it, and I denounce it ! On this issue 
the demand now is, that Murphy shall be justified — the gov- 
ernor shall be sanctified and I shall be immolated ! ] t is 
pleasant now to know, as it has often been pleasant through 
many trying ordeals in the past, that the people must render 
the verdict, before the rings, politicians and sensational mendi- 
cants can execute the sentence ! ! " 

(Signed) BEN J. H. HILL. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 293 

And this was Democratic Georgia! Here was a Democratic 
governor and a Democratic United States senator at it, like 
hammer and tongs — and every word was true. It was a 
scathing denunciation! But what did it amount to? Simply 
nothing ! Why ? Because Senator Hill was seeking a fee him- 
self from the Rolling Mill Company, for which he was to cor- 
rupt the executive into doing a deed which the highest law 
in Georgia forbade in clearest tones, namely, to give State aid 
to railroads. 

Although Senator Hill was celebrated as a lawyer, and J. W. 
Murphy was known to be no lawyer, they were both practis- 
ing before the governor, and as the clerk was one of the 
governor's underlings, it was the natural sequence of events 
that he would be favored as against a rival politician. It was 
the irony of fate that the governor should step into Mr. Hill's 
place in the senate, on the death of Mr. Hill. In further ex- 
planation of this matter, do not forget that this law practice 
before Governor Colquitt was carried on in secret, behind 
closed doors. Mr. Hill admits it — his intimate friend, R. H. 
Trippe, swears to the secrecy. Ex-Governor Smith, however, 
got hold of it and it was because Governor Smith was writing 
about it, to other parties, especially because General Gordon's 
brother-in-law, Mr. Hugh Haralson, was airing it, that the 
mine exploded. Mr. Hill was interviewed in the Baltimore 
Gazette, December 23, 1878. His opinion of political affairs in 
Democratic Georgia is therein so much more authoritatively 
expressed, and what he said is so much in line with what my 
husband had been saying during five years, that I will here 
copy a part of it. 

Said Mr. Hill: 

''In my opinion it is not too much to say that if the report 
of the majority shall be adopted by the legislature, the Demo- 
cratic organization in Georgia will be disgraced and broken 
down and the Independents will sweep everything before 
them. Yes, and they ought to do it. If the Democratic party 
shall undertake to carry Murphy and his corrupt ring, for he 
has a ring, the people of Georgia will not carry the Democratic 
organization, and ought not to carry it. Murphy has no moral 
character, his ring has no moral or political worth — no party 
can save them, or ought to try to save them. Governor Col- 
quitt has been made a victim of his own good(?) nature, by 



294 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

unfortunate circumstances, and by a lot of very bad men 
around him who pretend to be his friends — who really care 
nothing for him — nothing for the Democratic party, and noth- 
ing for the people of Georgia except as they can use each and 
all for their own selfish ends." Reporter: "Why did he not 
separate from Murphy?" "He most assuredly, in some way, 
brought Colquitt under obligations to him. He first exacted 
$15,000. He fell to $8,000 only after his victim, the Rolling 
Mill, was about to give up all efforts for endorsement and 
Mr. Goodnow had gone north to make other arrangements. 
While Goodnow was gone, he traded with IMorrill, at a lower 
figure. The whole case shows that Murphy and the governor 
were making common cause. I do admit it was corruption 
and no instance of that class of corruption was ever more 
clearly proved or more distinctly marked or more feebly ex- 
cused. Colquitt admits that he knew Murphy was interested. 
* * * All the misrepresentation was gotten up by Murphy 
and his sympathizers. I have sought to keep Murphy and 
Colquitt apart to save Colquitt, but Murphy had the majority 
of the committee." 

(If Senator Hill had been candid in the matter, he 
would have said the convict lease was on .the side of Murphy 
and with the Governor, and that was the "fly in the oint- 
ment"). A minority report was made by two of the most 
respected men in Georgia. It said: "To guard against the 
evils adverted to, we respectfully recommend the enactment of 
such legislation as will prevent the contracting for, or receiv- 
ing directly or indirectly by any official or subordinate of any 
department of the State government, any fee or reward for 
influencing or attempting to influence the official of any other 
department. 

(Signed) "W. M. HAMMOND, 

"R. C. HUMBER." 

Among the majority members I find the name of Wm. J. 
Northen, who became governor a few years later. The im- 
pression in Georgia generally prevailed that the succession 
was always arranged for by this Omnipotent convict lease 
contingent. It was noted in the newspapers that Governor 
Colquitt made overtures to Judge Simmons, and Hon. A. H. 
Stephens is quoted as saying Governor Colquitt went to him 
for that purpose in Washington City — to secure his own suc- 
cessor. 



]\Iy jNIemoirs of Georgia Politics 295 

The Murphy fee was no whit worse than the Garlington- 
Alston fee, and it was a notorious coincidence that convi<>,t 
lease profits, and State Railroad lease profits and the fees nf 
Garlington and Alston and Murphy were all raked in by a 
close corporation of so-called Democratic politicians — lodged 
in the best paying offices of the State. 

I did sit back and enjoy this Rolling Mill scramble for 
money — for it reminded me of Mother Hubbard and her pig 
on the way to market. Big men, little men, senators, con- 
gressmen and railroad lobbyists all went before the governor 
to influence his opinion in regard to the signing of the North- 
Eastern bonds. Although the governor said he was ''satisfied" 
he ought to sign, etc., he turned a deaf ear for more than a 
year — until a clerk in the treasury knelt in his presence after 
Hon. Ben Hill had plead. Dr. Carlton entreated, and the Roll- 
ing Mill (that sold the railroad its iron) cried out in despair, 
then Mr. Murphy's siren voice won the case. Like Mother 
Hubbard's pig — when Mr. Murphy said "sign," the political 
machine began to move, the Rolling Mill people begun to 
smile, Mr. Renfro began to sign bonds — the Rolling Mill began 
to pay — the governor began to see his way clear, and Mr. 
Murphy began to get his money. Eight thousand dollars! 

Didn't it smack of Bullock's time when the greasy drip- 
pings of the State treasury made so many loud-mouthed Demo- 
cratic politicians both fat and "sassy?" But Mother Hub- 
bard's pig was led along by the military — and the old soldiers 
had the wool pulled over their eyes ! 

The scandal of the North-Eastern Railroad bonds had 
hardly been smothered down by the military parade, before 
the Alston report on the convict lease system of Georgia 
sprang up, and forced the smouldering excitement against 
thrifty politicians to fever heat in December, 1878. 

Calling themselves the Democratic party, they made the 
Democratic temple a hiding place for money changers, and 
the capitol in Atlanta was controlled by men who made private 
fortunes for themselves, and also political reputation abroad 
by keeping in their own grasp these opportunities for graft — 
and thus entrenched in power, they cracked the party lash 
over the heads of the people of Georgia. 



296 ^Iy IMemoirs of Georgia Politics 

I could discern in the dim distance the probable defeat of 
Dr. Felton, because there was no limit to their intent to crush 
him out, and when I saw Murphy whitewashed, Governor Col- 
quitt whitewashed, Senator Gordon re-elected after he had 
worked for a bill that Huntington called his "own," and poor 
Bob Alston was assassinated in the State capitol of Atlanta 
because he ventured to write a report to the legislature con- 
cerning the horrors of the convict lease system, and also at- 
tempted to cover up Senator Gordon's connection with the 
lease at the same time, I nearly despaired of the future of my 
country. 

It was noticeable also, when the impeachments of Goldsmitli 
and Renfroe came on — the former was driven from office, 
while the latter, who divided out the interest collected from 
the State's money with his friends, contrary to law and justice, 
was saved from political disgrace. 

I shall always believe that it would have been different if 
Goldsmith had been a member of the convict lease system, 
which for twenty years was made highly profitable to the 
chief Democratic leaders in Georgia. As I recollected the ter- 
rible contests Dr. Felton had had to encounter in the Seventli 
district, it seemed that human flesh and strength would be 
obliged to give way with such forces to meet, day and night, 
year after year — and the old commonwealth powerless to 
throw off the greedy politicians in control of her revenues and 
her business. 

As I write these words, after a lapse of a third of a century, 
I would do no good man's memory any harm — and I think it 
proper to say that Mr. Renfroe gave a published statement in 
regard to the profit he and his friends made of the State's 
money. If the files of The Constitution are examined his 
statement can there be found. It is my authority, and lies 
before me. Said Treasurer Renfroe: "I had no difficulty in 
making my bond of $200,000, but when I was re-elected in 
1877, a new law passed which required every security on the 
treasurer's bond to signify what he may be worth over all 
exemptions, debts and liabilities. The securities on my first 
bond showed up on the tax books at $400,000, but on this test 
couldn't sign for between $80,000 and $90,000. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 297 

"I finally succeeded in getting certain gentlemen interested 
in banks to go on my bond. They designated certain banks to 
receive the State's money. The money was deposited in these 
banks. My securities came to me and said their banks would 
allow them a certain percentage, and they thought I ought to 
get some of it. They said I would receive one-third, and I 
did so, I presume." His associates acquitted him. 

The Constitution of the State of Georgia forbade this graft, 
and if the young men of the State will study the events of 
this era in Georgia history they will find that the convict lease 
ring defied the law — made swollen fortunes out of the illegal 
leasing of convicts and continued to occupy the highest offices 
in the gift of the State. 

In this fateful year, 1880, a supervisor of census was to be 
appointed by the president for the Seventh congressional 
district. Dr. Felton presented the name of a gentleman from 
his own town, a Democrat, and was given to understand by 
the president he would only appoint a Republican. So he 
offered the name of a gentleman from Tilton — who was 
warmly recommended by Hon. Dawson A. Walker, Mr. N. B. 
Harben, former Republican candidate for congress, and Hon. 
W. C. Richardson, former legislative member from Whitfield 
county. They said he was fully qualified for the place — of 
good moral habits, a local Methodist preacher, well connected, 
etc. Immediately Senator Gordon set about ruining the repu- 
tation of this man and for this purpose, abstracted or destroyed 
or made away with certain papers that belonged to the court 
of claims in Washington City — which he contrived into his 
own possession through the control he used over the file clerk, 
F. Finch, who afterwards produced an autograph letter signed 
**J B. Gordon," and of which letter Dr. Felton kept a copy. 
Four valuable documents disappeared and after the disap- 
pearance the senator made a ferocious attack on the character 
of Simmons, the census nominee, and despite the pleadings of 
Senator Hill and Hon. A. H. Stephens, who were outraged at 
the injustice heaped on the man — he was defeated. When the 
papers held by the file clerk (and which were connected with 
the character of Simmons) were called for, as I said before, 
they had disappeared. Finch had to clear up his part of it, 



298 My ]\Iemoirs of Georgia Politics 

by revealing the name of the person who had been allowed 
to take them in defiance of the rigid law governing the custody 
of such valuable papers. Thus wrote Senator Gordon to Finch, 
under date of April 20, 1880 : 

"I am quite sure the papers I send you are not more than 
half those in the Isom King- case. My recollection is, the 
bundle was double the size of the one I return — but these are 
all I can gather up, etc. I make this written statement to 
protect you in the premises. Very respectfully, 

(Signed.) ''J. B. GORDON." 

Poor Mr. Simmons ! His brother died in the Confederate 
service as a soldier. His own father and grand-father were 
taken out by some lawless men, falsely calling themselves Con- 
federate scouts, and the elder man was tied and laid on the 
frozen ground, barefoot. He was there compelled to witness 
the hanging of Simmons' father — this aged man's son — until 
they thought him dead. 

But as time rolled on this Republican, Simmons, actually 
voted for General Gordon and thought well of the senator. 
In the committee rooKi General Gordon was insolent towards 
Mr. Stephens, who remarked to him that he (Stephens) had 
heard that the senator was advocating the claims of Major 
Smythe, of Atlanta, the most advanced Republican in the 
country at that time. I will allow Mr. Stephens to complete 
the story, written to "William H. Moore, editor Augusta Even- 
ing News, dated February 7, 1880 : "This was only as an offset 
to what he said he heard. It was then he arose and demanded 
the name of my informant. I replied, 'this is not the occasion 
or time to answer that question. ' General Gordon replied : 
'No; it is best to settle it here.' I said, 'This is not the place 
to settle matters of this sort. You said you had heard about 
what I said of you in this matter, and I replied by saying 
what I had heard of you.' Then General Gordon said, under 
great excitement : ' I pronounce it an infernal, infamous state- 
ment, from whoever it may come, and I shall hold you per- 
sonally responsible for it. 

(Signed) "ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS." 

From a person who listened to the discussion, I also heard 
that General Gordon said "He intended to crush out Radicals 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 299 

and Independents in the Seventh district, ' ' and ' ' Little Aleck ' ' 
remarked: "General, you did your best three times and Fel- 
ton has always been elected." 

But when I recollected the coalition that occurred between 
Charles Foster and Stanley Matthews, of the one part, in seat- 
ing President Hayes, and John Young Brown and John B. 
Gordon, of the second part, which coalition ex-Governor Brown 
excoriated in the newspapers with pungent emphasis — it could 
not and did not surprise anybody that these worthies were able 
to influence President Hayes to withdraw poor Simmons or 
any nomination to which Senator Gordon objected. 

Poor Simmons was falsely charged with seducing his own 
niece. The very man who made false charges against Sim- 
mons, in a church trial, wrote to Dr. Felton to say, ''Simmons 
stands as fair in this district as Bishop Pierce." His father 
and grand-father were Union men and, as before stated, his 
father was dragged out and hung by the neck until he was 
nearly dead. Simmons called this gang "corrupt secession 
traitors," and he unfortunately used that term in writing a 
private letter to the president, but it was Gordon's supreme 
authority and the Kellogg faction which carried the vote 
against him. 

Satisfied that Simmons' case was just, Mr. Stephens sent the 
following memorial to the senate: "My opinion is that the 
act of rejection of the nomination of Mr. Simmons, under the 
grave charges against his character, would be very cruel to- 
wards him and in view of the other objections to his confirma- 
tion, I think his rejection would be very unwise and injudic- 
ious, politically. 

(Signed) "ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS, 

"M. C. from Eighth Cong. District." 

Hon. Emory Speer wrote also: "A Democrat myself, repre- 
senting a Democratic district in Georgia with 15,000 majority 
and embracing thirteen counties of the First Census district, 
I fully endorse what has been said by Hon. Alex. H. Stephens 
with relation to the confirmation of Mr. Simmons. I did not 
recommend Simmons in the first instance, but recommended 
P. F. Lawshe, Georgia, formerly of Minnesota, a life-long 



300 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

Democrat, who I understand was defeated by the bitter pro- 
test of General Gordon. 

(Signed) EMORY SPEER, 

"M. C, 9th Cong. District of Ga." 

Dr. Felton wrote thus: "We, the undersigned members of 
congress from Georgia, respectfully ask the senate of the 
United States to confirm the nomination of Thos. J. Simmons, 
to be supervisor of the First Census district of Georgia. Two 
of the undersigned represent in congress twenty-seven out of 
the thirty counties composing the First Census district : 
(Signed) A. H. Stephens, Emory Speer and Dr. Felton. 

General Gordon enlisted the Kellogg faction and finally 
President Hayes went back on his own appointment and the 
deed was done, after the papers in the care of File Clerk Finch 
were lost or destroyed by General Gordon, for he wrote to 
Finch that fully half the papers were missing. It was the 
"coalition" with R. B. Hayes that made him as clay in the 
hands of the potter, when Gordon commanded. 

When the Kellog case was about to be opened. Senators 
Hill, Beck, Bailey of Tennessee, Vest, Saulsbury, Vance and 
Jones of Louisiana led in the fight for Spofford against Kel 
logg. The Democratic caucus voted and said "Oust Kel- 
logg," but four men, Messrs. Gordon, Wade Hampton, Butler 
and Lamar bolted the caucus. It was surprising that L. Q. C 
Lamar should be so often controlled by Gordon, to his own 
detriment, but the other three were conspicuous when South 
Carolina's electoral vote for Tilden was sold. 

It will be discerned that three of them were parties to the 
settlement of the South Carolina question when the State was 
counted to Hayes, and Tilden was left high and dry. 

The vote to defeat Simmons was really a vote to keep Kel- 
logg in his seat. Senators Gordon, Butler and Kellogg could 
not afford to allow any Investigation of the frauds in South 
Carolina and Louisiana. The Republicans couldn't afford to 
expose the bargain and sale of the Tilden electoral vote in 
South Carolina and Louisiana. Votes were swapped to defeat 
Hill in his advocacy of Simmons, and protect Kellogg. The 
trade that defeated Tilden will come out some day, and it will 
be a dirty disclosure, involving the presidency itself. That 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 301 

Kellogg was not ousted, was because it involved Senator But- 
ler. 

We owe it to the four bolting Southern senators, this con- 
tinued concealment of a scheme that was a disgrace to the 
principles of honest, free government — where a lawfully 
elected president was traded out of his seat by conspirators in 
his own party, who profited politically by his overthrow. 

Poor Mr. Simmons must be executed — a Republican in Geor- 
gia who was decent enough to have the favor of preachers and 
Democrats at home and abroad — and Mr. Hayes yielded to 
pressure applied by Senator Gordon, to really protect Kellogg 
and to save himself from political infamy. 

If Kellogg should be unseated, then Senator Butler could be 
unseated from South Carolina, for these conspirators could not 
deny their participation in the bargain or trade which gave 
them each a seat in the senate — when South Carolina and 
Louisiana were counted in for Mr. Hayes. 

We were in Washington City and I sat in the Senate gallery 
when Kellogg and Butler each took the oath of Senator in the 
senate chamber — the day that Mr. Hayes was inaugurated and 
it was boldly charged in many papers, and denied very mildly 
at that time, that Tilden's electors were withdrawn and Hayes" 
electors given the right of way in South Carolina in con- 
sideration of Hampton's and Butler's election to the respective 
offices of governor and senator. 

Senator Conkling, of New York, openly expressed his con- 
tempt for President Hayes, who lent himself to these dis- 
reputable schemes. In an interview published in the New York 
World, this New York senator thus said of Hayes : 

' ' To the old leaders of the Republican party, he is smilingly 
cold or carelessly insulting. I have known men, who are hon- 
ored throughout the land for past services, to come away 
from the White House in a rage, because they had been kept 
cooling their heels in an ante-room, while Rebel brigadiers 
came and went at their pleasure. ' ' He was asked if the presi- 
dent was wholly in the hands of Southern Democrats? He 
answered: "I am sure of it. A Republican told me he had 
occasion to visit the White House and found the president 
polite but cold as an iceberg. While he was there Senator 
Gordon walked in without ceremony — the president threw his 
arm affectionately over his shoulder, drew him to the window, 



302 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

where the two talked together in confidential whispers. The 
other guest took his leave in disgust." 

He was asked if he thought the true history of the Louisiana 
electoral business would ever be told in congress? 

Mr. Conkling said: "Yes, I think it will. I do not see how 
it can be kept down. No reasonable man can doubt there was 
some sort of a bargain between Nicholls and that man Hayes, 
or that Stanley Matthews and Sherman were privy to it. 
Yankee ingenuity will be sure to find some means of getting 
such information." 

"What will be the result?" 

"The result will be that the whole country will be appalled 
by the dishonor of this administration. People will not be- 
lieve it until the proof is shown them. In the entire history 
of the country there has never been known so much corrup- 
tion — bartering of offices, and bargain and sale of the electoral 
franchise as during the past year. 

"I cannot say when this revelation will come. It may come 
at any moment. It will come naturally, and it will not be 
forced." 

So the Kellogg investigation, which was intended to un- 
cover and expose the crookedness and duplicity in Louisiana, 
was defeated by Republican votes and the influence of the 
traders. 

About this time the papers were filled with reports about 
the reorganization of certain railroads entering Georgia from 
the north, and we were told that President Newcomb, of the 
Louisville and Nashville, had said "that contingencies might 
arise that would make an independent line into Atlanta a 
necessity." The L. & N. Railroad had bought the Georgia 
Western, looking to this "necessity." The Associated Press 
sent such a dispatch from Louisville, Ky., on March 26, 1880. 
The Atlanta Constitution, commenting on the same, reported 
the arrival in Atlanta of Captain Gloster, civil engineer of 
the L. & N., and he would be associated with Captain H. T. 
McDaniel, of Atlanta, in the survey of a new road, and "the 
first stake would be driven by Captain Gloster at the other end 
of the line." 

The next thing we saw was the notice of the resignation 
of Senator Gordon from the United States senate, and the 
appointment of Senator Joseph E. Brown in his stead, which 
struck Georgia like a "bolt from the blue," on May 19, 1880. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 303 

The surprise in Washington was universal and astounding. 
The Athens Watchman, in an editorial, said that Mr. H. W. 
Grady, on the train, told twenty members of the Pioneer Hook 
and Ladder Company, on May 10, 1880, on their way to a 
contest in Rome, that ex-Governor Brown would succeed Gor- 
don in the senate and Gordon would get a position with Victor 
Newcomb, at $14,000 a year. Mr. Grady's versatility and 
careless handling of facts in newspaper circles was well known 
— so the statement carried no force with it until the fact itself 
occurred. 

Mr. D. G. Candler, of Gainesville, who had a conversation 
with Governor Colquitt, spoke openly in Barnesville, Ga., of 
the reason given by Governor Colquitt in these words: "If 
Governor Brown was appointed, an important railroad position 
could be secured for Senator Gordon; otherwise it could not." 

Governor Brown was in Nashville, Tenn., when his appoint- 
ment to the senate was made known to him, and common rumor 
said the first $7,000 that reached General Gordon passed 
through the Louisville & Nashville office in Louisville, Ky., 
but went from Atlanta. General E. P. Alexander, vice presi- 
dent, told Judge Wm. M. Reese, who told me, that General 
Gordon's name never appeared on the books of the L. & N. 
road, even for a dollar of salary. 

That an "independent railroad line" was contemplated we 
have full assurance — that President Newcomb also felt its 
necessity was conclusively stated. In an Associated Press dis- 
patch under date of March 20th, it was also given out "that the 
stockholders of the Louisville & Nashville unanimously en- 
dorsed Newcomb 's action in making the purchase of the 
Georgia Western Railroad, and they now have the power to take 
such steps to carry out the suggestions of President Newcomb 
as they deem necessary." 

It was supposed that the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, 
in organizing for an "independent railroad line" in Georgia — 
which would antagonize the Western and Atlantic (so far as 
Atlanta) would of necessity meet serious opposition in regard 
to the right of way, because the State Road had been seriously 
hampered by allowing the East Tennessee and Virginia Rail- 



304 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

road to emasculate its legitimate and actual profits from pas- 
senger and freight traffic. 

An independent line parallelling the State Road would have 
inflicted immense damage, if it had been carried out, but it 
was a flash in the pan and when the smoke lifted, Senator 
Brown was seated in the senate and an active supporter of 
Governor Colquitt for re-election, and General Gordon was 
sloshing around in a score of enterprises — most of which failed 
to show up or materialize, to the surprise of the Georgia people 
who had given him a seat in the senate for an additional six 
years, and of which nearly five years yet remained. His 
reasons for resignation will be given at length in another 
place 

As a matter of fact General Gordon did nothing for Victor 
Newcomb in Georgia after he gave up the seat in the senate 
to Governor Brown (as many believe, because he was obliged 
to) unless he was "working on" the legislature to induce a 
sale of the Western and Atlantic railroad, or secure a re-leasc 
of the road at a low price, and thus continue the profits in 
the hands of those who had literally owned and controlled it 
for nearly twenty years. 

In 1882 he went to Europe with his entire family — and there 
were people who confidently believed and asserted that he had 
become, apparently, a lobbyist in Washington City and New 
York to further the claims of Jay Gould or Huntington be- 
fore congress. 

The independent line in Georgia, managed by President 
Victor Newcomb, of the L. & N. Railroad, vanished as soon as 
Senator Brown went to the senate, and Engineer Gloster and 
Engineer McDaniel, who were presented to the public as hold- 
ing their picks aloft, ready to begin work at the other end 
of the line, were quietly withdrawn and the raging waters 
subsided and the hurrah was over ! 

The fight over the re-leasing of the Western and Atlantic 
Railroad would indicate that General Gordon was really em- 
ployed to do something by Victor Newcomb, but we found 
that Major E. B. Stahlman, a director of the L. & N. Railroad, 
came to Georgia and "worked on" the Georgia legislature. 
He wormed himself into a queer sort of receivership, along 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 305 

with Senator Joe Brown — when the real fight was on — but in 
the year 1880 we did not look behind the curtain, and we 
only saw a resignation from the senate that made Georgians 
' ' sit up and take notice ! " It revived the repressed patriotism 
of the Democrats who had been either afraid or ashamed to 
antagonize these convict lessees ! 

General Gordon had been through some lively times in 
Washington City before he escaped by resignation. The Na- 
tional Republican, which had been a purveyor to his variegated 
politics in the senate and often threw a sop to Cerberus, by 
considerable "puffing" in the Kellogg case and which, along 
with The Capital, a newspaper published in Washington, had 
printed and made pictures with most extravagant descrip- 
tions of Senator Hill's derelictions — and lapses from moral 
law — to beat him down in this Kellogg case, yet the editorial 
of the National Republican, the day after Senator Gordon's 
resignation was known, was absolutely irreconcilable with its 
former pretensions to respect or remembrance of its puffing 
exploits before noted. 

After I returned from the capitol that day — where I saw 
the most of the Georgia members of congress standing around 
in groups, like they had just come from a funeral, and were 
too sad to get to work afterwards, I took up this National 
Republican newspaper and cut out what it said, and pasted it 
down for future reference. I wondered why the editor, Mr. 
Gorham, secretary of the senate, should be so flippantly dis- 
respectful, for it was this Mr. Gorham to whom Senator Gor- 
don went, to hunt up my letter to Senator Ferry, and from 
what Anderson Reese continued to write in the Macon Tele- 
graph — General Gordon had received some encouragement from 
Editor Gorham and Secretary of the Senate Gorham in their 
raid against my good name. 

But the secretary of the senate no longer made obeisance 
to General Gordon. He would save his smiles and agreeable- 
ness for the new senator from Georgia, Mr. Brown. Mr. Gor- 
ham claimed to be from California, the terminal of Collis P. 
Huntington's railroad system of Pacific railroads, and he knew 
many things and it was a very different state of affairs when 



306 jMy INIemoirs of Georgia Politics 

the senator displaced his toga, and came down to lower levels 
in Washington City. Here's the editorial: 
"Senator Gordon's retirement from the United States senate 
is about the slyest thing that has occurred in some time. The 
way the thing was done would indicate that the senator re- 
garded himself as occupying a position under which reposed 
a dreadful torpedo, that was liable to explode and blow him to 
kingdom come at any moment. What that emergency is, may 
yet be revealed and then the people will understand why Sen- 
ator Gordon has beat a hasty retreat from the senate chamber 
Precipitate as the act has been,- a new and curious feature is 
added when it is known that his successor had been appointed 
and was on his way to take his seat, when this resignation 
transpired with the public. ' ' 

Whatever may have caused the resignation, it is plainly 
evident that Mr. Gorham, secretary of the senate, had parted 
with his respect for the retiring senator ! No tears there ! 

A few weeks previously there was a flouish of trumpets and 
the brass band begun to "toot" in the Savannah Morning 
News, in which it was stated that the gubernatorial campaign 
was about to open in Georgia, and Senator Gordon was in a 
hurry to dispose of the Simmons case because the senator 
aimed to take part in State political matters. 

"He will use all his influence to renominate Governor Col- 
quitt." 

The Albany Advertiser, on March 27, 1880, said: "The 
political situation in Georgia is on the eve of some great 
changes. Since Governor Colquitt's return from the Cincin- 
nati excursion his truest friends outside of Atlanta have had 
long conferences with him, and one made free to tell him he 
could not get the nomination of the Democratic party. Today 
it is freely asserted that Colquitt will run independent. The 
Independents say they will not support Colquitt, and in the 
event of his candidacy they will be forced back to the nomi- 
nee." 

An Atlanta dispatch of the same date, to the Augusta News, 
said: "It is generally thought today that since Governor Col- 
quitt returned from the Cincinnati excursion, he has found he 
cannot be nominated — hence Colquitt's friends now assert he 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 307 

will run independent. Some of Colquitt's best friends out in 
the State held a long consultation with him as soon as he re- 
turned, and one of them told him he could not be nominated. 
Politics is on the eve of great changes." I kept these clip- 
pings because I was interested in the Independents and their 
movements. At that time General Gordon had no idea of 
resigning — he was "going, to help Governor Colquitt." Col- 
quitt did run independent and went in by the help of the 
negroes and Senator Brown. This is Georgia history and this 
was the recognized status of affairs in Georgia after Senator 
Brown came to the United States senate in May, 1880. 

"When Senator Gordon was shoved out from the rear, an 
article published in the New Orleans Times is significant, 
when the editor said: "It is suggested that the Kellogg- 
Spofford contest may have been the cause of the resignation, 
as his vote and advocacy of Kellogg would have ruined his 
political prospects in Greorgia and put the entire population 
against him. It is rumored that Victor Newcomb, president of 
the L. & N. Railroad, is at the back of the whole affair. He 
has managed to get Gordon out, to get Brown in, and thereby 
remove the thorn in the flesh, for with Governor Brown at the 
head of the W. & A. Railroad, the Cincinnati Southern Rail- 
road, a powerful adversary of the L. & N., is having the same 
facilities in putting freight through to Atlanta at such rates 
as will ruin the business of the Louisville and Nashville." 

This publication made it necessary for Mr. Grady to spealc 
out. "If General Gordon should become connected with the 
vast system of roads under control of the Louisville and Nash- 
ville, which is more than doubtful, it will not be as president 
of the W. & A. Railroad, nor will he have any connection with 
the W. & A. Railroad." And yet General Gordon said posi- 
tively he "would be general counsel for the L. & N. Railroad 
and all its branches, and he would preside in Newcomb 's place 
while the latter was in Europe." How one tale can collide 
with another tale, when such talkers are careless with facts, 
and are not drilled to tell the same tale ! 

Character seemed to have gone out of Georgia politics. 
There was nothing in sight except a sort of Puss in the corner 
game — where Governor Brown slid into the senate. General 



308 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Gordon slid into a lot of money from somewhere — Grady slid 
into a fourth interest in the Atlanta Constitution, and left 
Governor Colquitt in the middle of the floor, crying ''Vindi- 
cate!" "Vindicate!!" 

I found in a Georgia newspaper the following : 
"Villa Rica, Ga., May 28, 1880. — As we are so far out in the 
backwoods here we never hear what is going on at the capitol 
until the thing is over with. We have received the sad news 
of General Gordon's resigning his seat, of the terrible news 
of Governor Colquitt's appointing J. Emerson Brown to step 
in. What our governor was thinking about we are at a loss 
to tell. The conclusion we have arrived at is that he is not a 
candidate for governor, as he was compelled to know he would 
spoil everything with such a man as Brown in. Norcross can 
beat him now! 

"We fear there is a dead Injun under the house !" 
Colquitt couldn't have appointed a more corrupt — a grander 
traitor than he has. Not one of the statesmen of '68 would 
equal him, is the expression of a majority of one of the 
strongest Democratic counties in Georgia. We are for Tom 
Hardeman. You can put in the enclosed as another county 
heard from, if you wish. Yours as ever, 

"S. C. CANDLER." 
I saved it because I threw up my bonnet to know that one 
plain, honest citizen had the nerve to tell the truth as he saw 
and felt it ! And that is the way the masses of the people 
looked at Governor Colquitt's action. And when General Gor- 
don made one of his fife-and-drum speeches in DeKalb county, 
where he lived, and made a great hurrah about the governor's 
Christian character and the necessity for re-electing him, for 
the sake of vindication, Hon. Milton A. Candler rose up to 
say, "The people of Georgia could not afford to re-elect Gov- 
ernor Colquitt, and in regard to vindication, he (Candler) was 
present to say he knew no man who stood in sorer need of 
vindication ! ' ' That was salty talk at one 's own door ! It 
took money to carry the vindication scheme. It was the use 
of Governor Brown's money in elections which General Gor- 
don brought forward as a reason for transferring the seat in 
the senate. There's many a truth spoken in jest. Governor 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 309 

Colquitt was attacked by Gen. A. R. Lawton, who was making 
a speech in Market Hall, Augusta. "A strange sight had hap- 
pened in Georgia. Before the convention assembled, the chief 
executive of the state, leaving the business of the State, was 
going about lamenting he was a ruined man unless he was 
elected." If General Gordon had to leave the senate, because 
there was a torpedo under it for him, then these convict les- 
sees were figuring on holding to what was in sight, and Gov- 
ernor Colquitt was their main chance, so they could hold on 
to both the State Road lease money, the convict lease money, 
and the State House profits ! 

This was the condition in Georgia when the campaign 
opened for governor. It will not be necessary to do more than 
mention the chief events of the Norwood-Colquitt campaign, 
for it is doubtless well known that the people who were tired 
of Governor Colquitt, disgusted with Governor Brown, and 
amazed at General Gordon, met in Atlanta and determined to 
compel the State Democratic convention to have regard to 
existing conditions in the State. But they broke up in a row, 
and Governor Colquitt ran independent, as had been foretold. 
Before the split occurred three members of the opposition tele- 
graphed Dr. Felton to know if he would accept the nomina- 
tion and make the race against Colquitt. He was already in 
the race for congress, and decided to continue — so the two 
factions separated, each running its own candidate. I was out 
in the back yard when the messenger came with the dispatch 
— and we sat down on the back steps and discussed the tele- 
gram. 

I plead with him not to accept. I could foresee the struggle 
in my own mind — with all the money of the lessees turned 
loose, and maybe Huntington's money also — flooding the State. 
To go over Georgia and address the people, meant a vast deal 
of fatigue as well as expense to the opposing candidate. It 
meant a good deal more than fatigue and expense — for we had 
known what paid detractors and corrupt caluminators could 
do in a heated campaign. 

Perhaps he should have answered the call. Eternity alone 
can tell — because the triumverate did concentrate their fire on 



Ur Memoies op Geobgia Politics 

^^^ , ;i it W always a question, 

t,e Seventh district afte-ards and^.tj ^ ^J^.^^,^ ^^^^_ 

,,en an "VV^T^l^^Z .oJ^'^^ V^^^"-^' ^^'''^- 
whether one should siop 



Dr. Felton's Campaign With 
J. C. Clements 



The State of Georgia was in a perfect ferment over the events 
mentioned in the chapter headed "Campaign of 1880," when 
we returned from Washington in the summer of that year. 

There was not a man in Washington City, who was familiar 
with the facts who did not conclude that the "straw" that 
would "break the camel's back" had now been laid on the 
patient long-suffering beast, alias Georgia. 

There was not a man who spoke to us in Washington City 
about the situation who did not tell us that they believed that 
money had been freely used somewhere and by somebody to 
move Gov. Brown into the Senate. 

It was conceded that Gov. Brown was a more capable rep- 
resentative than Senator Gordon, but the onus, the reason why, 
the bargain, the trade, etc., were discussed at considerable 
length, always winding up with the question : ' ' How much did 
he pay for it?" 

Such was the status of affairs when we reached home after 
the adjournment of Congress in the summer of 1880. The in- 
dependent friends at home were anxious Dr. Felton should stay 
in Congress and he was more than willing to explain to them 
his work in that body, so his canvass came on naturally and 
with little or no excitement. This was very different from 
what we had expected, but we set it down to the fact that the 
gubernatorial canvass was on red hot and sulphurous. Gov. 
Brown was working might and main to seciire a majority vote 
for himself in the legislative races. Every precinct had its 
workers and money flowed like the creek was full and no sign 
of dry weather. 

In my review of Senator Hill's politics, I notice the pro- 
posal that he said he was authorized to make to Dr. Felton. If 
he (Felton) would not run any more they would withdraw 
all opposition and give him a walkover. He did not conclude 
that anybody held the names of Congressmen in his vest pocket 



312 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

by divine right and that they could not run without permission 
from the bosses was preposterous and that was not his style 
anyhow, and so the negotiation ended. Dr. Felton then jogged 
along with his usual canvass until the gubernatorial conven- 
tion met and after a stormy session broke up in a row and 
two independents went out to run the race. We decided that 
it was a fight inside the party and to keep hands off. It was 
what Dr. Felton had longed to see, a straight up and down 
race, where the negro was not in evidence and where the white 
men of Georgia could unite on a principle and go to the ballot 
box with an assurance that the vote could be counted and 
justice win. 

With Senator Hill's denunciation of Gov. Colquitt and his 
administration, with the bargain and sale so called of a seat in 
the United States Senate, with the enormities of the convict 
lease exposed and poor Alston's assassination, he supposed the 
sane and sensible people in Democratic Georgia would embrace 
the opportunity and recall the State's business into capable 
hands and purify the political atmosphere in and around the 
State capitol in Atlanta. A congressional convention was held 
as usual and to the surprise of the regular organized, none 
of the battle-scarred warriors were selected and they ''dug 
up" a new man in Walker county and remanded the "faithful" 
to the anxious bench again. 

Mr. Clements was unknown to the people of a majority of 
the counties and he made very little stir in the campaign. As 
it was a presidential year ; after the October election was over 
with, the "powers that were" elated with victory decided to 
run a still hunt and "count out" where bogus Hancock and 
Garfield tickets could be used in the seventh district. We had 
no experience with such fraud before, but it was worked so 
skilfully that we were satisfied it was nothing new to those 
who thus defeated an honest vote and a fair count. The fraud 
was perpetrated mostly in Floyd and the upper counties of 
the district. When we returned to Washington after the elec- 
tion was over a reporter of the Cincinnati Commercial came 
to see Dr. Felton and I heard the interview and what I here 
copy is in the main correct : 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 313 

DR. FELTON'S DEFEAT. 
How the Will of the People Was Violated at the Polls. 

Special to the Cincinnati Commercial. 

Washington, March 2. — Hon. Wm. H. Felton, the Georgia 
independent, has represented his district in Congress six years. 
At the last election he was defeated by systematic fraud. He 
has long been gathering evidences of this, and the result shows, 
in a striking manner, how elections in the South are conducted. 

In an extended interview with your correspondent, Mr. Felton 
gave the following account of the frauds by which he was de- 
feated and Georgia made "solid": 

The causes of my defeat were, first, the overconfidence of 
my friends. They had persuaded themselves that I would 
triumph easily over my opponent. Many remained at home 
engaged in their business matters ; many were not sufficiently I 
watchful, and the organized Democrats whom I have always, [ 
in my political campaigns, antagonized, were thoroughly drill- j 
ed — their last voter at the polls, and working with an energy ' 
which was inspired by a political hatred unequaled in our his- \ 
tory. I was defeated by fraud, intimidation and bogus tickets, f 
To give you some conception of the animus of the opposition 1 
will state that in some of my speeches I expressed my sentiments 
about General Garfield and thereafter the most prominent 
Bourbon journal in the district (Rome Courier) kept at its 
head the following sentence taken from my speech: ''Garfield 
is a good man — a patriot and a gentleman." — W. H. Felton. 
**Do the people of the seventh district of Georgia believe that 
Dr. Felton is honest in that opinion ? If he is can they indorse 
him without violating the cardinal principles of Christian mor- 
als? Does he not hold himself out to the world as one ready 
to treat and bargain for the sale of his own vote and influence 
in Congress?" 

This paper was the guide to public Democratic opinion in 
the county of Floyd, where the greatest frauds were perpe- 
trated. 

In the speech at Marietta (Cobb county) I used these words: 
"I knew General Garfield personally — have been on the same 
committee with him. He is a gentleman of good morals, social, 
clever, and has a grand intellect. Intellectually he has no 
superior in the House. He is a good man, has a mind of in- 
exhaustible resources, and I have not a word to say to detract 
from his integrity." 

The Bourbon sheet (Marietta Journal, the county organ), 
commented on me in these words: "Dr. Felton can not find it 
in his heart to detract from the character of General Garfield, 
who stands branded by his own acts and his own party as a 



U-J CitrAiS i^ i^'kid "^ ^' 



314 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

perjurer, suborner of perjury, a bribe-taker, and a back-salary 
grabber. Oh! Consistency, thou art a jewel!" 

They asserted that the salvation of the party which was to 
be the salvation of the country demanded my defeat, and every 
method, honest and dishonest, was resorted to for that pur- 
pose. 

"Are you not going to contest the seat of the elected mem- 
ber?" 

' * No ; and for these several reasons : My experience in the 
last three Congresses convinces me that the contestant, how- 
ever just his claim, is compelled to dance attendance on the 
whims and party purposes of a committee, sometimes until the 
last three days of a Congress, before his case is reported to 
the House, as shown, among many others, in the case of Bisbee, 
who received the unanimous support of the Committee, but 
who was kept here in expectation, annoyance and expense to 
the end of this Congress, notwithstanding the official declara- 
tion of his title to the seat." 

"It appears to be the policy of Congress, doctor, to pay the 
salary to the seated member and the contestant also." 

"However that may be I can not consent to become a party 
to defrauding the government of a single cent. I am not going 
to seek the people's money by becoming a contestant for the 
office simply. I desire the ends of justice accomplished; and 
I propose to contest the frauds before the seventh congressional 
district of Georgia. I have always appealed to this consti- 
tuency and found them ready to rebuke corruption and willing 
to protect an honest ballot, until this well-devised system of 
fraudulent tickets was made all powerful by the machine- 
tricksters of the organized Democracy. There are many good 
people who vote the regular Democratic ticket in this district, 
who are in no way complicated in these frauds; who would 
scorn the making and attempted use of such villainous meth- 
ods. They cast honest ballots themselves, and are not respon- 
sible for the deception and trickery of these self-constituted 
manipulators at the polls. Prior to 1874 there was an organ- 
ized system in this district, of denunciation and political os- 
tracism which amounted to a total exclusion from any office, 
of every one who dared to question the right and supremacy 
of this organization. Democrat or Republican, who dared to 
differ with this corrupt oligarchy or to question its doubtful 
methods, was branded with every epithet known to political 
billingsgate — 'radical,' 'traitor,' ' disorganizer, ' 'Yankee ally,' 
'negro affiliator,' etc. But the friends of a free ballot and 
an honest count in 1874, made a successful stand against this 
'ring.' In 1876 and '78 the fight was renewed, with continued 
success for the independent voters. These campaigns are with- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 315 

out a parallel in the history of the State for bitterness and 
vituperation on the part of these baflled tricksters, but this 
wholesale abuse only aroused the independents to increased 
energy and watchfulness. In 1880 the machine changed its 
tactics. Although trickery and continued efforts to deceive the 
ignorant and dependent voter had always marked its policy, 
the manipulators found themselves defeated whenever the peo- 
ple were aroused. They decided to inaugurate a * still hunt, ' to 
make the system of fraudulent tickets successful." 

"Do you know to what extent these fraudulent tickets were 
instrumental in defeating you?" 

"I have no means of knowing how often I was voted for as 
'Elector' on the fraudulent tickets which I will show you. 
Many counties in the district were flooded with them I will 
also show you some affidavits which will throw considerable 
light upon the subject. Besides, I have an official statement 
from the comptroller general which will evidence the dis- 
crepancy in the vote for electors, showing the great falling off 
in the regular seventh district electors which can be explained 
in no other satisfactory way. Just here I will allow you a 
couple of tickets that were voted and thrown out and you 
will find it difficult at the first glance to discover the fraud." 

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN TICKET. 

For President, 

Jas. A. Garfield, of Ohio. 

For Vice-President, 

Chester A. Arthur, of New York, 

Electors — State at Large. 

James Atkins, George S. Thomas. 

District Electors, 

First District — A. N. "Wilson. 

Second District — H. B. Stewart. 

Third District— W. P. Pierce. 

Fourth District — I. N. Wimbish. 

Fifth District— E. Pinkney. 

Sixth District— Peter O'Neal. 

Eighth District— W. J. White. 

Ninth District— W. T. Crane. 

District Elector, — Seventh District of eGorgia, 

William H. Felton. 

"The above is a sample of a ticket voted and thrown out 
of the ballot box. The reader will discover the omission of 
the seventh district elector's name — and the average voter 



316 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

would not be likely to discover the fraud unless he examined 
it closely. There was no congressional candidate counted with 
this ticket, although the Republican voters believed they were 
voting for ine, as Congressman, when they deposited that vote 
in the ballot box." 

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC TICKET. 

For President, 

Winfield S. Hancock, of Pennsylvania. 

For Vice-President, 

"William H. English, of Indiana. 

Electors — State at Large, 

J. C. C. Black, Richard E. Kennon. 

District Electors, 

First District— S. D. Bradwell. 

Second District — Wm. Harrison. 

Third District— C. C. Smith. 

Fourth District — L. R. Ray. 

Fifth District— John I. Hall. 

Sixth District — Reuben R. Nesbit. 

Eighth District — Seaborn Reece. 

Ninth District — Wm. S. Simmons. 

For Elector of Seventh Congressional District, 

Wm. H. Felton. 

"This ticket was voted in Floyd county and thrown out of 
the ballot box without being counted for me, just as the Re- 
publican ticket was managed as before explained. There was 
no vote counted for me either as elector or Congressman where 
these tickets were used. The next fraudulent ticket that I give 
you, shows the intention of fraud and deception as fully as 
the two that precede it." 

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN TICKET. 

For President, 

James A. Garfield, of Ohio. 

For Vice-President, 

Chester A. Arthur, of New York. 

Electors — State at Large, 

James Atkins, George S. Thomas. 

District Electors, 

First District — A. N. Wilson. 

Second District — H. R. Stewart. 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 317 

Third District— W. P. Price. 

Fourth District — I. N. Wimbish. 

Fifth District— E. Pinkney. 

Sixth District— Peter O'Neal. 

Seventh District — C. D. Forsyth. 

Eighth District— W. J. White. 

Ninth District— W. T. Crane. 

For Representative in the XLVIIth Congress — Seventh 

District of Georgia, 

W. A. Brock, 

"In explanation of the above ticket, I will state that the 
Bepublicans of the district held a district convention and de- 
cided to make no nomination for Congress. Colonel Brock, a 
distinguished Republican, had always been my friend and sup- 
porter, but the organized Democracy, hoping that by the above 
cunningly devised ticket, they might divert some Republicans 
from my support, printed and circulated hundreds of these 
tickets. Col. Brock was indignant when he saw the fraud ; 
and gave a written certificate that it was without his approval, 
and he authorized my friends to denounce it as a fraud from 
one end of the district to the other. ' ' 

"Was Garfield's vote increased in those counties where so 
many Garfield tickets were employed?" 

Mr. Felton — No, sir; President Hayes received 1,206 votes 
in Floyd county in the campaign of 1876. 

Garfield only received 892 in 1880, a falling off of 314, in a 
county which has rapidly increased in population during the 
last four years. 

In the county of Cobb, where strenuous efforts were made 
to defeat me, and where intimidation was employed to frighten 
colored men from the polls, I find Mr. Garfield does not get 
the vote of Mr. Hayes. 

The Republican vote of Cobb county in 1876 was 753. In 
1880, was only 559. 

In Polk county, adjoining to Floyd, Garfield only fell behind 
Hayes 21 votes, and the difference was small in Bartow county 
also. 

Had I decided to contest the seat of Mr. Clements I should 
have examined he vote of every county with careful scrutiny. 
I was furnished this evidence in regard to the frauds in Floyd, 
by the indignant citizens of that county. My opinion is de- 
cided that these tickets are a system in some localities; and 
where this wrong is condemned in the South, freedom is a 
myth, and elections are a farce. The whole vote in the district 
was smaller than in 1876, owing to the law that compelled all 



318 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

voters to pay taxes before they were allowed that privilege. 
How that matter was manipulated, the affidavits and state- 
ments disclose. The following are sample affidavits of a few 
of the defrauded voters : 
"State of Georgia, County of Floyd: 

"This is to certify that I am a lawful voter of the county of 
Floyd, and State of Georgia ; that at the election of President 
and Congressmen held on the second day of November, I at- 
tempted to vote at the Etowah precinct, in said coutny; that 
I wanted and attempted to vote for Gen. Winfield Scott Han- 
cock for President and the Hon. William H. Felton for Repre- 
sentative in the Forty-seventh Congress; that I was willfully 
and maliciously deprived of that high privilege by designing 
men of the organized Democracy, who deceived me with a 
ticket, gotten up for that purpose, said ticket reading : 
'For elector Forty-seventh Congress — Wm. H. Felton.' 

That my eyes being dimmed by age, and not having spec- 
tacles, and seeing the names of W. S. Hancock and Wm. H. 
Felton and Forty-seventh Congress on the ticket, thought it 
was genuine and voted it; that I know that the ticket that I 
voted was counted by the managers, and that fourteen other 
men voted the same ticket at the time and place, and that they 
were also not counted for Felton. "A. R. RUSSELL." 

Sworn to before Paul D. Wright, J. P., Floyd county. 

"I, being one of the fifteen men who voted the bogus tickets 
at Etowah precinct, subscribe to the above certificate of A. R. 
Russell as being entirely correct, and that the ticket I voted 
was given me by Thomas A. Oliver, one of the sworn managers 
of the election. "H. H. KERCE." 

Also sworn to by B. J. Reeves and C. Reeves. 

In the official statement furnished to me by the comptroller 
general, I find the elector for the seventh district, T. W. Akin, 
fell behind the other elector twenty-three votes. The vote for 
Hancock in Floyd was 2,252. Mr. Akin received only 2,229 
votes. 

I discover the difference on the Garfield ticket to be much 
greater. 

The majority of the Garfield electors received 892 votes in 
the county of Floyd, while C. D. Forsyth, the elector for the 
seventh district, received only 281, making a difference of 611 
votes in one county alone. Forsyth lived in Floyd county 
and was expected to find his strongest following just there. 

Whether my name as elector appeared on all these tickets 
I have no means of knowing, as no official return was made 
for me as elector. The people must judge for themselves. My 
friends knew nothing whatever of the frauds until the tickets 
were being thrown out. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 319 

I will now furnish you a statement furnished to me by R. 
Toombs Wright, of Rome, son of Hon. A. R. Wright, a gentle- 
man whose legal reputation is national: 
"Rome, Floyd county, Georgia, Nov. 11, 1881. 

"As I was placed at the voting precinct in Rome by several 
Felton supporters to see if the election was conducted prop- 
erly, and each man had his rights, I feel that I can give a cor- 
rect statement of what occurred : 

"1. I noticed that a list of colored men who had paid their, 
and also a list of colored men who had not paid their taxes, 
were found in the hands of some men and boys who sat by the 
ballot box. These men and boys belonged to the opposite 
party — the organized Democracy — friends of Mr. Clements. 
When a voter came up to deposit his ballot, they would cry 
out: 'Hold to his vote before you deposit it, for I don't think 
his name is on our list. Glancing quickly over their list, and 
not seeing his name thereon, they would say : ' Give him back 
his vote.' These voters had been challenged, remember, and 
had taken the oath that their taxes were paid. They had to 
leave the polls without voting. There were only about 200 
colored men in the county who had not paid their taxes, and 
about 300 to 350 white men who had not paid. The majority 
of the colored men desired to vote for Dr. Felton, and the 
majority of the white defaulters were Clements men. This 
accounts for the list of colored men being furnished and the 
list of white men omitted at this precinct, in my opinion. 

"2. I saw some men who wished to vote for Dr. Felton 
approach the polls. I saw them take the oath, and after that 
oath was taken and a ballot placed in a manager's hands (I 
can name him) a man would say to the manager: 'Hold.' 
Turning to the voter he said: 'If you let that vote go in that 
box I will have you arrested on the spot.' A voter asked me 
if this was right. I told these managers to let that vote go in. 
But the threats and intimidation were too great. They left 
without voting, the manager sitting by and encouraging this 
fraud. 

"3. I was sitting in the Central Hotel at 11 :30 o'clock p. m. 
on the day of the election, when a certain Mr, Wardlaw, a 
relative of Mr. Clements, walked in. I noticed under his arm 
one of the ballot boxes — one that they had failed to finish 
counting that night. This box had a very poor seal upon it. 
It could have been opened with ease, and closed the same 
way. The last I saw of that box, that night, it was in the 
hands of Wardlaw and J. R. Towfers, as they walked down 
the street at midnight. Both were supporters of Clements. 
There were 1,677 votes polled at this precinct. When the count 
stopped that night, out of 1,350 votes, Clements had only 74 



320 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

majority. With the remaining 327 votes they gave him over 
100 majority. Remember, this box carried around by Ward- 
lay and Towers, gave a majority of more than 100, while 1,350 
votes in other boxes gave only 74. 

"4. On the morning of the election J. J. Black, tax col- 
lector, and a strong supporter of the Clements party, was pres- 
ent, and received the taxes of all who were willing to pay. 
As this was evidently aiding the Felton vote, he left the court 
house and did not return until the polls were closed. He was 
seen confering with Clements men before he left the house, 
among them Solicitor Clements, the brother of the candidate. 

"5. Bogus tickets were sent out by Clements men to Felton 
supporters, and voted freely, which tickets were all thrown 
out. R. TOOMBS WRIGHT." 

Georgia, Floyd county, Nov. 13, 1880.— This is to certify 
that I was present at the Rome polls, on the day of election 
held on the 2d day of November, 1880. Had gone there to vote 
for W. H. Felton for Congress and Winfield S. Hancock for 
President. I found it impossible for Felton voters to get into 
the voting room while voters for Clements were let in at the 
other door and that after they had promised to vote for Clem- 
ent. I am witness to the fact that many voters for Felton had 
to leave the polls on account of the organized keeping them 
out of the voting room. I told my friends, on that day, that 
Felton would be defeated in Floyd unless we could get the 
rights allowed voters at the polls. 

G. R. DUKE. 

Sworn and subscribed before me this, Nov. 13, 1880. 

PAUL D. WRIGHT, J. P. 

Georgia, Floyd County, November 12, 1880. — This is to 
certify that I was present at the Rome polls on the day of the 
election held on the 2d day of November, 1880. Had gone 
there to vote for Hon. W. H. Felton, for congress, and Win- 
field S. Hancock, for president. At the time the votes were 
being cast I found the door to the election room filled with 
voters for W. H. Felton, kept from entering the room, by one 
of the organized stationed at the door for that purpose. Find- 
ing it impossible to enter at this door to cast my vote, I went 
to a door opening into the upstairs of the court house. Here 
I was told I could not enter unless I was a Clements man. When 
I made myself known as a supporter of W. H. Felton I was 
denied the right of entering at this door, where Clements men 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 321 

were going in after it was known that they were for J. C. 
Clements. his 

M. S. (X) SHUGART. 
mark. 
Sworn to and subscribed to before me, this Nov. 12, 1880. 

PAUL D. WRIGHT, 
J. P. of the 917th District, Floyd County, Georgia. 
"Did Weaver get many votes in your district?" 
"Yes, but my friends write me that they were largely thrown 
out in Murray county, on the plea that it was not a legal ticket. 
They all had my name on them, which will explain the throw- 
ing out, in my opinion. I give you a ticket that you may judge 
of the legality: 

NATIONAL GREENBACK TICKET. 

For President — Jas. B. Weaver, of Iowa. 

For Vice President — Benj. J. Chambers, of Texas. 

For Presidential Electors— W. F. Stark, J. W. Tucker, Chas. 

Davidson, D. B. Person, E. 0. Stafford, H. A. Wrench, C. H. 

Thomas, M. 0. Minter, M. T. Burty, Ira A. Brown, Dr. A. L. 

Nance. 

For Representative, 47th Congress — William H. Felton. 

"It will be seen from the foregoing that Mr. Clements, who 
claims to be my successor, will occupy a seat in Conrgess, 
which is branded with fraud, a seat which the "organized" 
ring of this district has obtained for him by cheating and de- 
ceiving the illiterate, by intimidating and bulldozing the poor 
and dependent. I appeal to the people of the district to avenge 
this wrong against the ballot-box and to rescue our govern- 
ment from the tyranny to which political villainy would con- 
sign it." 

After the returns were tabulated and the official vote de- 
clared, there were only 74 votes difference. There were four 
counties which were not counted as to Hancock or Garfield. 
In those counties the frauds were enormous, especially in 
Floyd. Weaver had a good vote in all the counties, especially 
in Catoosa, Gordon and Murray. The returns in Floyd would 
have disclosed the throwing out of the electoral vote — with 
Dr. Felton 's name substituted as "District elector." In Har- 
alson county also, where the Brock ticket was used. 



522 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Printed Official Returns, from Atlanta Constitution. 

Hincocck Eirfltld Clatiienti Filon 

Bartow 1,918 828 752 1,973 

Catoosa— Weaver, 69 488 65 441 190 

Chattooga 1,166 206 1,010 409 

Cherokee 1,813 125 775 1,192 

Cobb— Weaver, 28 1,980 559 1,404 1,168 

Dade 459 83 463 105 

Floyd 1,803 1,360 

Gordon— Weaver, 133 1,248 164 730 836 

Haralson 

Murray— Weaver, 77 933 95 682 427 

Paulding 653 611 

Polk 1,066 508 657 956 

Walker 1,194 341 1,070 559 

Whitfield 810 708 

Total 10,568 10,494 

It was a carefully laid plan, and it shows that the count was 
covered up by all who handled those tickets. It will stand 
forever as a dirty scheme, manipulated by dirty politicians, 
and unworthy of the name of Georgians. 

This official return gave no notice to the country of the 
Hancock or Garfield vote in four counties. It was "doctored" 
for a purpose and an unworthy one. Dr. Felton should have 
contested this election. The vote and the frauds in Rome alone 
would have reversed the election. 

But the trouble was that men who would cheat and use 
bogus tickets would lie to cover up the frauds. And whenever 
they were uncovered, the Rebel yell sufficed to make the coun- 
try forget what was due to civil freedom. The State of Geor- 
gia was in absolute bondage to those who used the Rebel yell 
for such effect. 

By such efforts and the terror and intimidation of Solicitor 
Clements, brother of the candidate, the election of November, 
1880, was counted in for Judson Clements. That is the way 
he "broke into congress." He is our interstate commissioner! 

An eye witness to the election scenes in Rome that day, 

told us that the same plan, commonly used in Savannah, was 

put in force in Rome on November 2, 1880. The front entrance 

to the polls in Savannah was thronged with men who stayed 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 323 

there. Crowds of men were kept back, particularly poor men. 
They had but a short time to leave their work, and many were 
never allowed to reach the ballot-box at all. But there was a 
side entrance in Rome where Clements voters could hand over 
their ballots, and they were shoved in to reach the box, with 
not an objection or demur. That back way was kept open 
and the front way was kept crowded — packed by men put 
there to keep voters away. The county officials were the ring- 
masters! The county of Floyd was dominated by these men, 
who secured their own elections in the same manner. It would 
be legitimate to go into detail and tell of the dark cloud that 
lowered over the office of Tax-Collector Black. The story is in 
reach, but the fault, I might say the crime lay in the apathy 
and cowardice of Floyd county citizens who allowed such elec- 
tions to pass without invoking the State's authority to sup- 
press them. 

I am old now — with the snows of seventy-five winters rest- 
ing on my head. I lived through these perils — and we might 
have been assassinated — by these political desperadoes, and T 
say it here in the presence of my Maker, that Georgia has had 
experiences in politics that are equal to any now being exposed 
in Illinois or New York or Ohio — and some of our successful 
politicians in many instances could give Lorimer ten miles in 
the race and win in a canter. 

Dr. Felton did not know, when the election of 1880 was on, 
that United States Commissioner Raum, in Washington City, 
had set his Federal deputies in Georgia on Dr. Felton 's track 
to beat him down. His orders to "beat Felton" were ac- 
knowledged by himself, when such efforts were traced up to his 
chief subordinate in Georgia, Andrew Clark. Governor Brown, 
United States senator, later confessed in an interview that 
he had soirhe acquaintance if not intimacy with Raum. I 
saved what he said and what Raum said, and if necessary I'll 
say it for the public over again; but I submit there was no 
•earthly chance to win any election in Georgia against the 
Colquitt administration and Huntington's "man," and the 
money of the convict lease, and the money of the State Road 
lease, and every judge and solicitor in Georgia of one political 
party — and that party led by these powerful forces against all 



324 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

who opposed them. In the Rome judicial district, Solicitor 
Clements was exceedingly active for his brother's success. It 
would have been perfect folly to try to bring these recreants 
to justice. Tax Collector Black and Sheriff Jake Moore could 
be relied upon to put down any complaints — and althoug]i 
''Rome howled" under the tyranny, the people endured their 
own craven condition and these political trick-masters had free 
rein and they went on undisturbed. 

Hon. Judson Clements went into congress as the pet of these 
men of high and low degree. While I may do him some in- 
justice in my expressed opinion, I will say he could not have 
progressed to his present Federal position without their sup- 
port or consent, if not by their connivance. He accepted this 
position at the hands of President Benjamin Harrison, a Rad- 
ical of Radicals in the presidency — and I hazard nothing when 
I say that the commission will have to mend its gait if it 
desires to be considered more than "middle men" between 
the powerful railroads and a restless, dissatisfied and anxious 
people who have hoped for active protection from monopolistic 
forces — and have gotten next to nothing from a most ex- 
pensive, unwieldly bureau in "Washington City, principally 
used for the employment of sons or henchmen of politicians- 
who must have paying positions. This great Federal lumber- 
room seems to be the only place to store away useless furniture 
for purposes understood, if not explained to the public. 

Incompetency is as unsatisfactory as corruption is danger- 
ous ; and if there is anything in Washington City or out of it 
with more pretension and less service than the Interstate Com- 
l merce Commission, unless I might be allowed to say the De- 
partment of the Interior, I wish somebody would point it out 
to me. If you will run your eye over the list of names of 
those in the Blue Book who draw pay and are simply figure- 
heads, or pensioners on the bounty of the government, you 
can see what I saw and fully understand its purpose, as I 
see it. 

There was terrible opposition to the setting up of this high- 
priced, ornamental commission. I have the vote on the pas- 
sage of the bill creating it, and the necessity was urged that 
some breakwater against railroad magnates, such as Jay 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 325 

Gould and Huntington, must be found, and there were brave ] 
and patriotic Southern men enlisted in its advocacy — but it ! 
is history, known of all men, that the progressive element in ' 
the Republican party felt obliged to step out of the ranks and 
call for effective legislation against these monopolists, and to i 
secure rates that were even tolerable, after this highly-varn- ' 
ished bureau had been in evidence for nearly twenty years — 
and seemed to be not only useless for its proposed purpose, 
but hollow on its inside ! 

In closing this review of political conditions in 1880, it will 
not be improper for me to say that I accepted 'Dr. Felton's 
defeat as the fortune of war. I urged him to save his strength 
and his scant pocket-book in the face of "coalitions" that were 
impregnable. The Colquitt-Norwood campaign was an evi- 
dence of the fact that money and Federal influence were en- 
listed, and when a committee of three distinguished members 
of that gubernatorial convention telegraphed Dr. Felton to 
accept strong support and become the minority's candidate for 
governor, against the Kirkwood Ring, reinforced by the Bul- 
lock Democrats led by Senator Brown, I begged him to spare 
himself and his family — the vituperation and billingsgate that ., 
would be heaped on us if he accepted the call. 

Where Hon. Alexander Lawton could make no headway for 
the United States senate, backed as he was by what was called 
the "unterrified Democracy" of Georgia, what hope was there 
for Dr. Felton, who was a plain farmer and local preacher at 
home, but who only, by reason of his intellectual force and 
magnificent oratory, had won a place on the first committee 
of the house, ways and means? This promotion exposed him 
to malignant envy and detraction at home. How could he hope 
to antagonize the leaders, who swapped seats in the senate 
and used the treasury of the State of Georgia like it was their 
own iron safe to pay pets and pimps for dirty political ser- 
vices? He yielded to my persuasions then, and when I recol- 
lect how the pets and the pimps howled along after him when 
he made a few speeches in the gubernatorial canvass of 1886, 
and when such men as ex-Governor Smith joined in the howl- 
ing pack and frothed at the mouth until rabies might be sus- 
pected, I thank my Heavenly Father that my counsels pre- 



326 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

vailed, and that we had only an unfortunate experience with 
Seventh district tricksters in the campaign with Hon. Judson 
Clements. 

When it came to the notice of Northern journals that Sena- 
tor Gordon was a convict lessee in Georgia, their disgust was 
deep and concentrated. One said: "We would not belong to 
that miserable convict system — not for a seat in the United 
States senate." 

In view of what character means to man or woman, I would 
still say to Mr. Clements, I could not afford to be elected presi- 
dent as he was elected to office in the year 1880. His debut 
in this matter was perhaps similar to that of various con- 
gressmen I could name, even in Georgia, during those ring- 
ridden days, but fraud vitiates any contract and the fraud 
that obtained in 1880 and reached its acme of insolence and 
corruption in the year 1894, in the entire State of Georgia, will 
carry its black taint and its foul smell to the end, even in the 
higher positions later obtained. 

After Dr. Felton received the news that he was thus de- 
feated in 1880, and that his usefulness to the nation in the 
city of Washington, growing out of his high position on the 
leading committee of the house was over, we felt pained, of 
course, but it was "the fortune of war." We had only a few 
days left to get ready for our last winter at the National 
Capitol. We supposed there had been a glut of savage delight 
when the men who worked the defeat had gained their victory, 
but the election returns had hardly been sent in until one 
Gary W. Styles, an editor of some paper in Georgia — one of 
a class of politicians that fed and fattened on the "greasy 
drippings" around the State Capitol, jumped into a news- 
paper, flapped his wings, and crowed ! What did he say ? 
"There is one consolation for all Georgians. All the men feel 
better than Dr. Felton, and there is not a woman in the State 
who isn't happier at this moment than Mrs. Felton!" I read 
it aloud to Dr. Felton, for it was published by its author the 
same week of the election. His eyes flashed when he said, 
"the dirty dog"," and "he hopes to wound you!" I replied, 
"You possess your soul in patience! When I get done with 
him, the dirty dog, will be glad to tuck his tail and scurry 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 327 

under the house!" Here is my reply — and, although it was 
written nearly thirty years ago, I can still enjoy the pleasure 
it gave Dr. Felton when I read it to him and heard him laugh 
out loud over what I had written and was then ready to 
send to the next mail that day : 

"Near Cartersville, Ga., November 10, 1880. 

"Editors Constitution: Col. Gary W. Styles publishes the 
fact 'there is one consolation for all Georgians — all the men 
feel better than Dr. Felton, and there is not a woman in the 
State who isn't happier at this moment than Mrs. Felton.' 
I will tell Colonel Styles that I have a proper appreciation of 
his interest in my unhappiness, but I prefer to interview Mrs. 
Styles (a lady in every sense of the word, as I understand), 
before it is decided who is the unhappiest woman in Georgia. 

"As Dr. Felton is acknowledged by Georgians to be the best 
representative the Seventh district ever had — as the severest 
scrutiny of four hot political campaigns has failed to discover 
a stain upon his record or a dishonest dollar in his pocket — 
as his private character is above reproach — as his county in 
which he lives and where he has lived over thirty years, never 
fails to indorse him by an overwhelming majority, I take it 
for granted that Colonel Styles only speaks for himself and 
not for Georgia, and the consolation is a personal affair with 
him and his particular set, who are also well known in the 
State. 

"Henry Clay was defeated, yet that defeat did not detract 
from his ability or integrity nor did it give an irresponsible 
Bohemian the warrant to drag his wife's name into the public 
press, as a consolation for the people in his State. Chivalric 
Kentucky would have mobbed him! 

"Last year Colonel Styles gave us his opinion on the State 
administration. He called it a 'nest of rotten eggs, although 
it was scarcely possible to find the bottom egg in that nest of 
corruption.' As Colonel Styles is now, and was during the 
late State canvass, a prominent advocate of the aforesaid 
'nest,' I think we can now place that bottom egg without fur- 
ther difficulty. The odor is indisputable! 

"He further stated that the 'Democratic party reels with its 
load of obloquy.' If it would not be considered impertinent, 



328 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

I would suggest that he tender a little sympathy to the un- 
happy wives of these men who are anything but a ' consolation 
to Georgians' — and might not charity begin at home? If Mrs. 
Styles can lean upon the honor, integrity, ability and honesty 
of her husband, she will find that 'brave souls are a balsam to 
themselves.' Very respectfully, 

"MRS. W. H. FELTON." 

When we reached Washington City we found that "cold 
shoulders" were also turned to us by some of the Georgia 
delegation. Senator Hill's chilliness to Dr. Felton was in 
marked contrast to his fulsome affection for his old school-mate 
of the last season. The new senator, Governor Brown, com- 
pletely absorbed him, and while Dr. Felton understood "that 
thrift follows fawning," he became thoroughly convinced that 
Senator Hill had lost much of his influence in the United 
States senate after he advocated, before the supreme court, 
a defeat of the Thurman funding bill, which he had tried to 
defeat by his vote in the senate and failed. 

Those things "tell" on any man's reputation, and I became 
convinced in my own mind that the best things after all one 
can get from official station is the good you accomplish and 
the maintenance of one's own self-respect. I had, as I thought, 
one fast, unfailing friend, namely, Hon. A. H. Stephens. He 
was full of kindness, and as I had considerable sickness and a 
very delicate little boy to look after, I spent many happy 
hours in the old statesman's parlor that winter, occasionally 
reading to him^more often writing for him in the j^ush of 
his correspondence. 

I never shall forget the kind words that were spoken to us 
by many Democrats and Republicans of the house and senate 
— the regrets and the censure that was expressed concerning 
our political condition in Georgia, for the "bargain and sale" 
of the seat in the senate, the Colquitt-Norwood canvass, etc., 
had all been read and understood abroad. We had letters 
from many persons before we reached Washington to same 
effect. I picked up one yesterday, written by Senator Frye, 
of Maine, in which he wrote to Dr. Felton, "You were alto- 
gether too decent a man for their business, Doctor." 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 329 

I was with some callers in our hotel parlor one evenin^^ 
when a Western congressman with his wife passed by me. 
We had been good friends for several years. He said: "I am 
going to tell Mrs. Felton what we were just talking about," 
and he went on to say that his little son had been around the 
Capitol a good deal, and only that day had said to him : 
"Papa, why don't you make money like these other men?" 
One of the boys said today: "I can tell you how to make 
money. My papa told me. He said there was a senator down 
in Georgia who traded off his seat in the Senate for lots of 
money," and I found out we could hear more news abroad 
than we were allowed to hear at home. 

When I read Senator Hill's letter to Mr. Chittenden about 
President-elect Garfield, his hopes and his plans — about a new 
party, because, as Mr. Hill said, "the Republican party was 
hated at the South and ought to be disbanded — and the Demo- 
cratic party was hated at the North and ought to be dis- 
banded," etc., my mind went back to the late campaign, when 
Georgia newspapers howled themselves hoarse against Dr. 
Felton because he had some kind words to say of Mr. Garfield 
personally when he was a candidate for congress. 

Of all the inexplicable things in my entire political experi- 
ence, it was the insensate fury of the Georgia people against 
Republicanism in the abstract, and their assienine and actual 
adoption and support of the former ring-leaders of Radicalism 
in Georgia! Of course there was no sort of chance to purify 
politics under such conditions, and the State was ruled from 
Atlanta, with both United States senators from the same 
town, and the so-called "unterrified Democrats" had no more 
authority in the State's political business than a lot of buck 
rabbits when a bull-pup ran through the bushes ! The ' ' fetich ' ' 
about the claims of the party was the veriest clap-trap, and 
displayed nothing else so much as general incapacity and ig- 
norance, when Senator Brown friends absolutely owned the 
State's revenues from convicts and the State's Railroad and 
only allowed the impotent gang to call itself the Democratic 
party ! 



330 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

CAMPAIGN OF 1880. 
Dr. Felton's Effort to Remove Tariff on Quinine. 

After Dr. Felton was made a member of the committee on 
ways and means in the forty-sixth congress, his efforts were 
unremitting to reduce the tariff on quinine. Being in the 
minority, although the house was Democratic, he was unable 
to get a majority report to the house. Democrats from the 
North failed to support his effort. Finally, they aided the 
Republicans and the matter was indefinitely postponed in 
committee. As a committeeman he could not introduce the 
bill himself, but Hon. Mr. McKenzie, of Kentucky, was deputed 
to bring the matter before the house, where it passed with a 
large majority. 

The Atlanta Constitution thus talks of it, on February 6, 
1909 : 

"The Father of Free Quinine," 

An interesting controversy, or rather a revival of an ancient 
one, over credit for the removal of the import duty on quinine 
in this country is now to the fore. Since the men instrumental 
in this direction laid under obligations millions of men and 
women and children of past and present generations, the im- 
portance of authenticity may be well understood. 

With no desire to disparage the achievements of other gen- 
tlemen, it is to be hoped that the work of Dr. W. H. Felton, 
of Cartersville, in his vital achievement shall not be forgotten 
by the people of America. 

He was a member of the ways and means committee, charged 
Avith all tariff questions, in the forty-sixth congress. He in- 
troduced a bill providing for reduction of the import duty on 
quinine, pressed it before the members of his committee, com- 
batted it on the floor of the house and gained the consent of 
his fellow committeemen to report the measure favorably. 

The day before the report of the committee was to be re- 
turned to the house, another member, following a custom then 
prevalent, pressed to passage without committee recommenda- 
tion a bill of similar significance. By the merest technicality 
this great Georgian was deprived of national credit for father- 
ing the movement that gave free quinine to the medical pro- 
fession and its multitudinous activities in America. 

The man whose persistent and intelligent agitation was 
principally responsible for bringing this salutary drug within 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 331 

reach of the masses is now closing the peaceful years of a 
wonderful career in the little city of Cartersville. To the 
natural dignity of the patriarch, wise and seasoned and faith- 
ful in counsel, should be added the distinction of the humani- 
tarian, alert to the interests of afflicted humanity and tireless 
in good works for its relief, and to the world he is entitled to 
be known as "the father of free quinine." 

The chief quinine manufacturers were Powers & Weight- 
man, of Philadelphia. While the debate was on, the great 
millionaires did me the honor of calling to see me — at the 
National Hotel. I found them elegant gentlemen — polite and 
gracious, but we did not talk of quinine. 

The Cost of Quinine — Now and Then. 

Editor Constitution: In your editorial, "The Father of Free 
Quinine," keeping alive the honor that is justly due Dr. Fel- 
ton, one of the most important points is not mentioned : At 
that time quinine was selling at $4.00 an ounce, wholesale, in 
New York, and the manufacturers pleaded that it could not 
be produced for less, and when the law was changed, as re- 
ferred to, sold at wholesale in New York as low as 20 cents 
an ounce, showing that the people had not only shaken the 
chills and fever, but they had been unmercifully robbed "by^ 
the process of law," and, sad to relate, there are too many 
"due and legal processes of law" operative on the statute 
books of our country yet. LEONIDAS F. SCOTT. 

Conyers, Ga., February 8, 1909. 

THE CONSTITUTION. 

Office of the Editor, Clark Howell. 

Atlanta, Ga., October 24, 1906. 
Mrs. W. H. Felton, Cartersville, Ga. 

Mr. Dear Mrs. Felton : I am enclosing you herewith edi- 
torial from yesterday's Constitution, which I hope will please 
you. 

Dr. Felton has no more earnest admirer in the State than I 
am, and I will ever be under obligations to him for his loyal 
support during the recent campaign. I only wish that there 
was some M^ay by which I could show him more than by words 
how much I appreciate his friendship. 

No man in Georgia is more entitled to the love of the people 
than Dr. Felton. He has rendered not only the State, but the 
nation, a magnificent public service and if he had never done 
anything else than make the present W. & A. lease, he would 
have, in that alone, a monument to himself greater than that 



332 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

standing today to the credit of any other man now living in 
Georgia. 

I know all about the part he played in that lease measure, 
and in a humble way I did my best as a young and inex- 
perienced legislator to strengthen his arm in that fight. Dur- 
ing all my service in the legislature, covering off and on a 
period of about eighteen years, I never saw a member make 
such a magnificent fight for any measure as he did for that — 
and without him there is no doubt that the State's road would 
have been leased at a much smaller sum than it brought. 

God bless you and him, and that you may both be spared 
for many years is the hope of Your sincere friend, 

CLARK HOWELL. 

EDITORIAL 

Dr. Felton and the Weightman Millions. 

The suit over the Weightman millions in Philadelphia, to 
decide the disposition of the vast estate left by the millionaire 
manufacturing chemist of that city, recalls some interesting 
history in connection with this firm and the part played by a 
distinguished Georgia congressman in opposing the unfair 
tariff schedules that permitted the accumulation of this vast 
sum at the expense of the people of the country. 

When William H. Felton was a member of congress, from 
1874 to 1880, he was, during his third term, appointed a mem- 
ber of the ways and means committee of the house by Speaker 
S. J. Randall. 

In this office and as chairman of the sub-committee on tariff 
investigation, he was responsible in a large measure for the 
reduction of tariff charges on many necessities of life. He 
also led the fight on the free entry for quinine, which up to 
that time had been manufactured almost exclusively by 
Weightman & Powers, of Philadelphia. The proposal to put 
quinine on the free list was vigorously contested by this firm 
and they employed every means at their command to defeat 
the amendment. Dr. Felton 's brilliant leadership of the relief 
measure, however, won a favorable report, which secured its 
passage in the house. 

Among the members of this prominent and important com- 
mittee were such men as Garfield, Kelly, Fernando Wood, Car- 
lisle and Tucker of Virginia, they being probably the most 
notable figures in congress. When Garfield was elected to the 
senate, from which he advanced to the White House, William 
McKinley, of Ohio, succeeded him on the committee. 

Dr. Felton has always been a firm believer in the doctrine 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 333 

of a tariff for revenue only, to be raised from the luxuries of 
commerce, affording incidental protection to American in- 
dustries. 

The man whose monopoly of the quinine trade was thus 
destroyed, nevertheless died a couple of years ago, leaving an 
estate worth $60,000,000. Dr. Felton, the man who secured 
for the American people the vast benefit of a substantial re- 
reduction in the price of this medical necessity, has reaped 
no material reward from his distinguished public service. 

Despite this showing, will any one undertake to say that 
of the two lives his has been the greatest success? Will any 
one attempt to draw the contrast between these two men, 
who stand out from the crowd, and say the millionaire is 
worthier than the patriot and the humanitarian? 

Weightman lived and died, and when his lawyers came to 
wind up his affairs, they found he left an estate worth $60,- 
000,000 for his heirs to squabble over. 

Dr. Felton still lives, in retirement, at his home in Carters- 
ville, Ga., loved and honored by all who know him. 

He saved millions in money and countless lives by breaking 
up the quinine trust in this country. 

He saved millions to the State in carrying through the act 
providing for the lease instead of the sale of the State Road, 
that in the twenty-nine years of its lease was pledged to pay 
into the State treasury $12,000,000, and then to be returned 
to its original owners plus the betterments and the natural 
enhancement in value. 

On the floor of the legislature his appeals were largely suc- 
cessful in securing the erection of the present magnificent 
State Capitol that cost less than the amount appropriated for 
its construction. 

He was one of the earliest and strongest workers in the 
State in behalf of reformatories for juvenile convicts. He was 
a constant champion of the movement to reform the convict 
system of the State. He was the friend and defender of the 
Georgia railroad commission, when its enemies threatened its 
annihilation. 

His public record has always been above suspicion and his 
private character beyond reproach. 

During Dr. Felton 's forty years' service in the ministry he 
never made one dollar, so high was his regard for the gospel 
and for the example set by the Master, who ''had no place to 
lay His head." There was no time between 1850 and 1900 
that he could not have commanded the highest pulpit salary 
paid in Georgia, or directed the affairs of the most exclusive 
and fashionable church in the State, but he chose otherwise 



334 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

and the returns that come from what the world calls practical 
business sense were not for him. 

Who shall say that his reward and his choice were not the 
stronger, the purer, the more wholesome, than that of the man 
whose autocratic control he had opposed and whose last ac- 
count sheet in this life showed a balance of $60,000,000 ? 

Dr. Felton will probably not leave an estate so large as to 
invite heirs to contest, or for remote kinsmen to assail, but he 
will leave a record of public service that is honorable and im- 
perishable, and he will always be cherished as one of Georgia's 
noblest and most distinguished sons. 



The Markham House Conference 



Early in the winter of 1881-82, various gentlemen in 
Georgia corresponded with Dr. Felton, because of the unrest 
and dissatisfaction which prevailed all over Georgia, and they 
decided to meet in Atlanta and talk over the situation. They 
met at the Markham House, where Dr. Felton was stopping 
His hotel room was convenient, and therefore the meeting was 
afterwards called the Markham House conference. Hon. B. H. 
Hill had made his vicious attack upon Dr. Felton and none 
of these gentlemen were in sympathy with its purpose. It 
was unwarranted — the charge of "Africanizing the State." 
When they met to confer as to some remedy as to future con- 
ditions. Dr. Felton was surprised to find Judge Bigby in the 
company — always recognized as Governor Brown's right-hand 
man in close contingencies. Who invited him, nobody said — 
but he was there, and late in the summer he was appointed 
by President Arthur, through Senator Brown and Colquitt, to 
the place formely held by Colonel Farrow. Whatever was 
done or said was within Governor Brown's reach — as Mr. 
Bigby was not invited there by Dr. Felton and, so far as I 
know, by any of his friends. My memory is correct on this 
line, because we talked over his unbidden visit at the time. 
The Democratic press was instigated to ridicule the patriots 
who were tired of Bourbonism, and to make it appear that 
these people who were criticising the "men in control" 
were in alliance with President Arthur. This was the 
ruling influence which caused Mr. Hill to plunge into 
"committing the greatest indiscretion of his life," accord- 
ing to Hon. A; H. Stephens. As soon as Senator Brown 
reached the Senate, he became the most importunate stickler 
for Bourbon Democracy in Georgia. Col. K. D. Locke, form- 
erly postmaster at Columbus, Ga., was in Washington City 
when ex-Governor Bullock visited President Arthur, and after 
giving the president Senator Brown 's side of the question. Mr. 
Bullock wound up by saying: "Mr. President, no independent 
movement in Georgia can meet with success unless Senator 



336 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Brown leads it." The president told him he could not do 
anything in the way of asking Brown to lead such a move- 
ment, as he believed Brown had developed into a Bourbon 
Democrat, for he (Arthur) was presiding officer in the senate 
when Brown and Hill made their Bourbon speeches. Bullock 
then pressed Senator Brown's liberal views on the president. 
To all of which Mr. Locke said the president turned a deaf 
ear, firmly and politely dismissed Governor Bullock and told 
him he need say nothing further to him about Senator Brown's 
active assistance in Georgia, as he would give it no considera- 
tion whatever." This interview with Mr. Locke was printed 
in the Chicago Tribune in January, 1882. 

Thereupon the independent movement in Georgia was to 
be slandered and ridiculed out of existence, and Governor 
Bullock, who made Governor Brown chief justice, was the 
messenger who failed to impress President Arthur, and the 
Democratic press was set to work to howl down this patriotic 
movement for cleaner politics. The people who were interested 
in holding on — were the powers behind the venal press and 
politicians. The swill-tub kept their folks full and active. 

Dr. Felton made a speech in Augusta in January, 1882, that I 
cannot copy here, but will place it in another volume with all 
his speeches, and it was masterly beyond all question. Judge 
Claiborne Snead told a reporter: "I heard every word of 
Felton 's speech. It was a good one. I can't say I ever heard 
a better. There is no use in talking. Hill will find it out if 
he ever tackles him on the stump. He can take care of him> 
self." Ex-Senator O'Neal, a strong organized Democrat, told 
the reporter: "I liked it very much. There is not a doubt 
that Felton 's objections to the organized Democracy are good. 
Hill made a mistake when he attacked Felton on the line of 
consistency. Mr. Hill is sadly wanting on that line." 

State Senator P. W. Meldrim, of Savannah, who had just 
read the speech in the morning paper, spoke in this manner: 
"I should not be surprised if this Independent movement be- 
came very formidable. I see that Albert Cox, of LaGrange, 
has come out for congress on the Independent line, endorsing 
Felton 's platform and says that he is going to make the issue. 
I am almost satisfied that Cox will win. I was in college with 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 337 

him. He is not only a bright man, but a good speaker — has 
fine command of the English language. He has the happy 
faculty of forming his sentences in such a way that it would 
appear that no other words could have been found that 
would have expressed his ideas more thoroughly. With his, 
Felton's, Speer's and Stephens' districts, the entire northern 
part of the State is found to be Independent. I believe that 
mine, in the East, is Independent with a fair count. Black 
now represents the district, but either Rufe Lester or Pratt 
Adams could go to congress from it on the Independent line. ' ' 
At this juncture an Atlanta man sitting near spoke up: "Yes, 
and I believe the Fifth, now represented by Hammond, is an 
Independent district. I never will have any other opinion 
than that Reub Arnold beat Hammond four years ago. Ham- 
mond was the regular nominee and Arnold the Independent. 
When the returns all came in, with the exception of Crawford 
county, it was found that Arnold led by a big majority. 
Crawford came up with all its votes for Hammond and none 
for Arnold. I have heard it frequently stated that Hammond 
was given more votes than were in the entire county. The 
fact that Crawford's vote came in very late made it look sus- 
picious. ' ' Meldrim asked me if Hammond was strong enough 
to go back. I told him while he was considered a good lawyer, 
nevertheless he was so cold and indifferent in his manners that 
a good active candidate with a fair record could beat him. In 
my opinion, Arnold, Milt Candler or Harry Jackson could beat 
him — on account of his unpopularity with the masses." 

The story of Crawford county was also told to me by one who 
claimed to know. After Arnold carried Fulton county so 
handsomely over Hammond — it was recollected that there was 
a former precinct in Crawford county which was not used for 
several years — but it had a name on the books, etc. The ballot 
box stuffers proceeded to fix up a commodious ballot box with 
a majority to fit. Those who read Mr. Reuben Arnold's open 
letter (in another chapter) where he says Mr. Hammond was 
concerned in Bullock's salary-grabbing time, and intimates 
that Bullock's man Hammond "denied his lord and master," 
can see why the Bullock Democrats preferred Mr. Hammond. 
It was a standing rule in Georgia to make Bullock Democrats 



338 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

and Bullock Republicans pull together, because a "house 
divided against itself could not stand." 

Mr. Bullock and Mr. Brown were never far apart, and 
"when Bullock came back to the State after his hasty flight 
between two suns," says Mr. Steve Postell, the reporter, 
"Brown w^as the first man at his side to sign his bond. Prob- 
ably when Brown found he could not get the leadership of the 
Liberals, so far as the president's support and recognition 
were concerned, he then instructed Bullock to inform the presi- 
dent and the public that the Liberals could not win. This is 
the first time Bullock has appeared in political affairs of late, 
and while it was not publicly known that he left Atlanta and 
went to Washington at Brown's request, there is now reason 
for believing such is the case." 

(Signed) S. W. P. (Steve Postell.) 

Special to Chicago Tribune, February 14, 1882. 

President Arthur was, however, pressed until he placed 
Judge Bigby in Farrow's place, made Judge Underwood a 
member of the tariff commission, unseated Atkins and gave to 
Senator Brown's people the Georgia federal hog trough to 
themselves. 

Dr. Felton got nothing, refused to beg for anything, and 
declined the Atlanta postmastership in 1883, after President 
Arthur looked into matters for himself and fully understood 
how the federal appointments had been worked for Senator 
Brown's friends. I have made it plain, in another chapter, 
how Senator Brown and Governor Colquitt worked on Hon. 
A. H. Stephens until the aged man became a lump of clay in 
the hands of the potter. 

This aged statesman, under the influence of continual hypo 
dermics aided by stimulants which were constantly kept up, 
was led along until he actually forgot. what he had written to 
Judge Hook, to Dr. Felton, to his most intimate friends in 
Georgia, and to myself — his constant correspondent. There is 
no knowing what sort of tales were poured into his ears. 

It is something to remember, that those shrewd politicians 
not only controlled Mr. Stephens, but Senator Hill, who was 
being consumed even then with the deadly cancer — and in a 
condition to be preyed upon by undue excitement. I have been 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 339 

informed that Mr. Hill was led to look upon Dr. Felton as a 
prominent candidate for his own place in the United States 
senate, and he was pushed forward by these gentlemen to do 
what none of them felt inclined to do, towit, attack Dr. Felton 
in the public prints. 

The fusilade of ridicule did a good deal to make timorous 
politicians afraid of the Markham House Conference, so-called, 
but the billingsgate of James Milton Smith, ex-governor, who 
was supposed to know more about "Honest Jack Jones' " 
deficit as treasurer than anybody else, made the cowards run 
to shelter and ex-Governor (then Senator) Brown took all of 
them in whom he considered worth using, and let the others 
wither up in their subservient cowardice, after they went back 
"to the vomit and the mire." 

All the gentlemen who signed the "Markham House" docu- 
ment are dead (so far as I know) save Hon. Albert Cox. He 
is living, active and able to speak out, and I can say with sin- 
cerity that the men I was acquainted with on that list were 
genuine, honest, true-hearted patriots. If they were consorted 
with Republicans to make any corrupt alliance, I never heard 
of it. Mr. Hulsey and I were school children together — I had 
known him all my life. The paper reads today as it did then 
— as a freeman's call to patriotic duty. It was the fortune of 
war that the movement did not succeed. The organized De- 
mocracy of Georgia was crammed with office-seekers and 
hungry for the "flesh-pots of Egypt." 

To the People of Georgia: Thoroughly imbued with the 
conviction that neither the Republican party nor the Demo- 
cratic party, as at present organized under its objectionable 
methods and policies, can subserve the vital interests of the 
people : convinced that under the old formations of political 
parties, sectionalism can never be driven from our Federal 
politics: convinced that under unwatched Democratic ring- 
rule corruption can not be checked in our State affairs, we 
announce the following principles as the corner stone of our 
political faith, and to their full vindication we ask the sup- 
port of all citizens of Georgia who indorse them and who wish 
a national and liberal, and not a sectional government; who 
wish a government by the people, for the whole people, and 
not the government of partisans for the benefit of favorites; 
who wish a vigilant watchfulness over the people's affairs, 



340 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

and not the complete and unchecked control of their affairs 
by one party, of methods, far removed from the many and 
manipulated only by the few. 

1. The political "caucus" is only advisory in its character 
— should have no binding force upon the actions and con- 
sciences of free citizens of a free government ; but every ballot 
cast at an election should represent the convictions of the in- 
dividual voter. 

2. We insist that it is essential to free government to have 
a free ballot and a fair count of all votes honestly cast at any 
State or national election ; and the machinery of managing 
and supervising elections should be guarded and protected by 
law so that fraud will be impossible. 

3. Honorable payment of all honest debts — especially the 
payment of the national and State debts — as rapidly as our 
surplus revenues will authorize. 

4. In financial matters, we recognize gold and silver as the 
money of the constitution ; and all paper issues — greenback or 
other paper currency — should be redeemable, at the will of 
the holder, in coin, at the treasury of the United States. 

5. As soon as the reduction of the national debt will permit, 
we favor the repeal of all internal revenue laws, and believe 
that all the revenues of the Federal government should be 
raised by a tariff upon foreign articles imported into this 
country, and which tariff shall so discriminate in its provisions 
as to afford ample encouragement and incidental protection to 
all home industries. 

6. We advocate a liberal system of internal improvements 
by the Federal government for works of a national character 
only — especially our water routes of transportation. 

7. The national government is the supreme authority known 
to the people of this country, and its laws have the first claim 
to our obedience. Every citizen of the United States is en- 
titled to a full protection of his personal and political rights 
under those federal laws. 

8. We believe that every child should have the opportunity 
of acquiring a common English education in schools forever 
made free by a liberal support from the State government. 

9. Monopolies, by which a privileged class exercise a con- 
trolling power over the property and labor of a multitude of 
citizens, are opposed to the genius and spirit of our govern- 
ment ; and we will steadily resist every measure or system that 
tends to concentrate political power or undue business oppor- 
tunities in the hands of the few at the expense of the many. 

10. The present system of leasing the State convicts must 
be wiped from our statutes as a foul blot upon our civilization 
and humanity. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 341 

11. Party proscription and sectional prejudices have greatly 
retarded the material growth and development of our State — 
which material prosperity we earnestly desire and will dili- 
gently foster; and to this end we will use every moral and 
legal means to suppress proscription and to liberalize sectional 
prejudices — recognizing the unity of our common federal gov- 
ernment and equality of all men before the laws. 

We are imbued with the doctrine that this is a government 
by the people, and of the people, and for the people : that 
political parties are but agencies for a part of the people, and 
that, in any necessary comparison, the people's interests should 
be primary and party interest secondary. 

We believe that it is no longer patriotic to be partisan, but 
that as the two parties now powerful in the country are at 
issue on no governmental principles, it is wise for the people, 
who aspire to fraternal relations coexistent with the country, 
to bury sectional strife and to elevate politics to the considera- 
tion of those material questions in which the whole country is 
vitally interested, and to this end it is especial wisdom for our 
immediate people to select political agencies competent, by 
liberality of principle, to offer such a policy to the entire 
people. To this proposition we invite the attention of all 
patriots in all the States of the union. 

We therefore invite all the people of Georgia, who indorse 
the foregoing principles, and who would attempt to secure a 
liberal basis on which the people of the whole country can 
fraternize, to meet in mass meeting at Atlanta on the 1st day 
of June, 1882, to consider what is the best policy for the people 
to pursue in order to purge the State of personalism and cor- 
ruption, and in order to attain an agency through which our 
people may have a rightful participation in the affairs of their 
federal government. 

W. H. FELTON, 
A. H. COX, 
P. F. LAWSHE, 
THOS. M. BERRIEN, 
WM. H. HULSEY, 
SMITH CLAYTON, 
JAS. S. HOOK, 

Committee. 

I have taken the pains to print a notice of the declaration in 
my article on "Dr. Felton and Hon. A. H. Stephens," but it is so 
perfectly fair and just, as an exposition of what the people of 
Georgia needed at that time, that it is well that the young men 
of Georgia should ponder well its affirmations. The work fell 



342 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

unfinished from lifeless hands. Dr. Felton has gone to his 
eternal reward, and the persecution, the vituperation, the at- 
tempted defamation of character, and the outrageous and 
brazen use of the legal revenues of the State by its leading 
politicians are things of the past. If I had to choose today, 
as I have often said, I would take the "good name" rather 
than the "riches" of his persecutors. Hon. Mr. Cox can speak 
out, if the "Markham House Conference" was an alliance of 
corrupt politicians to Africanize Georgia. He wrote several 
kind letters to Dr. Felton, all of which do credit to brain and 
heart. I know he was persecuted by the "political combine," 
and they will continue to taunt him according to their ac- 
customed habit of mind and unfairness of Georgia politics. 
I propose to be a witness for Mr. Cox, and so far as in me 
lies, put these defamers to the blush before I also go hence ! 
On January 28, 1882, Dr. Felton received the following : 

LaGrange, Ga. 
Hon. W. H. Felton, Cartersville, Ga., 

My Dear Sir : Your valued favor of yesterday has just been 
received, and received with great pleasure. 

As a Georgian and a freeman, I could no longer submit to 
methods subversive of all the power of the people over their 
own affairs. I sincerely hope that by united counsels, and wise 
plans of battle, we may be enabled to make our first pitched 
battle for liberalism in the entire State, successful this fall. 
I leave for Columbus in au hour. IMy energies are in this 
work. Some one of our new workers will write to you or see 
you soon from Atlanta. Hoping to meet you personally at 
an early date and wishing you abundant success in all your 
efforts. Truly yours, 

Signed A. H. COX. 

"LaGrange, Ga., February 9, 1882. 

"My Dear Sir: I had hoped to answer your courteous in- 
vitation in person this week, but owing to professional business 
find it impossible. If possible will come up on Monday. 

"Our courts open on Monday week and unless I can get off 
next week, I will be some weeks before I can. 

"The prospects here are good if we can get control of the 
old Whig element. This can only be done with something 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 343 

new. Of course you understand I favor a distinct new party. 

''Yours truly, A. H. COX." 

"LaGrange, Ga., April 16, 1882. 
"Hon. "W. H. Felton, Cartersville, Ga., 

' ' My Dear Sir : Your valued favors have been duly handed 
me. Thanks ! Our superior court meets tomorrow — holds two 
weeks. I am greatly crowded so excuse evident haste. I've 
leave for absence only till Wednesday, so must travel Tuesday 
night to Cassville. I've accepted to speak at Cassville and 
at Cartersville and like the conjunction ; will try to speak 
clearly at Cartersville. 

(He was invited for Memorial day exercises at Cassville, and 
the citizens of Cartersville invited him to make an address 
while he was in the county.) 

"I must leave Cartersville on the midnight train you men- 
tion, so as to reach home Thursday morning. Let me see you 
before the speaking. With good cheer and best wishes, 

' ' Truly your friend, A. H. COX. ' ' 

"LaGrange, Ga., May 9, 1882. 
"Hon. W. H. Felton, Cartersville, Ga., 

"My Dear Sir: Your esteemed favor of yesterday just re- 
ceived. It will afford me great pleasure to meet the gentle- 
man mentioned at the time and place specified. 

"Yours truly (in great haste), 

" A. H. COX." 

I did not ask Mr. Cox's permission to print these letters, 
because I desired that I should be able to furnish convincing 
proof of the honorable intentions of both gentlemen without 
his knowledge and I am sure the publication will not only 
speak for his unsullied patriotism but put to shame the ab- 
ominable insinuations and accusations which paid agents of 
the convict lease system put out in the papers to injure both 
Dr. Felton and Hon. ]\Ir. Cox. 

The letter of May 9th advised Dr. Felton that he would at- 
tend a meeting in Atlanta, where the published declarations 
of political principles would be enunciated and announced, 
and it so resulted. Mr. Stephens, according to agreement, was 
recommended for governor and I here declare that Mr. Steph- 
ens was acquainted fully as to the plans of the independents. 



344 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

His letters establish the fact that he was informed and con- 
senting. His defection ^nd his consequent surrender to 
Senator Brown and Gov. Colquitt are also perfectly estab- 
lished. The gentlemen who met at the Markham House were 
patriots. They only desired the good of Georgia and the suc- 
cess of clean political methods. 

This story of the Markham House conference will live as an 

era in Georgia when the ruling politicians of the State were 
either in bondage to their masters and paid just like their 

services had been contracted for or we were beset with the 
greatest set of political cowards that ever cursed a supposed 
free country ! 

"Democracy" was only a catchword and there was noth- 
ing in evidence to prove a government by the people or for 
the people save the name and a wild insensate cry of loyalty 
to the "Solid South." The "bosses" worked both in their 
greed of money. 



Hon. A. H. Stephens' Campaign for 

Governor 



The year 1880 witnessed, the most perfect whirligig in Geor- 
gia politics known to the State from its earliest history. 
Senator Gordon astonished the people of Georgia by slipping 
out of the senate and, together with Governor Colquitt, so 
managing the business that Hon. J.. E. Brown was appointed 
before anybody but the few intimately concerned knew about 
the exchange. It was done between dark and daylight, and 
the cyclone was on us. It is not known whether Senator Hill 
knew of it, in advance, but it will be remembered he had but 
little to say. He exploded when Governor Colquitt signed the 
North Eastern Railroad bonds, and denounced the governor 
at home and in Washington. Whether all his vim was ex- 
pended on that notable "Address to the People of Georgia," 
I never knew, but it was patent to everybody that he was as 
dumb as an oyster during the excitement of 1880. I am 
impressed that there was some alliance between himself and 
Governor Brown, in those later years, that has not been ex- 
plained. He was evidently pleased when the new senator 
by appointment came in. He appeared to be intensely in- 
different when Governor Colquitt ran against ex-Senator Nor- 
wood for governor. He did, all at once, conclude to be very 
friendly with Mr. Stephens, and that intimacy grew apace. 
It was Mr. Stephens' habit to send me either a postal card 
or a letter nearly every day when we were not in Washington. 
He was an extraordinary correspondent. I could tell by those 
letters when Mr. Hill was his visitor, and I discovered also that 
Mr. Stephens was visited by a good many people who were not 
friendly to him in other days. Mr. Stephens' health was always 
precarious after I became acquainted with him. He did not at- 
tend the first session of the forty-fourth congress. He was des- 
perately ill after he went to Washington City, in the winter of 
1876-77. His death was published at one time. He was obliged 
to diet himself all the time. He constantly stimulated himself 



346 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

with whiskey. When he was sick or in pain, hypodermics were 
frequent. His colored servant, Alex Kent, was accustomed 
to wake up and use the hypodermic syringe and Mr. Stephens' 
physician, who was also our doctor, often mentioned this fact 
as a very risky thing to do. I mention this to prove that 
Mr. Stephens might have been unduly doped at times, when 
the size of the hypodermics were not known. This may ac- 
count for some singular lapses of memory that seem unex- 
plainable without laiowledge of this fact. 

Dr. Felton's term of congressional service expired on March 
4, 1881. Mr. Stephens' letters to me were continuous until 
May 18, 1882. Why they stopped at that time, it is my pur- 
pose to show after awhile. Some time in December, 1881, Dr. 
Felton, Dr. Miller, Judge Hook, and others, had an informal 
meeting at the Markham House in Atlanta. Judge Hook was 
a close friend of the "Old Commoner," as he loved to be 
called. Living in the Eighth district, he was a valued con- 
stituent of Mr. Stephens. Judge Hook was foremost in in- 
viting Dr. Felton to speak in Augusta, early in January. I 
went with Dr. Felton to Augusta and we were elegantly en- 
tertained by Judge Hook's near relatives. Judge Hook was a 
frequent correspondent of Mr. Stephens. It was Judge Hook 
who seemed to be nearest to Mr. Stephens in all the discus- 
sions concerning what was called the Markham House con- 
ference. Whatever was done or said at that time was faith- 
fully reported to Mr. Stephens by two persons, Judge Hook 
and myself. I am thus particular, because of the flood of 
vituperation which was poured on Dr. Felton, per se, first by 
Senator Hill, and later by jMr. Stephens in his campaign 
speeches, made at Macon and Atlanta, in September, 1882. 
I preserved copies of both of the speeches, and I have always 
intended to bring out the bottom bed-rock of facts, when the 
time came to do it. It was Mr. Stephens' chronic habit to 
mark all his letters ' ' personal " or ' * confidential. ' ' Because this 
was the case, Dr. Felton was not willing for me to print some 
of these letters during that gubernatorial campaign. 

But there was a time when Mr. Stephens knew I so in- 
tended, and I certainly should have done so but for his own 
change of purpose. This I shall explain in the proper connec- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 347 

tion. Dr. Miller was interviewed concerning the Markham 
House conference as soon as possible. He was asked about this 
conference. "I happened accidentally into the Markham 
House on Thursday last. The last name registered was that 
of Dr. Felton. I asked for his room and was shown in. Sev- 
eral gentlemen came in. I left even before my dinner hour, 
as I had several patients to see. If any political conference 
was held, it was after I left the room. So far as an organiza- 
tion is concerned, or Dr. Felton is concerned, I will support 
him if he is a candidate for governor. From his published 
declaration of principles, I do not see how he can shrink from 
it. He has stated his platform — it is the platform of the 
people. I do not see how he can refuse. They will make him 
their candidate." Democrat or Republican? "Dr. Felton is 
a Democrat and he has formulated carefully the platform on 
which he stands. It is a declaration acceptable to all Inde- 
pendent Democrats, and will receive the support of the best 
Republicans. There is not a paragraph of his platform that 
I cannot defend. The organized Democrats cannot assail them 
and the people will endorse them." Ex-Governor Bullock, 
Republican, was interviewed. Said he : " This talk about 
organizing a party of so-called Independents and Republicans 
is all bosh. The nearest approach to an active alliance be- 
tween the Republican and Democratic elements in this State 
occurred when a portion of the Democracy undertook to ov..-r- 
throw Colquitt, because he appointed Brown, who had been a 
Reconstructionist. The result, as you know, was a rally of 
all the Reconstructionists and an overwhelming defeat of tlie 
reactionary party. Under similar circumstances, the same 
thing would happen — but there is nothing in the present situa- 
tion to cause patriotic alarm." (Governor Colquitt could not 
depend on the Democrats, so he appointed Governor Brown 
to get the Reconstructionists, and he took in the negroes en 
masse). Not to be tedious, I will refer you to the declaration 
of the Independents and the names of the signers of the 
declaration : 

"It is printed, under the heading of Markham House Con- 
ference." 

There is nothing very bad in this, is there ? It was these 



348 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

ideas, more tersely expressed, that Dr. Felton wrote, by re- 
request of the Chicago Tribune. These were the ideas that 
prevailed in his Augusta and Savannah speeches. And it was 
just these propositions that turned B. H. Hill from an af- 
fectionate friend to a bitter, blatant persecutor! The milk in 
the cocoanut was the convict lease. Governor Brown (now 
Senator), had a quota of three hundred able bodied, long- 
term slaves guaranteed to him for a period of twenty years. 
Col. Bob Alston told me that Governor Colquitt was a silent 
partner with General Gordon. Renfro, Murphy, and others 
were in full feather in the State House and convict lessees also, 
and Nelms was the man who served the lessees, although em- 
ployed and paid by the State as principal keeper. Nobody 
can now forget the horror that later prevailed, when the 
State of Georgia felt obliged to rise up and squelch this leas- 
ing of convicts by private parties. It was atrocious and 
abominable to be forced to provide these men in high political 
offices with valuable slaves to do their bidding and fill their 
pockets. 

But when you recollect that Jay Gould had placed Stanley 
Matthews on the supreme bench of the United States, before 
which court of final resort all legal complaints were obliged 
to go at the finish — put there by a trade with General Gar- 
field before his election — and when you recollect that Hunt- 
ington bought and sold congressmen and senators with the 
bribe money of a Pacific Railroad lobby, this timid appeal of 
a few independents down in Atlanta, Georgia, sounds like a 
prayer in mid-ocean with everything in shipwreck! 

These men were jeered, ridiculed and denounced by the 
venal newspapers — some of which were recognized as the 
"kept organs" of the convict lease. 

Dr. Felton was urged to run for governor on this platform. 
He was deluged with letters begging him to run. Less than 
two years ago I went through the letters of that time and 
earlier and I destroyed seven thousand, after I had already, 
in previous years, culled and sorted and only kept twice that 
number. I have a good sized trunk full today, and affirm, in 
this presence, that he had every inducement to run, save the 
money — and he was not financially able to enter a State-wide 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 349 

gubernatorial campaign, and I could not gain my consent to 
submit to the persecution and maybe martyrdom that might 
attend it before it could end. 

When the Colquitt and Norwood convention of 1880 broke 
into flinders, a telegram was sent to him to this effect : ^ 

Atlanta, Ga., August 10, 1880. 

''Hon. "W. H. Felton: Probable disruption and recommenda- 
tion of Colquitt by his followers. Will you make the race 
against him ; assured of strong support ? Answer. 

(Signed) H. H. Carlton, J. L. Warren, Wm. Garrard." 

Dr. Felton thus answered : ' ' My friends wish me to continue 
in the race for congress. So I must decline the race for gov- 
ernor." W. H. FELTON." 

We understood that the "Reconstructionists," which meant 
the Bullock Democrats and Bullock Republicans, were Brown 
men and supporting Colquitt. We had felt the secret influence 
of the State Road lease in the Lester campaign. We knew that 
convict lease money was plentiful and would be turned loose 
ad infinitum, and we were both satisfied that Pacific lobby 
money had more to do with general Georgia politics than was 
understood at that time, but we could not prove its pressure 
except by its outside symptoms, or betray those who did not 
wish to be known. Until I am convinced to the contrary, I 
shall always believe that an alliance was made by Georgia Re- 
constructionists with Mr. Blaine to defeat General Grant, in 
1880, and that alliance also took in Cyrus Field's brother, 
Stephen J., who was a California man, and the Pacific Railroads 
ruled California and also Mr. Blaine. 

Mr. Blaine had no following in Georgia until the spring of 
1880, but he went to the National Republican Convention with 
as many delegates from Georgia as either Grant or Sherman. 
Stephen J. Field had no following in Georgia until the spring 
of 1880. S. J. Tilden was the heir-presumptive — but Stephen 
J. Field had an immense majority of the Georgia delegates to 
the National Democratic Convention. As soon as Mr. Blaine's 
man, Garfield, was nominated, the Field boom disappeared out 
of sight like mist on a frosty morning. I have the published 
proceedings of both of these Georgia conventions of 1880, and 
it is fully evident that Bullock Democrats and Bullock Repub- 



350 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

licans "fought nobly!" Understanding, as we did, that there 
was a hidden force somewhere — and there would be no lack of 
money to carry the Colquitt election. Dr. Felton would have 
been something less than an idiot to have attempted the race 
for governor in 1880 without money, although he was promised 
strong support. 

And he declined to run for governor in 1882 for the same 
or similar reasons, and then the correpondence begun with 
Hon. A. H. Stephens, looking to his candidacy. He declined, 
as usual. Most positively he declared that he would never be 
a candidate for anything any more. I wrote him that his 
nephew, Mr. John Stephens, was talked about, and asked what 
he thought of that plan ? He cut it off so short that this one 
letter was all that was needed — to set aside his nephew, John 
— for governor. , 

Public opinion settled down at last that Mr. Alex Stephens 
would not be antagonized by Senator Brown in 1882 — that 
Governor Colquitt was keeping still, for Mr. Hill's seat would 
soon be vacant by death and Mr. Colquitt felt assured that he 
could make that trip, if he had the same backing as in 1880. 
Senator Brown had placed Mr. Renfro in a fat federal office — 
ditto Mr. Bigby — ditto ]\Ir. Nelms — ditto Judge Underwood — 
and a cow pen full of smaller dittoes. While he was pushing 
these well known Brown men into fat federal positions, there 
stood poor, suffering Senator Hill, absolutely frantic lest Dr. 
Felton might be given some federal patronage by President 
Arthur ! It beggars belief that such things as these could go 
on in broad daylight, and that Democrats, not Bullockites, could 
also go crazy in the hurrah led by Ex-Gov. J. M. Smith, who 
hooted at Senator Brown on one side of his mouth, but whistled 
softly on the other as soon as anybody criticized the convict 
lease of Georgia. He proceeded to fall in line and obey orders 
immediately whenever that war tocsin was sounded. His in- 
sensate ravings against Dr. Felton in the Bacon-Gordon cam- 
paign for governor in 1886 were something out of the common 
— and yet he was continually haranguing against Colquitt, 
Brown & Co. But this will come out in its own particular place. 
I repeat, there was never at any time in the history of Georgia 
politics more federal positions handed out than Senator Brown 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 351 

obtained from President Arthur, yet Dr. Felton was set upon 
by the convict lease claquers from one end of the State to the 
other, (and he never had a single bit of patronage to bestow 
on anybody) as an "infamous coalitionist" with President Ar- 
thur to "Africanize the State." "Stop thief!" was always the 
thief's famous cry! 

Mr. Stephens' coy advances to the Independents, or rather 
his coy bashfulness when Dr. Felton and his friends advanced 
to him, is something that cannot be described, but may be im- 
agined — when it was known to be an established fact for thirty 
years that he always declined to run for office, and yet never 
failed to run, as soon as the coast was clear. The Augusta 
politicians never did and never could get ahead of that win- 
ning game of his. There was a crisis at one time, when a letter 
of Mr. Stephens was read in a Congressional Convention by a 
delegate, declining to run — but was checkmated by another 
letter also promptly by a delegate, that he could not refuse, 
etc. I have the report of that Congressional Convention pasted 
away for reference, and it is worth keeping. So he told the 
Colquitt faction, the Reconstructionists, etc., he would not run, 
and he told the Independents he would not run. The race 
was even that far. Then the Independents made another move 
They advertised a meeting for May 15, 1882, when a guber- 
natorial candidate would be "recommended." I remember 
well how it moved along — to the day and hour appointed. The 
Independents did their courting with letters. Judge Hook 
wrote. Dr. Felton wrote (when I did not write for him), and 
Mr. Stephens had a confidential outside friend who wrote, and 
then swapped letters with me. 

"Governor Colquitt and other prominent Georgia Democrats 
reached Washington and spent most of Sunday with him in his 
room at the National Hotel," said The National Republican, 
which noted these arrivals, and thus discoursed : ' ' The Re- 
publican realizes with pain that Mr. Alexander H. Stephens 
is flirting with Mr. Emory Speer, or that he was misunderstood 
by that gentleman. It was our wish to see the gubernatorial 
office bestowed on Mr. Stephens. We believed he would not, 
if elected, prove as ungrateful to the negroes as did Governor 
Colquitt, who took the governorship at their hands and then 



352 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

flouted them. We feel sure that he would not be a suppliant 
to negroes and then be as oblivious of the obligations as Sena- 
tor Joe Brown has been." 

It was Mr. Stephens' manifest determination to secure the 
favor of the Independents. The Constitution (newspaper) im- 
mediately rasped him, and I had a letter in hand containing 
the following emphatic declarations to be governed by : 

National Hotel, Washington, D. C, 
My Dear Mrs. Felton: February 21, 1880. 

Yesterday I received a letter from in informing 

me that he had just had a very pleasant hour or two with 
you and Dr. Felton, who were on a short visit to that city. 
His letter was a very interesting one to me, having much in 
it that was entirely new, but a good deal that I could not credit. 
Among other things he said that you casually mentioned that 
you had not received a letter from me since the appearance 
of Mr. Hill's interview (Grady's interview of January 2, 1882, 
about 'Africanizing the State.") Now, that remark is what 
prompts this letter without delay. It is true, I have not written 
you since the publication of that interview, as was my custom 
before. I should perhaps have made an explanation before this 
time. I mean, should have informed you of why I abstained 
from writing on political topics before. Allow me now to say 
it was simply because when blood is getting up and a quarrel 
is likely to ensue between two friends, I always think it best 
for bystanders to keep silent and say nothing. I saw from the 
tone of Mr. Hill's interview that a deep, wide breach was 
likely to be made. My anticipations were fully realized. This 
I deeply regret. My mind was made up some time ago never 
to take any active part in politics again. Friendships with rae 
far outweigh any principle at present involved in parties and 
scrambles. Dr. Felton 's motive and patriotism I esteem as 
highly as I ever did, and so do thousands of others in Georgia, 
now being likely to be arrayed on opposing sides in a fierce 
political contest." (Remember, Dr. Felton had issued a 
declaration of "Markham House" principles — had spoken in 
Augusta in January and later in Savannah, nearly a month 
before this letter was written to me). ''They are all my 
friends and I do not intend to connect myself with one side 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 353 

against the other in this contest. My mission in life will he 
filled when my present term of service in congress is closed, 
and I get the revision of the proofs of my forthcoming book, 
if I shall live to that period. After reading Mr. Hill's inter- 
view and Dr. Felton's reply, it would have been impossible for 
me to write in my usual vein and strain without becoming 
more or less a participant in the ill-blood growing up. My 
principle in politics has been never to change. I am a Jeffer- 
sonian Democrat of the old Republican school. I am for or- 
ganization to maintain any principle or to carry and measure, 
but bare party organization, I have always held and always 
shall hold subordinate to principles as well as measures, and 
in some cases to men. I never acknowledged, and never will 
acknowledge, allegiance to any political party organization of 
whatever name. No party nomination could induce me, or 
constrain me, to vote for one I believed to be dishonest or 
corrupt, but I would never go into a convention with party 
friends where there was a likelihood of the nomination of such 
a man. Ordinarily, I think nominating conventions are very 
proper in party organizations where there is a mutual agree- 
ment between the constituent elements of it, upon principles 
and measures and when men go into conventions for nomina- 
tions for the selection of candidates, I think they are in honor 
bound to abide by the result. If in a convention, however so- 
called, I should be a member, and should find it consisted of 
elements of a different character from what I expected to meet, 
and that a man I could not trust was likely to be nominated, 
I should not hesitate as soon as the discovery was made, to 
retire and sever all connection with the body and all respon- 
sibility for its action. But enough. I am talking to you as 
of yore and my time is nearly out for going to the house. My 
carriage will be at the door in a few minutes. 

' ' Mr. Seidell is absent on a visit home for several weeks, and 
Mr. Ironsides, whom you know, is writing for me ; but I must 
add to this a few words more. I am, always was, always shall 
be, as independent of any one party organization as of any 
other. I could no more give my adhesion to a Republican 
organization than to a Democratic. The ring-masters in one 
are no more objectionable to me than an irresponsible junta in 



354 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

the other. You will allow me, in all kindness, to say that one 
of the objections I should have to ever giving the "new move- 
ment," so-called, in Georgia my sanction is that it is based 
or founded, as I understand it, upon the condition or funda- 
mental principle that a few specified irresponsilile men, like 
Atkins and Wilson, shall have the absolute control of all the 
federal patronage in Georgia. This would be an insuperable 
objection, without my sanction or approval in any and every 
event. I should stand just as independent of it, as of the Kirk- 
wood or any other ring. In such cases, I should vote for just 
such men as I might think would make the best officers. But 
again, enough. I must stop. It is nothing but an old-time and 
fashioned talk with you, the Doctor and other friends. ' ' It was 
marked confidential, but there are still before the public irre- 
concilable statements, made by Dr. Felton on one side and Mr. 
Stephens on the other, and I am the sole survivor to present the 
evidence to settle the dispute. It is my duty to my dead hus- 
band to satisfactorily establish his statements, and Mr. 
Stephens' testimony is all I need to do it, effectually. 

Mr. Stephens wrote to Dr. Felton on January 13, 1882, more 
than a month before this denunciation of the "Kirkwood 
Ring" was written and it will explain the grievance he had 
against Dr. Felton, and Avill throw light on his dislike to 
Atkins and "Wilson : 

"National Hotel, Washington, D. C, Jan. 13, 1882. 

"Hon. Wm. H. Felton — Dear Doctor: I have just received 
a letter from Hon. W. F. Holden, of my town, who is a friend 
of mine as well as yours, and is an applicant for the post office 
in Augusta on the expiration of Major Prince's term, soon to 
occur. Major Prince, I am assured by ]\Ir. Holden, does not 
look for re-appointment and is in favor of him (Holden). The 
opposing applicants, I understand, or rather two of the most 
prominent of them, are Mr. Tweedy, whom you know" (which 
was a mistake; Dr. Felton did not know Mr. Tweedy), and 
Rev. W. J. White, a colored Baptist minister, who noAv edits 
the 'Georgia Baptist' newspaper, published in Augusta, and 
for a number of years was in the internal revenue service in 
that district. I had promised my influence to Mr. Holden be- 
fore I knew of the application of Tweedy or White. I wrote 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 355 

White (I have not heard from Tweedy himself that he is an 
applicant, but I have so heard from others) that while I had 
nothing to say against his qualifications, yet I was previously 
committed to my friend Holden. Holden is a Republican and 
has been since the days of Reconstruction. I took it for 
granted that no Democrat would be appointed to the post office 
in Augusta. I most cheerfully endorsed his application. In 
his letter, now before me, he desires me to write you and ask 
for your endorsement of his application, or for your influence 
in securing his appointment. I have stated the whole case to 
you. It is for you to act — according to your own judgment 
You may perhaps know Mr. Holden personally. He was in 
the legislature several years — where he was quite distinguished 
as one of the Republican leaders. Yet notwithstanding he is 
and always has been a personal friend of mine. 

"I have read in the Constitution your letter in reply to 
Grady's report of what Mr. Hill said on the new movement, 
as it is called in Georgia, and particularly your connection 
with it. From this letter of yours, I take it we shall have a 
fierce canvass in the ensuing fall. You hit Mr. Hill some 
severe blows, but it was just as I expected. Grady's report of 
what he said represented him as uttering some very extrava- 
gant and indiscreet things in that interview. If published by 
his sanction Mr. Hill, I think, exhibited the greatest indis- 
cretion of his life. My health continues about the same. Dr. 
Walsh says the place on my face is quite well again. With 
kindest regards to Mrs. Felton and Howard. Yours truly, 

''ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS." 

This letter was written before Mr. Hill rejoined and con- 
tinued his attack on Dr. Felton, and of course before Dr. 
Felton made the closing reply. But the charge, made by Mr. 
Hill, that Dr. Felton had united with Conkling, Arthur and 
Grant to control the federal offices in Georgia was in the Grady 
interview. Dr. Felton signed the letter which I penned to Mr. 
Stephens in regard to Mr. Holden and the postmaster's 
position in Augusta. He declined to recommend for the reason 
above stated — not that he had aught against Mr. Holden — 
but that it was not politic or prudent to seek an appointment 
of a Republican to the Augusta post office at that time for 



356 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

obvious reasons. Mr. Hill announced that he had the evidence 
to prove an "infamous coalition" between Dr. Felton and the 
persons he named. Dr. Felton expected Mr. Hill to furnish 
something to the press to give color to such a transaction, if 
it could possibly be raked into public notice by the aid of the 
Kirkwood Ring, the Bullock Republicans or the "Reconstruc- 
tionists," who always took marching orders from Senator 
Brown. It would have been idiotic, if not imbecile madness, 
to play into Mr. Hill's hands and press a post office appoint- 
ment for Augusta, Ga. That refusal pained Mr. Stephens 
very much, and it will account for his unaccustomed silence 
until he wrote me on February 21, 1882, as is here shown. I 
have an earlier letter still to present, and I have thus placed 
them, so that one might explain the other, and save time and 
space : 

"National Hotel, Washington, D. C, Jan. 10, 1882. 
' ' My Dear Mrs. Felton : Your last letter received was dated 
January 3. The long one of a day or two before came duly 
to hand. These letters, with an immensely accumulated pile, 
have been lying on my table for nearly two weeks. Mr. 
Seidell, my secretary, was on his Christmas visit home and did 
not get back until this morning. We are now clearing off the 
table as fast as possible. I was much entertained with the 
account you give me of your domestic troubles and incon- 
veniences from living in the country and away from markets. 
I was so much entertained with it I took the liberty of reading 
it over to Mrs. Wilson, who had just called and was making 
special inquiry after you. She was quite entertained herself. 
Mrs. Wilson is a very good friend of yours. By the by, she 
and her husband, Mr. Wilson, left last Sunday for Providence, 
R. I., not to return this winter. I really regretted parting 
with them. I had seen Dr. Felton 's interview, as published in 
The Constitution, before your letter in relation to it had come 
to hand. It produced some sensation here in 'Georgia circles,' 
as newspapers sa5^ My opinion was asked about it. Indeed, 
Mr. Hill came 'round visiting the same day the paper came. 
He expressed kind personal feelings towards the Doctor, but 
very deep regret at the course indicated by him. My reply to 
him, as to all others, was when speaking of the probable result, 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 357 

that it would create a farce or a tornado, and this would 
depend on the way it was treated. When Mr. Hill's interview 
came out in The Constitution, I felt that he had done a great 
deal towards strengthening the movement. I thought his 
characterization of it as an attempt to 'Africanize the State' 
was not only exceedingly impolitic and indiscreet, but emin- 
enly unjust. I thought and said to a number of friends, that 
when Dr. Felton was heard from on that point and that charge 
in Augusta on the 31st instant, he would use that charge with 
telling effect in his own behalf and of his associates. But I 
am now out of politics. I do not expect to be a candidate for 
office ever again. I am getting too old and feeble and, to tell 
the truth, too much disgusted with the manner in which public 
affairs are administered, I am too far advanced in life to be- 
come a reformer, or to attempt it. The present generation — 
I mean the active, undefiled men of this day and the younger 
class in our State as well as in all the States, must shape and 
direct our future fortunes and destinies. I trust that in no 
effort to reform will those who lead in this movement ever 
permit themselves to lose sight of the fundamental, organic 
principles upon which alone our free institutions were founded 
and upon which they can alone be perpetuated. These prin- 
ciples, in my judgment, are wholly inconsistent with the 
policies and objects of the Radical party — with the party of 
the Stalwarts, as they are now called. There are two mat- 
ters in the Doctor's interview, as I am now speaking freely 
and candidly to you, which I regretted — the one was the repeal 
of the dollar poll tax for school purposes (Another mistake, 
of Mr, Stephens), and the other was his quasi endorsement of 
the present administration. But it is true, I have seen nothing 
in the administration so far which I think would justify severe 
arraignment or denunciation, and yet there are evident indica- 
tions in the message of policies I could not approve. The 
recommendation to cease the coinage of silver dollars and the 
further issuance of silver certificates, of course, is one of these 
policies I could not approve. But I haven't time to say any 
more. My health is about as usual. Dr. Walsh pronounces 
the place on my face well. With kindest regards to Dr. Felton 



358 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

and Howard and best wishes for you all, I remain as ever, 

''A. H. STEPHENS." 

"P. S. — I expect Colonel Johnston (Richard Malcolm) to 
take dinner with me next Sunday, when I will deliver your 
message about Old Robin. I do trust he was not in extremis, 
as he was supposed to be when your letter was written. Alex 
Kent desires to be kindly remembered to you, the Doctor and 
Howard." (Robin was one of the Johnston slaves before the 
war). These letters will indicate Mr, Stephens' attitude to 
wards Dr. Felton and myself at the time of Senator Hill's at- 
tack on him — and there was no change, no alteration, no 
evidence of any change of any kind until after May 18. I 
will add only one more letter in this connection : 

"National Hotel, Washington, D. C, 28 March, '82. 

"Dear Mrs. Felton: Your letter of the 25th instant received 
this morning. I am truly sorry to hear of your neuralgic af- 
fection. I have suffered a good deal from that or some kindred 
disorder lately. I call it rheumatism. With me it is located 
in the ankles, knees and left hip. 

"I fear Mr. Hill is not doing well. Dr. Garnett advised 
him to return to Dr. Gross. Garnett did not assume the re- 
sponsibility of opening an accumulation of pus, which had 
formed in the wound made by the last operation by Gross. 
Hill suffered greatly from this. On his return to Philadelphia 
Gross opened this sac of pus and said it was healthy in its 
character, and as soon as the wound healed, as it was no\v 
doing, he would be entirely restored. Hill intends to stay 
now at the hospital until the wound is pronounced well by 
Gross. I hope it will turn out as Gross is said to have ex- 
pressed his belief that it will. In relation to the Garfield 
monument, en passant, I will barely say that I think any con- 
tribution of funds in Georgia will be small and much smaller 
than would have been five weeks ago. I know of no public 
man in the annals of history who ever lost so much character 
as Garfield has in so short a time — I mean since Blaine's 
eulogy. His attacks upon Rosecranz and Humphrey Marshall, 
uncalled for as they were on that occasion, has caused the 
explosion of a 'mine which has about exploded all the reputa- 
tion Garfield ever had. It has entirely changed my opinion 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 359 

of the man. I looked upon him as an honest, upright man, 
without the elements of a real statesman, but still deserving 
in eulogy, what Dr. Felton so well said of him in his speech 
in Cartersville. But the Chase letter and his speech in the 
house, on offering a vote of thanks to Rosecranz and his 
private letter to Rosecranz subsequent on the same subject, 
all published in full in the National Republican of this city 
last Saturday was two weeks ago, I believe it was, taking all 
three together, show that Garfield was hypocritical, treacher- 
ous and base ! I can say no more now. I have a new secretary, 
as you see. Mr. Ironsides has been writing for me in off-hours 
between his law studies and lectures since Mr. Seidell's ab- 
sence. Seidell was greatly disappointed in not receiving the 
office he was promised and wrote me that his business would 
not allow him to be absent more than two months, so I got 
Mr. H. W. Baldwin, of Madison, Ga., to come and take his 
place and remain with me at least during the present session 
of congress. It is a great inconvenience to me, having such 
frequent changes of those who are in charge of my corres- 
pondence, sending off documents and attending to my busi- 
ness personally. I am truly sorry for Mr. Seidell in his dis- 
appointment. There was very bad faith somewhere, and it 
was not in either General Longstreet or Colonel Farrow. My 
opinion is, that the head centre of it was Mr. Speer. But 
enough of this. I will remember your message to Col. Dick 
Johnston when I write to him. Kind regards to Dr. Felton 
and Howard. Aleck Kent requests to be kindly remembered 
to all of you. Kate Glennan was 'round to see me this morn- 
ing and requested to be remembered to you. Mrs. Cannon, of 
Illinois, inquired specially about you the other evening when 
she called with several ladies, as did Mrs. Ross, whom I met 
in the corridor as I was going to the house yesterday. Mr. 
Little inquires about you daily at our game of whist in the 
evening. Yours very truly, A. H. S." 

Long before this date the New York Journals begun to notice 
the Independent movement down in Georgia. The New York 
Times spoke of it editorially: 

The anti-Bourbon movement in Georgia seems to be gaining 
ground steadily and surely. Its leaders do not make much 



360 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

noise, but they keep quietly at work and succeed in attracting 
the attention of the people. Their principal spokesman, ex- 
Congressman Felton, is making speeches in different parts of 
the State, and is greeted everywhere with large and thought- 
ful audiences. He spoke recently in Savannah before a very 
large assemblage, and while the Bourbon editors were able to 
ridicule his speech to the length of a column, they were prudent 
enough not to print a word of the speech itself. A careful 
perusal of the speech convinces us of the wisdom of this course. 
It was one of those speeches which make votes — thoughtful, 
filled with striking demonstrations of the evils of Bourbon 
rule, and impressive appeals for the advancement of Georgia 
to a level with the civilization of today. One of the Bourbon 
editors remarks that the speech was received with great 
solemnity and with few demonstrations of pleasure. "We 
should be surprised to hear that it had been received in any 
other way. If there is anything which is calculated to cast a 
gloom over an intelligent audience, it is a correct description 
of Bourbonism in Georgia, or any other Southern State, as 
it exists today. If Georgians themselves begin to realize the 
melancholy aspects of the situation, the day for regeneration 
is not far off. 

A large part of Mr. Felton 's speech was devoted to State 
questions, but the most interesting portion of it to people out- 
side Georgia was its references to national questions. On 
these he was as sound as he was fearless and unequivocal. 
"What objection," he asked, "can any Georgian have to the 
doctrine that every ballot cast at an election should represent 
the individual convictions of the voter, rather than the com- 
mand of a supreme caucus? "What objection can any man have 
to that grand essential of a free government, a free ballot and 
a fair count of all votes honestly cast at a State or National 
election?" Nobody except Bourbons ever objected to that 
doctrine, and they object because on a fair count they will 
be put out of power. ""What party," continued Mr. Felton, 
"objects to the payment of honest debts? "Who objects to a 
tariff for revenue with ample encouragement and incidental 
protection to all home industries? Who in Georgia will insist 
that the national government is not the supreme authority, and 
has the first claim to our obedience? What Georgian will 
object to a plain English education for every child in the State, 
both white and colored?" 

No true Georgian, or true American anywhere, can find 
aught to disapprove in these principles. They are the very 
foundation of our greatness and prosperity; they have built 
up the North, and they will build up the South just as soon 
as her people adopt and live up to them. There is no other 



;1My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 361 

way for Georgia or any Southern State to prosper, or to catch 
up with the North. So long as political proscription and false 
counting are practiced in the South, just so long will the 
Southern States be shunned by both men and capital. The 
evil must be rooted out at home, and by such movements as 
this which Mr. Felton is leading in Georgia. The Bourbons, 
with their intolerance, tissue ballots, rifle clubs and red shirts, 
must be overthrown, and a firm stand taken by the State on 
the side of old-fashioned honesty in all things. Then a new 
day will dawn upon the South. 

I have already said that the Independents did their work 
with Mr. Stephens by letter, but the Bourbon Democrats took 
the train and went in person. The following explains itself: 

(Augusta Chronicle.) 
Washington, D. C, March 8, 1882. — In reference to the pub- 
lished interview and cards of Colonel Farrow, in The Consti- 
tution, stating substantially that Governor Colquitt, when 
here, had tendered to Mr. Stephens the nomination of the 
organized Democracy for governor of Georgia, I called on 
Mr. Stephens today and asked him what there was in it? He 
very frankly said : ' ' There is this in it : When Governor Col- 
quitt was here he paid me a friendly call, as has always been 
his custom when in the city, and among other things expressed 
the wish that I would consent to allow my name to be run 
for governor, at the next election; assuring me that if I gave 
my consent, there would be, in his opinion, no opposition in 
the State." Mr. Stephens further said he returned his thanks 
and gratification for this manifestation of confidence and 
regard, but said his mind had been made up since his last 
candidacy for congress never to assume another political trust 
again. With his present congressional term his connection 
with public office would end. This he had repeatedly said to 
numerous friends and to several others, both on the side of 
the organized and independent democracy, who had mentioned 
to him the subject of the next governorship of the State. 

Governor Colquitt was looking out for his own successor 
because he was "laying pipe" for Senator Hill's place, who 
might live a considerable time, or he might die sooner. It 
was necessary also to name a governor who would pardon 
Edward Cox, sentenced for life to Senator Brown's coal mines 
in Dade county, Georgia. Cox had killed Col. Bob Alston in 
a difficulty which grew out of the leasing of Senator Gordon's 
convicts, who worked large numbers of these slaves on his 



362 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Taylor county plantation. Cox knew a great deal about the 
inside workings of the convict lease. He could tell a great 
deal if he chose to do so. It was more than Governor Colquitt 
could afford or dare to do to pardon the prisoner so soon; 
and although Cox was only a prisoner in name, and was known 
to jump on a horse and pursue another convict for hours, may- 
be days, still he was a prisoner, and very restless. 

It will be seen that Congressman Stephens was still- declin- 
ing to run another race, from this interview, and the inter- 
viewer lived in his own district and most likely wrote the in- 
terview at Mr. Stephens' dictation. I had written Mr. 
Stephens that the Colquitt crowd (the old Kirkwood Ring) 
were not sincere in their support of him. He had written 
me that Governor Colquitt was not a capable governor, 
for in a letter dated September 1, 1880, he said he didn't know 
that he could vote for him again, as he "didn't think he was 
fit when he first ran for the office, and didn't think was fit 
then" (1880) and I hardly supposed that he could afford to 
take the office of Governor from the hands of the "unfit" 
Governor Colquitt — no matter if he did go to "Washington City 
to urge the proposal. 

So I was not surprised to receive the following letter, dated 
May 7, 1882 : 

"Dear Mrs. Felton: Your letter of Friday was received 
this morning. I noticed the article in The Constitution to 
which you refer, and understood its import just as you did. 
Mr. Richardson called on me for an interview in relation to 
the matter discussed in it. The report of that interview, I 
suppose, will be in this morning's Constitution. I was very 
busy when he called, but I have simply given my consent to 
serve the people of Georgia as governor, if they shall show 
me by unmistakable demonstrations that it is their desire for 
me to do so. I have no aspirations for the office ( ?) and would 
greatly prefer to spend the remainder of my days quietly at 
home and it was alone from the desire to produce harmony 
in the State and to save us from the horrible effects of division 
that I gave the consent I did. You will please accept my 
.-in cere thanks for the tone, tenor and sentiments of vour 
letter, etc. A. H. STEPHENS." 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics ' 363 

I have also stated that Mr. Stephens had an intimate friend 
who swapped Mr. Stephens' letters with me. I suspieioned a 
trick somewhere, but was not able to locate it. This last letter 
of ]\Ir. Stephens was dated May 7. My next communication 
came from the intimate friend and was dated May 10, 1882. 
Now Listen! "Your kind favor received this morning (and 
it carried Mr. Stephens' letter of May 7th). I thank you for 
it and am gratified by its contents, more than I can express. 
If the course you indicate is pursued, the corrupt ringsters 
and tricksters must take him nolens volens, and their overthrow 
and ultimate destruction is assured. When The Constitution 
sounded its first blast against Mr. Stephens' candidacy, about 
which I wrote Dr. Felton, I also wrote Mr. Stephens a long 
letter upon the subject, and the impudence of those hirelings' 
demands upon him (Stephens). Yesterday I received an ac- 
knowledgement of my letter of the 5th to him. The Constitu- 
tion's blast was, if you remember, followed by two others oil 
the same line, the last appearing with Richardson's telegram 
of the 6th, in the paper of the 7th. Yesterday, however, a 
change came over the spirit of their dream, based upon pre- 
tended information received. They possessed from Mr. 
Stephens no other or further information when their article 
in yesterday's paper was penned, than they had the day be- 
fore, when they got Richardson's telegram of the 6th instant. 
Their change of front was caused by orders from their Boss, 
who doubtless perceived his hirelings were overdoing their 
job. Their hostility to Mr. Stephens is no less now than be- 
fore, and they will keep him off the track if they can. These 
fellows needed or wanted no information as to Mr. Stephens' 
devotion to true Democratic principles and true Democracy. 
It is the knowledge that he does not belong to their corrupt 
gang, and cannot be used by them and manipulated by them, 
as Smith and Colquitt have been, which is the cause of their 
hostility to him. Last night I wrote Mr. Stephens another long 
letter about their abandoning their impudent demands on him. 
I have not posted it and will take the liberty of sending yours 
in it, written to me, feeling assured you will have no objec- 
tion. My hope in electing Mr. Stephens governor, belonging 
as he does to neither faction, unconnected and unconneetable 



364 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

with any of the corrupt rings disgracing the Democratic party 
in Georgia, is that we will stand a good chance, (the best I can 
see), to destroy the rotten rings of demagogues and break 
their power. I wrote to Mr. Stephens these words : "I under- 
stand your position perfectly. I know you too well to mis- 
take it or to misjudge you. You are a candidate for nothing, 
but if the people desire your services you will yield your 
wishes, as to retirement, and serve them. I understand, too, 
as stated in my previous letter, that you will not refuse, much 
less insult, as has been demanded of you, the support of any 
one if you run for governor or anything else, who desires your 
services and is willing to support you upon your character and 
your record, whether he calls himself Independent or Repub- 
lican or is even an ex-member of the Bullock gang. For 
myself, I am a Jeffersonian Democrat, without any such prefix 
as "organized." What that is, you understand well. If it 
means anything, it means that a man must yield his own 
judgment of what is true Democracy and who are true Demo- 
crats, which I shall never do, to any man or set of men, call 
themselves what they may." 

In my previous letter I paid my respects to our present 
senator and Bullock's ex-judge. He was in Atlanta the dax"- 
one of those Constitution editorials appeared, but left that 
evening for some place on the State Road. He came back next 
day and left for "Washington afterwards. I feel sure he in- 
spired those articles, etc., etc." 

That Governor Colquitt found imperative business in the 
National Capitol was common talk in Georgia, and an op- 
position newspaper had the following : ' ' Think of a lean, lank, 
•cadaverous cavalryman, like Governor Colquitt (he weighed at 
least 200 pounds) pursuing a wild, muscular buffalo like Alex 
Stephens (who weighed something less than a hundred) with 
a lasso, trying to rope him into the Bourbon bull-pen and put 
him in training for the gubernatorial race. Since His Ex- 
cellency saved Governor Brown, by raising him out of the 
Republican pit and placing him firmly in his warm place in 
the United States senate, it seems that he cannot be satisfied 
unless he is tugging at some old Philistine, that he considers 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 365 

to be browsing too freely in opposition pastures. That's a 
gaudy way to get recruits, Gov. ! ' ' 

What did The Constitution say of Mr. Stephens' position at 
that time? "Our Washington correspondent makes an im- 
portant announcement today. Some time ago, on Mr. Stephens' 
authority, we made the announcement that he had determined 
to retire from politics, but he has now yielded to pressure 
and after deliberation he says he will enter the gubernatorial 
race, if the wish is general for him to do so. In other words, 
Mr. Stephens is in the race for governor." 

The last communication sent me by the "intimate friend" 
was dated May 10th, and he knew positively, as you will dis- 
cover, that Mr. Stephens would be a liberal candidate and 
was only willing to serve if all the people wanted him. Now 
the kernel in the nut is about to be exposed, and as the In- 
dependents' meeting in Atlanta had been advertised to come 
off on May 15th Dr. Felton and his friends were perfectly 
satisfied that Mr. Stephens would accept their recommenda- 
tion, and then the Kirkwood Ring (Colquitt, Gordon & Co.) 
would be obliged to take him, and Senator Brown's "Recon- 
structionists, " composed of Republicans, Bullock Democrats 
and colored voters, would come in, of course. 

On the 12th day of May, a good Independent, also a Pres- 
byterian minister, Rev. T. E. Smith, took dinner with us at 
our home. Dr. Felton was sanguine as to Mr. Stephens' fealty 
to the men who were to meet in Atlanta on the 15th. He read 
aloud to Mr. Smith some of the letters herein copied. The 
good old pastor said: "I wish you were positively certain of 
Mr. Stephens. Has he ever declared, in black and white, that 
he will accept your platform and run as your Independent 
candidate ? ' ' 

Then and there we resolved to have a definite answer. So 
I took pen in hand, and wrote something like the following: 
"Dr. Felton and the Independents will recommend you next 
Monday (15th) if you desire the recommendation. If you do 
desire it, telegraph Dr. Felton, care Markham House, Atlanta, 
so that he may find it there on Monday, and then he will be 
in position to make your recommendation not only positive but 
unanimous. If for any reason whatever you do not desire 



366 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

them to name you as their candidate, you have only to say so. 
There is no intention to compel your candidacy — and the In- 
dependents do not threaten you as the Kirkwood Ring have 
been doing through their organs. Dr. Felton and Rev. Mr. 
Smith, who are in the room and directing me in this letter, 
request me to say to you that you shall not be embarrassed by 
the Independents, but they will endeavor to carry out your 
wishes. ' ' 

I knew all about the delivery of Southern mail to congress- 
men in Washington City. I had six years of experience. So 
I added the following: ''My letter, this one I am sending you 
today, will be mailed in Cartersville this afternoon. It will 
be delivered into your room on Sunday morning (14th). You 
will have a quiet Sunday to think it over, and you will have 
time to make a decision and express your wishes in the 
telegram to be sent to Atlanta to the Independents, care of 
Dr. Felton at the Markham House. They are all your friends. 
They seek to do the best thing that is possible for the State 
as well as for yourself. You have so often declared your in- 
dependence of party proscription and of tricksters, and of 
ring rule in Georgia, that we know where you stand, but this 
telegram which you will send to Atlanta, is for those who do 
not know you so well," etc. "All we want from you is "yes" 
or "no," according to your own wishes. Send the telegram to 
the care of Markham House, by 10 a. m., Monday, May 15th." 

Rev. Mr, Smith delivered the letter to the post office in 
Cartersville and the post office authorities delivered it promptly 
on Sunday morning. Mr. Stephens acknowledged the recep- 
tion of it that day, and also said that he read it when received. 

It was a balmy Sunday afternoon and we (Dr. Felton and 
myself) were on the front piazza when a messenger boy brought 
a telegram — and it read thus : 

Washington, D. C, May 14, 1882. 
"Hon. W. H. Felton, Cartersville, Ga. 

"Have sent you an important telegram to Markham House. 
It was submitted to Mr. Stephens. 

(Signed) "EMORY SPEER." 

We had had no correspondence on the subject with Mr. 
Speer. We knew that Mr. Stephens had complained of Mr. 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 367 

Speer in the matter of Mr. Seidell's appointment. How Mr. 
Speer stood at this time, we did not know. He was Mr. Hill's 
friend and naturally we did not expect him to come into that 
controversy — so we had no disposition to inquire into his pre- 
ferences, etc. Therefore it was a genuine surprise that Mr. Speer 
was commissioned to send such an important telegram, when 

Mr. Stephens could so easily have done it for himself, as was 
his constant habit to do for himself. 

When Dr. Felton reached the Markham House in Atlanta 
the clerk in the office handed him the expected telegram. It 
read thus : 

''Washington, May 15, 1882. 
"To Hon. W. H. Felton, Atlanta, Ga. 

"I hope the committee of Independent Democrats, who meet 
today, will recommend ]\Ir. Stephens as the people's candi- 
date for governor. I know positively that he will not reject 
such recommendation and that if elected, that he will be 
governor of all the people, without regard to party. He will 
be controlled by no ring. 

(Signed) ''EMORY SPEER." 

Dr. Felton sent the following telegram from Cartersville, 
Ga.: 

"May 16, 1882. 
"Hon. Emory Speer, House of Representatives: The com- 
mittee of Independents have endorsed Mr. Stephens unani- 
mously and enthusiastically. He will sweep the State. 

"W. H. FELTON." 

They issued the following call and address to the people of 
the State : 

We are happy to announce to the Independents of Georgia 
that one of the desired results of that proposed mass-meeting 
has been attained much earlier than was contemplated when the 
call was made. We desired harmony and concert of action 
among the Independents of the State, especially in regard to 
the governorship of Georgia. We believed that representative 
men of the Independent party, coming from all sections of the 
State, would be able to express the preference of their sev- 
eral localities so clearly that they could unite with perfect 
unanimity upon some distinguished Georgian as a suitable 
candidate for this high and responsible position without the 
intervention of machine politics or the tricks of packed con- 
ventions. The Independents have no organization to defend,. 



368 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

or personal schemes to promote in this matter, and only desire 
to present as a candidate for this high office one whose record 
for ability, patriotism, life-long devotion to the best interest 
of Georgia and of the whole union and one especially whose 
incorruptible political and personal honesty should commend 
his candidacy to all the people of the State, independent of 
factions, rings, cliques or former party alliances. 

The Independents would have presented no name for this 
office, whose well known character for truth and justice was 
not a sufficient guaranty against party proscription and sec- 
tional strife. We only seek to give good government to the 
people — to all the people of every class, calling and station 
in life, and we will gladly support for the high office of gov- 
ernor any man whose character and qualifications, as above 
indicated, establish his peculiar fitness for the place. Further- 
more, we do not require the proposed candidate to pronounce, 
or accept, any party shibboleth. We do not threaten him with 
a refusal of our support if he should accept the indorsement 
and aid of other parties. We simply enunciate the expressed 
will of the people, and in this manner we believe we reflect the 
sentiment of the Independents of Georgia. 

In our opinion the Hon. Alex. H. Stephens is practically in 
the field as a candidate for governor by the spontaneous voice 
of the people of Georgia, he having expressed a willingness to 
serve the people of the State in that capacity, if they gave 
him unmistakable demonstration that it is their desire for him 
to do so. Also, in our opinion, the Independents all over the 
State have received this announcement with unmixed gratifica- 
tion and respect, and are well satisfied that the business of the 
State could not be entrusted to more efficient and patriotic 
hands. We believe that all true lovers of the State will cor- 
dially unite in honoring this noble and illustrious son of old 
Georgia. We, as Independents, return to him our grateful 
thanks for his patriotic proposal, and enthusiastically accept 
and present him as the candidate of the people for the high 
office. Therefore, as the mass meeting, which was to assemble 
in Atlanta on the first of next June, will not be held in accord- 
ance with the published announcement, we respectfully recom- 
mend to the Independents of the State a unanimous support of 
this incorruptible statesman, Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, for 
the next governor of Georgia. 

W. H. FELTON, 
JAS. S. HOOK. ALBERT HOWELL, 

JAS. B. PARK, P. F. LAWSHE, 

T. M. BERRIEN, W. M. BRAY, 

H. V. M. MILLER, M. VAN ESTES. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 369 

The telegram sent by Mr. Speer to the Independents, on the 
15th, was also sent by the Associated Press all over the United 
States. It was published in Washington City papers and in 
Georgia papers — these latter papers were also in Mr. Stephens' 
room, not later than Wednesday morning, the 17th. He did 
see them — he did read them, and on the 18th of May he ad- 
dressed the following letter, which is before me now, old and 
yellow with age, and the very last letter that ever came to 
Dr. Felton or myself, or which Mr. Stephens ever addressed 
to either of us, because we were so disgusted, so completely 
disheartened with Mr. Stephens' methods, that we never an- 
swered it or reported its reception to the distinguished writer : 

''House of Representatives, 
"Washington, May 18, 1882. 

"Dear Doctor: I dictated a letter to Mrs. Felton this 
morning (which did not come to hand) in which I told her to 
tell you I would write to you today or soon. Your letter was 
received last Sunday (14th) and ought to have been responded 
to, if I had been able, forthwith, and the truth was, I was not 
able. I am suffering extremely from the sprain in my ankle 
and was utterly unfit to dictate or do anything else. Allow 
me now to thank you for it, and to say that I think you man- 
aged matters admirably at Atlanta last Monday, looking, as I 
conceived, to the best interests of the State. How the matter 
of the governorship will end, of course no one can now tell or 
even form a rational conjecture. My position toward it has 
been very distinctly stated. My future course, with reference 
to it, will depend upon the voice of the people. The greatest 
objection that some people have to my being governor seems 
to be that certain other people are willing to vote for me — 
such is the weakness and frailty of poor human nature. The 
affected assumption that I may not be a Democrat, or might 
not be true to Democratic principles, is to me, utterly pre- 
posterous. But enough. I can say no more at present, except 
to extend my kind wishes and kind regards to you, Howard 
and Mrs. Felton. Yours truly, A. H. S." 

When that letter was received there was also printed the 
following, all over Georgia and all over the Union: "I have 
seen a telegram dated the 15th instant, from Atlanta, Ga., to 



370 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

the Chicago Tribune, published in the Augusta Chronicle and 
Constitutionalist of the 20th instant, stating that I had tele- 
graphed to the Atlanta Convention of Independents, that I 
would accept their nomination for governor. It is utterly un- 
true that I ever sent any such telegram or authorized its being 
sent by anybody. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS." 

With this letter of the 18th in hand just received, we were 
confronted with this knock-down dispatch and we were dumb- 
founded with surprise ! Mr. Speer had sent the telegram, 
but he expressly said it was sent by Mr. Stephens' authority. 
On the 27th Mr. Speer wrote the following : 

''Dear Dr. Felton: I thank you with all my heart for your 
letter to the Constitution" (in which our connection with the 
correspondence was fully stated). It was admirable, but they 
printed it so it took me a long time to tind it. It is every 
word true, and today (27th), Mr. Stephens, in conversation 
with me and with Mr. Baldwin, of Madison, Ga., a Mr. Heller 
and others, expressed himself as annoyed at the attempt to 
get up an issue between him and me. His denial did not refer 
to my telegram to you, but to the alleged telegram from him- 
• self — that he would accept the nomination of the Independents, 
etc. See his letter." (It is printed above). "My telegram 
to you was written in Mr. Stephens' room on blanks given 
me by his secretary. I read it to him; made two alterations 
at his suggestion, and sent it with his full knowledge. He 
now says it was true. He did not reject the recommendation 
of the Independent Democrats, but really spoke gratefully of 
their endorsement in his letter to Smith." etc., etc. With 
kind regards to Mrs. Felton. I am sincerely yours, 

"EMORY SPEER." 

This was my first experiment at governor making, and I 
had all I wanted of that sort of business and more than I had 
bargained for. 

Dr. Felton took it better than I did. He awoke to the con- 
clusion that Mr. Stephens had been doped with hypodermics 
and fed on whiskey until he was at times mentally irrespon- 
sible. I had a woman's intuition, and less judgment perhaps, 
but I said "it is more than that. He has gone over, bag and 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 371 

"baggage to the Kirkwood ring and Senator Brown's recon- 
structionists. 

In his old age, it is his ambition to be governor of Georgia, 
and you will see if I have not read the situation aright. He 
got you Independents safely tied, and he has gone after the 
others." Directly he showed his hand and was given so in- 
fatuated or so fully transformed that he told the editor of 
the Atlanta Constitution: "I am in your hands." ''I'll do 
as you say." General Toombs, who was his strongest political 
friend in the State, was disgusted as the following statement 
will show: 

TOOMBS VS. STEPHENS. 

Gen. Toombs Declares No Democrat Ought to Vote for 

Stephens. 

Atlanta Sunday Herald. 

A representative of the Herald met General Toombs yes- 
terday morning at the Kimball house, and after a desultory 
conversation about matters in general, the subject of the guber- 
national question was touched upon with the following result: 
"General what is your opinion about Mr. Stephens?" 
"To tell you the truth Mr. Stephens must be in his dotage. 
As is well known to the people. Mr. Stephens and myself 
have been life long friends, and I regret exceedingly the posi- 
tion he has placed himself in. He is either the veriest dem- 
agogue in the country, or he in his old age has lost his grip. 
I do not see how any Democrat can support him for governor. 
He at one time said he would support Lawton for the United 
States Senate, and afterwards said he did not want to an- 
tagonize Joe Brown. In the recent affair he denied what 
Felton said about his willingness to go in with the coalition, 
but since Felton 's speech he has been silent. The truth is he 
can not disapprove what Felton has said and written. The 
Democracy of Georgia ought to rebuke such conduct. I ques- 
tion whether they will do it, however. They have stood it for 
several years and may stand it now, and unless they rebel in 
this instance, they will have to stand it two years hence." 
"Well, general, what ought the people to do?" 
Rebuke this abortion to control the party at the polls. You 
ask me how? Well, by not voting and thus teaching the 
"bosses" a lesson. Why, sir, in my county and in other parts 
of the State I have visited, Gartrell is the choice over Stephens, 
but if such a young Democrat as Albert Cox had taken the 
field he would have received the governorship from the people 
just as easy as picking it up in the road. As it is, I think 



372 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Gartrell will beat him, and ought to beat him. Gartrell is as 
good a Democrat as Stephens, and as the Irishman said, a d — n 
sight better!" 

"What are you going to do in the matter?" 

"Nothing. I don't care a fig who is elected. In my section 
some Democrats think as I do, and others think they will vote 
for Gartrell." 

A Republican, understood at the time to be Gov. Bullock, 
furnished a very significant letter to the Macon Telegraph 
concerning the eagerness of Colquitt and Brown to make Mr. 
Stephens governor. He said the Republicans took exceeding 
interest in Gov. Brown and that the reconstructionists — 
Brown's following — Bullock Democrats and Bullock Republi- 
cans, were anxious for the election of Stephens because the 
"fraudulent bond" issue was interesting to them and they 
knew that Mr. Stephens had never favored their repudiation. 
The words were these: "With Mr. Stephens in the executive 
chair, there will be good promise of justice to the holders of 
Bullock's bonds!" "I do not hesitate to tell you, Mr. Editor, 
that it was our purpose to have run Stephens as an Independent 
with the help of Federal patronage, but as the same elements 
that helped us to elect Brown, have again united with us to 
elect Stephens, we are now confident of success." 

We were deceived not only in Mr. Stephens' supposed 
friendship, and in regard to his attitude towards the Kirkwood 
ring (Gordon, Colquitt & Co.), but in his attitude towards 
the fraudulent bonds of Georgia, which will be explained in 
another place ; but we were intensely chagrined that we had 
been ignorantly urging a person for the high office of gover- 
nor who had outlived himself and who gave every evidence 
that his mental condition unfitted him for the position. Hu- 
man memory, at its best, is uncertain, but we had in Mr. 
Stephens indisputable evidence that he could not fill an ad- 
ministrative office with any credit to himself or without dan- 
ger to the State. He proved to be nothing but a tool in the 
hands of his captors. He was elected governor in October, 
and Edward Cox was pardoned out in less than two months 
afterward. Mr. Robt. Alston, son of the murdered man, ap- 
pealed to the governor to allow justice to have its reasonable 



i\lY Memoirs of Georgia Politics 373 

course, but the aged executive was in the hands of those who 
were using him and Cox was set free. 

The convict lease won its fight and had enough control of a 
senile executive to prevent any investigation during his term 
of its horrors and injustice. 

It was a thousand pities for Mr. Stephens that he yielded to 
his ambitions on this line. Perhaps he might have lived many 
years in congressional life. 

My husband was in the race for Congress in the seventh 
district, and the newspapers were crammed with the attacks 
that were inspired by ]\Ir. Stephens' managers. It was one 
of the most extraordinary evidences of what was possible, 
when this aged statesman lent himself to the political over- 
throw of his personal friend, and made a sacrifice of every 
political principle of which he had formerly boasted. He 
got up before large audiences in Macon and Atlanta and 
declared he had but little acquaintance with Dr. Felton, hadn't 
had a letter but one from him in over a year, and had never 
endorsed a single one of his Independent propositions — that 
he was and always had been a Democrat of the strictest sort, 
and knew but little of Felton and did nothing but once 
to help or encourage him. Said this aged politician: "In De- 
cember last I think the Markham house conference was held. 
His (Felton 's) interview, published shortly before, was openly 
and avowedly the expression of his purpose to destroy the 
Democratic party of Georgia, to destroy the Democratic party 
of the Union, to destroy the organization State and federal, on 
which the hopes of the State and the continent rest. His 
avowed purpose now (running for Congress), is to destroy 
the grand old party throughout the entire Union. Never shall 
I knowingly countenance anybody whose object and purpose 
is to destroy and not build up this grand old party. ' ' 

This tirade was repeated in Atlanta and then I sat down and 
wrote a short note to his secretary, in which I told him to tell 
Mr. Stephens that I had seen it published that he (Mr. Steph- 
ens) would appear in Dalton (in seventh district) on Friday 
before the State election, to denounce Dr. Felton before his con- 
stituents of the seventh district. In the event he did appear, I 



374 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

should at once proceed to publish his private letters to me, in 
which he not only declared his own independence of any party, 
but which denounced Gov. Colquitt as unfit for governor, and 
John B. Gordon, hollow-headed, hypocritical, unreliable and 
otherwise unworthy, etc., and his absolute abhorrence of the 
people who were bringing reproach on the good name of the 
DHinoeratic party in the State. 

This manifesto was issued without saying anything to my 
husband, who was absent on a campaign tour, but I was not 
surprised to be visited by a messenger from Mr. Stephens, 
who was sent by him to ask for copies of these letters, a few 
of which have been inserted in this review of Mr. Stephens' 
campaign for governor of Georgia. 

I replied, "No," this is my ammunition. You can go back 
as you came. If he opens his mouth in this district I will 
print and circulate the last one of them. He is devoted to 
the Democratic party in Georgia now. We will see if they 
will afterwards be devoted to him." As the messenger returned 
to Cartersville, he met Dr. Felton coming home and told of 
his fruitless mission. Dr. Felton said: "Come back with me. 
My wife is angry and has reason to be, but I will persuade her 
to allow you to copy them, because I believe Mr. Stephens is 
not exactly himself and his memory deserves to be refreshed." 
I allowed the copies to be taken and the messenger returned 
to Atlanta. I had a friend who gave me information and Mr. 
Stephens was surrounded by seventh district politicians urging 
him to go to Dalton with brass bands, etc., and coaching 
him as to what he could say, that would "floor Felton." The 
old man was in high spirits; he enjoyed the campaign. With 
the garrulity of age, he was letting himself loose on what he 
intended to say of the "vile destroyer" of his dear Democratic 
party." All at once his eyes fell on his messenger, who had 
occupied two entire days copying letters at our house. Rolling 
himself across the room in his chair, he said: "Gentlemen, I 
must have my lunch and rest, "I'll see you later." Beckoning 
his messenger, he whispered: "Did you get them?" Yes, 
sir, and Mr. Stephens I am sure you are not going to be well 
enough to go to Dalton on Friday." The Dalton mass meeting 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 375 

did not come off — "the candidate for governor was too unwell 
to speak." 

As soon as the Macon speech was delivered, I printed the 
following, and it was read to Mr. Stephens a few days before 
the campaign ended, and as the story came to me, he was con- 
fused at the situation: 
"To Editors Macon Telegraph and Messenger: 

"The writer appeals to you for sufficient space to correct 
some statements which appear in Mr. Stephens' late Macon 
speech. In beginning this correction, let me ask you a question 
in a spirit of candid inquiry, and I think your reply will meet 
with a hearty welcome all over the State if you can solve 
the problem which is now disturbing the public mind. I would 
respectfully inquire if it is the policy of the Democracy of 
Georgia to endorse Mr. Stephens at one time as an organized 
Democrat, and at another time as an Independent ! Can he 
antagonize the organization in 1878, and be 'put in nomination 
by both political parties,' receiving every Republican vote 
that went to the polls and yet become the standard bearer of 
a party four years later on a platform which denounces Inde- 
pendentism, as Radicalism? Is the Democratic party to be 
illustrated by its principles or by its candidates! If you will 
examine the Congressional Record of June 10, 1879, a little 
over two years ago, you will find a speech of Mr. Stephens 
or more properly an explanation in which he says: *I was 
put in nomination by both the Democratic and Republican 
parties of the eighth district, and received every Republican 
vote that went to the polls, and the fifty-eight who voted 
against me were scattering Democrats." If such a nomination 
was agreeable to the Democracy in 1878, how can you object 
to the nomination of Gen. Gartrell by the Republican party?' 
"The most important question I ask and the one that is 
principally confusing the public mind, and to which your at- 
tention is called most particularly is this: 'If Gov. Bullock 
or any other Republican should secure a nomination by either 
his money or by the efforts of his friends in a packed con- 
cention or caucus and should say he was a Democratic nomi- 
nee, would that make him an acceptable candidate to the 
Democratic party? Does a mere profession constitute De- 



376 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

mocracy? Have you no measure for a man's principles but 
the bare profession? Does a man's public record count for 
nothing, beside such political changes as these, and is it only 
necessary to call yourself a Democrat, in a particular election 
to find the open door to Democratic promotion? A full expla- 
nation of this question will meet general approval with all 
fair-minded people in Georgia. For is it not a fact that Gov. 
(now Senator) Brown exceeded any man in the State at any 
time since the war in open denunciation of the Democratic 
organization, and is he not enjoying the highest honors of 
the party? If the race issue is so terrible, and the Democratic 
executive committee calls on the white people to protect them- 
selves against the negro, how did it condone the election of 
Gov. Colquitt two years ago? This same gentleman is upon 
record as endorsing Pledger, colored, for a high federal posi- 
tion at this time, and it can be proven that the federal officials 
of 1880, used every agency in their respective offices to elect 
Colquitt — going so far as to receive orders from the commit- 
tee of internal revenue at Washington to defeat Felton 'be- 
cause he was too much of a Democrat.' Skowhegan Bryant 
was once the nominee for speaker, run by the minority Demo- 
crats in a Georgia legislature and that occurred at a time 
when the negroes of Georgia were led by Bullock's and Blod- 
gett's gang. Please explain the policy of your party, so that 
we can understand its professions. With INIr. Stephens as a 
candidate, some explanation is necessary. 

For the first time since the war, we find him antagonizing 
the Republicans in his district. They have always supported 
him. His own declaration on June 10, 1878, declares it. He 
did not lose a single Republican vote, but scattering Democrats 
voted against him. This is history — his OAvn story of himself 
in 1878. Yet Mr. Stephens told you, here in Macon, a few 
night ago, that he always adhered to the Democratic organi- 
zation, except in the Greely campaign. Gen. Gartrell is now 
sustaining the same Democratic organization with equal zeal 
and superior loyalty. Mr. Stephens makes the broad unquali- 
fied assertion that he never sustained Dr. Felton but once, and 
he only counseled obedience to the majority, because he had 
2,500 majority in his district. If that was really his motive 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 377 

he is easily pleased in every candidate who secures a majority. 
If Dr. Felton had been defeated, Mr. Stephens could see no 
merit in him. Upon this principle, I suppose he supported Gen. 
Grant. Just see where such an argument will close up and 
where your candidate will stand! But he is not correct in 
that statement. In 1879, Dr. Felton was interviewed by a 
New York Times reporter, which interview created consider- 
able excitement in Georgia circles. He said: "You ask me 
ho what extent the Independent movement is spreading in this 
State ? " I answer : "It promises to sweep the State from 
the mountains to the Seaboard next year. I believe our next 
governor, a majority of our next Congress and our State legis- 
lature, will be elected as Independents. The honest and in- 
telligent citizens of the State are determined t ooverthrow Bour- 
bonism, which has well-nigh destroyed the very bulwarks of 
genuine Democracy; "it never learns and never forgets;" it 
stands as a barrier to our material progress, narrow, selfish 
and illiberal ; it 's only bond of union a struggle for spoils ; 
it's only hope of success, the tricks of the caucus, and the lash 
of the party. Its fruit has turned to ashes in the hands of 
our countrymen, and Georgia Democratis have determined to 
rescue the Democratic party from its destructive grasp. In- 
dependentism does not rely upon party machinery, but con- 
fides in principle and trusts the people rather than party lead- 
ers. " Mr. Stephens read this interview in Washington and 
was reported by a correspondent of the Savannah News as 
deserting Felton. To correct this impression, Mr. Stephens 
goes into print and in the Evening- Star of that city publishes 
a card in which these words appear: "I have never denied in 
my letter that I was in sympathy with Congressman Felton. 
On the contrary I have alv/ays said I saw nothing objection- 
able in that letter. ' ' Compare this statement with that speech 
made in your city and I will leave the subject with you. This 
may be a case of uncertain memory, equal to his forgetfulness 
in regard to the Speer telegrams, but you can find it in the 
Washington Star of November 27, 1879. 

Mr. Stephens arraigns Dr. Felton before a Macon audience 
for opposing him on the Potter resolution. It seems to me to 
he a poor argument to lie in the mouth of such a zealot for 



378 My INIemoirs op Georgia Politics 

organization when every Democrat North and South voted 
with Dr. Felton. Ask Gen. Cook, Mr. Blount, or anybody else 
who voted on the question, if any man claiming to be a Demo- 
crat or Independent could refuse to examine into the testimony 
which made another man President when Mr. Tilden had every 
vote but one to make him a Democratic President. If there 
ever was need for organization, that was the time, and it 
should work no discredit to Dr. Felton, even if he is now 
assailed by the standard bearer, as a " destroyer of the party. ' ' 
There must be some explanation from Mr. Stephens himself 
in regard to the Speer telegrams, for if Dr. Felton did wrong 
and was destroying the Democratic party last December, and 
Stephens cut off the light of his countenance, why was it last 
May, Stephens altered the telegram in two particulars, which 
informed the Independents that he could be recommended? 
It was impossible that Mr. Speer should know that Dr. Felton 
was expecting a decisive telegram from Mr. Stephens, unless 
Dr. Felton 's letter was shown to him, in Mr. Stephens' room. 
Mr. Speer had no intimation from Dr. Felton. The designated 
places and telegrams were confined to Felton and Stephens. 
But the dispatches came on time, were taken up by the asso- 
ciated press and published in Washington before received in 
Atlanta. Mr. Stephens had full opportunity to correct or dis- 
avow; and I assert he connived and contrived in the sending 
of the telegrams. It is therefore incomprehensible that he 
should now proclaim his hostility to Felton 's political man- 
agement which Stephens, in a letter, pronounced to be "ad- 
mirable" three days later "looking to the best interests of 
the State." 

Governor Bullock says: "Stephens is a good enough Re- 
publican for him," and Felton said, Stephens was a good 
enough Independent for him, now why not denounce Bullock 
as a destroyer of the party, but instead this aged man held 
Dr. Felton up before a Macon in defiance of truth and justice, 
when the people looked for safe and unbiased counsel from 
this venerable statesman! 

If Bartow county had given a majority for Garfield, as was 
given in Mr. Stephens' county, there might have been some 
force in this late frantic appeal for organization, but Mr. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 379 

Stephens' bosses his county, and Taliaferro deserts the Demo- 
cratic organization less than two years ago, under his personal 
supervision. 

As a nominee of "both political parties," he simply "toted 
his own skillet," and left Gen. Hancock to do his own toting. 
Under these conditions it is decidedly strange that the Demo- 
crats should risk political leadership after this fashion. There 
may be a grim sarcasm in Mr. Stephens' statement that Felton 
is destroying the party in helping to bring out A. H. Stephens, 
who carried Taliaferro county for Garfield. To show the 
utter fallacy and unfairness of Stephens' assault on Dr. Fel- 
ton, compare the latter 's record with that of Senator Brown, 
who holds the highest office in the gift of the organized De- 
mocracy of Georgia. Dr. Felton was never a Radical supreme 
judge appointed by Bullock, He never ran for the United 
States Senate by the power of negro votes. He never took a 
$5,000 fee from Gen. Meade to insult the helpless women of 
Columbus, who had to go on the witness stand while this 
virulent prosecutor pressed his assaults upon their sons and 
husbands. He never seconded the resolution of G. W. Paschal, 
of Texas, in a National Republican convention to force negro 
suffrage on the South, and the resolution was too rabid for 
the support of such men as Thad Stevens and Giddings. He 
never traded for a seat in Congress for money, nor did he ever 
force himself on an unwilling people by his control of a weak 
Senator and a still weaker- executive. Felton has done none 
of these things. Yet Mr. Stephens left his place in Congress 
chaperoned by just such a man, who was managing for him a 
convention, Democratic so-called, that the interests of the boss 
might not be disturbed in the State road lease and the con- 
vict lease! Felton never "pointed a torch" to the dwellings 
of the white people of Georgia or stirred up incendiary hate 
under ignorance or fanaticism. I submit therefore, if Senator 
Brown could receive the senatorship, and such things be con- 
doned by Democrats, because as ex-Senator Gordon explained, 
the Democrats "Enjoyed the use of his money in elections," it 
would seem to be eminently unjust to ostracize a man like 
Felton, who served the people of Georgia six years in Congress 
most zealously and effectively, as friend and foe will attest, and 



380 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

retired to his home at the close without a taint on his political 
character, or a dishonest dollar in his pocket. 

In what has Dr. Pelton's position become so obnoxious to 
Mr. Stephens since the 18th of May of the present year. Ac- 
cording to his own ' ' hand write, ' ' Felton ' ' managed admirably, 
looking to the best interests of the State." There is something 
wrong just here, and the wrong does not rest with this much- 
abused man. He has known what it is to have the purest mo- 
tives and the most incessant labors, assailed and misrepre- 
sented; he knows what the moral and political whipping post 
means in Georgia, and yet this representative has withstood a 
steady and unceasing fire for six long years and never failed 
Georgia in a test of courage or principle. He has come out 
of the fire, unscathed, actually declining to run for the office, 
which he so generously and unselfishly offered to the nominee 
of your party. His selection for governor your party con- 
firmed Mr. Stephens by an almost unanimous vote. You might 
take this case to a dozen juries and the verdict will be in Dr. 
Felton 's favor. It will not become Mr. Stephens to treat this 
matter with rudeness or contempt. One of these days it will 
recoil on somebody's head. Mr. Stephens is as devoted to 
Jeffersonian Democracy as to the little bottle of whiskey, which 
he pet-names as Jeffersonian Democracy, but his record so 
bristles with Independent votes and speeches that he must 
shut up or explain. Hosea Ballon once said : ' ' There is no 
possible excuse for a guarded lie. Enthusiastic and impulsive 
people will sometimes falsify thoughtfully, but equivocation 
is "malice prepense." If Dr. Felton acted "for the best in- 
terests of the State," and managed his matters admirably, 
which "matters" turned out to be the indorsement of the 
present candidate of the Democratic organization, there is no 
discount on either his devotion to the people of Georgia or his 
adherence to principle and duty. "When he asked for a sign 
from the present nominee, and the signal was hoisted accord- 
ing to agreement, it ill becomes the beneficiary to turn State's 
evidence to convict the man who worked in his interest. I do 
not attempt to tell you what evil results will, in my opinion, 
flow from this crusade against the colored race, and the honest 
Republicans in Georgia. We need not be surprised to see our 




Dr. Felton's Last Picture. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 381 

material progress checked or to find capital already invested 
in the State, taking itself off to more conservative climes. 

When the power of a ''solid South" is sufficient to make this 
aged man, this fulsome admirer of Gen. Grant, this apologist 
of the Louisiana Durell, this quasi Republican candidate of 
the Republican party in the eighth district of Georgia, this 
"well-known conservative representative in Congress, when he 
is made by his bosses to take upon himself a crusade against 
the colored race, the disappointment will affect our conserva- 
tive Northern friends in a fatal way, retarding our material 
interests. It is most unfortunate that we have now proven 
the vicious strength of sectionalism in the South. The con- 
servative record of Alexander H. Stephens has been bartered 
off to make him a Bourbon governor of Georgia under the 
control of the bosses. 

This is a year of peace and plenty. The negro is doing well. 
He has done nothing this year to excite animosity or promote 
race troubles. Because of these conditions, Mr. Stephens was 
selected by the Independents to harmonize all parties, but 
he has not only kicked over his own bucket of milk, but he 
has lost his grip on the majority of Georgians who are sur- 
prised and astounded that his ambition has led him along to 
this result. He is too old to regain the lost ground. His beau- 
tiful statue of conservatism and equity, is forever stained and 
marred before the very people who have honored him for so 
long. When Joseph E. Brown can step out to denounce Radi- 
calism, and Alexander H. Stephens can be made to denounce 
Independentism, the evil one may smile and say: "Well done." 
This defense was written in September, 1882, nearly thirty 
years ago by myself and printed in one of the best newspapers 
in the State of Georgia, and written at a time when my hus- 
band was beset by every "paid organ" in the State, when 
unscrupulous men near at home were hired with money to 
attack him, day by day in the newspapers. His race for Con- 
gress was carried on in this way over fourteen counties. The 
convict lessees — Brown, Gordon, Colquitt, et al., were beating 
him down to save their valuable convict lease and prevent an 
exposure of its horrors. There were about fifteen hundred of 
these slaves divided into three lease companies, and from the 



382 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

year 1876 to the end of the lease of twenty years, it kept 
two Senators in the United States Senate and elected two 
governors besides A. H. Stephens to the executive chair. 

It was a cruel thing to use this aged man, over 70 years old, 
to do this work. I was about to say as cruel as murder. That 
he was under the influence of sedatives the most of the time 
there is no question. There is no true friend of Mr. Stephens, 
who in view of the record of this campaign, would not blot 
out the fact that he was deceived and cajoled by crafty and 
designing men for a purpose ; and he is a poor citizen of Geor- 
gia who does not look back with shame and mortification upon 
a desperate political game conceived in disgrace, and culminat- 
ing in disaster to the record of one of Georgia's most honored 
statesmen. There will always be regret that he did not die 
in Washington. He always served as a Congressman, except 
when he was Vice-President of the short-lived Confederacy. 
He was thoroughly comfortable in that position. It paid him 
enough to live on well, as he never had a family. But he be- 
came infatuated with an ambition to be governor, maybe to 
be Senator, after Mr. Hill passed off, as he was swiftly going. 
This frail old man was pushed into an exciting State canvass, 
where his own duplicity in the correspondence between Fel- 
ton and Speer demonstrates his desperate efforts. He did not 
live long enough to win back the confidence and affections of 
friends of a life time, whom he had thus estranged. There is 
an avenging Nemesis that will repay the base and treacherous, 
who with stolid selfishness and consummate greed of gain, 
shortened his later days. His last letter to Dr. Felton was 
dated May 18, 1882. I never passed another line to him. One 
of his intimate friends told me that Mr. Stephens said he was 
sorry, but he knew I would never be his friend any more. 
My little son went to see him in the executive mansion just 
before Christmas. The little boy was very fond of the feeble 
old gentleman, and he and Mr. Stephens usually passed Christ- 
mas reminders during the holiday season. Mr. Stephens al- 
ways wore silk gloves on his attenuated fingers in cold weather. 
He suffered intensely from cold for he was pale, sometimes 
cadaverous, always anemic. The boy asked to be allowed to 
carry a pair of silk gloves to his old-time friend and a party 



My Memoiks op Georgia Politics 383 

who went with the little boy to the mansion, also looked into 
the coffin after his death and recognized the silk gloves on 
the dead man's hands. Mr. Stephens received the lad kindly, 
asked if his "mother was well," and the brief visit was over. 
When the lad come home and told me, I broke down; it was 
so sad, so pathetic, to know that my once dear old honored 
friend was going down to the grave and that cruel hands and 
cruel hearts had not only broken up a friendship of eight long 
years, but that no explanation or relief could come to either 
of us this side of eternity. He was literally hastened to the 
grave by the unusual worries of a new and untried position. 
He was always stimulated with whiskey, and the hypodermics 
were his ready resort in all seasons of pain. I was satisfied, as 
soon as he denied the Speer telegrams, that he was not him- 
self. The drug had done its work in mental failure. He was 
past seventy and beset with the usual infirmities of old age. 
He died early in March, 1883. A trip to Savannah was forced 
upon him in the latter days of February and he yielded to 
pressure, took cold, became ill and died near about the time 
that his term in the 47th Congress would have expired, if he 
had not been foolish enough to resign his congressional com- 
mission to be made governor and was used also to hold the 
convict lessees in their usual control of the revenues of the 
State from its convicts. There will be disappointment ever- 
more, that he did not pass away at "Liberty Hall," surrounded 
by his peaceful household and mourned by those who loved 
and honored him from a slender, poverty-stricken youth to 
the successes of his long lifetime for half a century. 

Senator Hill died in the summer of 1882, and Gov. Colquitt 
stepped into the Senate, as had been planned. The six Repub- 
lican members of the legislature gave Gen. Longstreet a com- 
plimentary vote and then voted solidly for Colquitt. It was 
then evident that Colquitt, Brown and company were in ac- 
tive alliance with Republicans in Georgia, and had filled all 
the federal offices in the State with their own henchmen, and 
the actual coalition of Democrats and Republicans over which 
poor Senator Hill had grown frantic against Dr. Felton, had 
been engineered by the Senator's own party friends in Georgia. 
Of course Dr. Felton was defeated for Congress. Nothing 



384 My jMemoirs op Georgia Politics 

hmnan, or mortal could have won against that combination. 
He had a farm, which supported us in a plain way, but he had 
no money to spare. His previous elections were a miracle, and 
I can not yet understand how he got in the first time, or for 
three times because the triumvirate of Brown, Gordon and 
Colquitt were in full authority, and were able to flood Geor- 
gia with unlimited campaign money and General Gordon 
took the stump in every campaign, but one to defeat my hus- 
band and I suppose he would have been at the same old busi- 
ness in the year 1882, but his wealth became so great after 
Senator Brown succeeded him in the Senate that he could li<^ 
back on his cash in bank and take a trip to Europe. 

President Arthur was not asleep ; he understood what was 
going on down in Georgia with Stephens in the race for gov- 
ernor and every one of the "bosses," hurling threats at Dr. 
Felton, charging him with "coalition with Grant, Arthur and 
Conkling to control the patronage of Georgia." When these 
bosses were sending their claquers into every county in the 
seventh district, when the W. & A. Railroad under President, 
also Senator Brown, was laying itself out to defeat Dr. Felton 
and when we felt that the Louisville and Nashville influence 
was behind its "legal counsel." John B. Gordon, late United 
States Senator, for the same purpose, and when we were satis- 
fied that Huntington's money was flush, as it had been in 
1880, with newspapers and active politicians to keep Dr. Fel- 
ton out of Congress, and although Huntington's tell-tale let- 
ters had not been exposed, we were satisfied Senator Gordon 
was "his man," as he afterwards was called when we did 
see the Huntington letters — President Arthur begun to have 
sympathy for the heroic warrior who went to defeat, but who 
was still fighting day by day with the pestiferous convict lease 
gang ready to assassinate my husband politically as Alston 
has been assassinated bodily, in the State capitol, over a dis- 
pute concerning Senator Gordon's convicts. 

He sent a friend to Dr. Felton in September, 1883, to know 
if he would accept the Atlanta post office, and thus find a good 
living for himself and family and rest himself from the strenu- 
ous fight that he had made for eight long years to rid the State 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 385 

of graft and political injustice. It was a strong temptation. 
We were in very moderate circumstances. It would give me 
relief from farm life annoyances, and I knew I could help 
and keep a close eye on the business of the post office. I was 
so tired of the incessant persecution. Mr. Stephens' defection 
pained me so greatly that I was generally disgusted. I saw 
nothing ahead of us but political persecution, and I was satis- 
fied that we could keep the office in fine condition. The social 
life in Atlanta would be so much more congenial to my literary 
tastes, and the money could do so many things for me and the 
family in the way of easy living. 

After we were alone Dr. Felton looked at me, with an 
earnest gaze. "How does it look to you Ma?" I then went over 
the agreeable side of the proposition, as I have here detailed 
it, and we then discussed all the sides — good, bad and in- 
different. 

The letter that went to President Arthur, written for him 
to see (but not to him), is here copied. The paper on which 
I copied it then is almost tan color now, for it was w^ritten 
September 6, 1883, over twenty-nine years ago, and I have 
kept it all this time — even when the whirling, howling political 
dervishes, that were paid by convict lease money to perform 
in the State legislature and in Bourbon newspapers, repeating 
in speech and print the defamatory words about "Africanizing 
the State," and Mr. Stephens speeches, where Dr. Felton was 
charged with seeking official recognition of the Republican 
president to fill his own pocket and betray the Democratic 
party in Georgia and the Union. I have often been tempted 
to print it and throw confusion on his opponents, but he 
always said "The honest people of Georgia believe in me. 
I want to stand before them as I am, and 'good wine needs no 
bush!' " But my time has come to print it, because my time 
is obliged to be short, with the snows of seventy-five winters 
resting on my head, and I am going to show the people of 
Georgia what the truest patriot I ever knew could do, at a 
time when he loved their respect and esteem far more than 
the "flesh pots of Egypt!" "I have given the subject of the 
Atlanta post office much thought. After mature consideration 
I have decided that it would not be best for me to accept. 



386 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

The political work to which I have already devoted the best 
years of my life is dearer to me than any office in either the 
State or Federal administration. I would do nothing that 
would hamper or impede that work. I have never allowed 
my opponents to impeach my record in a single particular. 
They have never been able to say I made my public office a 
source of pecuniary gain. I intend to continue in this patri- 
otic work, God helping me, until the State of Georgia is freed 
from the incubus which has so long rested on her material 
and national progress. To do this work, I must be independent 
in every thought and action. 

"I am comparatively a poor man, and the office is tempting 
to me as I have the natural desire to provide comfort and 
luxury for those dear to me, but money is of small value to 
them and to myself when they exult with me in the knowledge 
that Georgians will never blush for me and can never charge 
dishonesty or corruption on my personal record. If by self- 
sacrifice and self-abnegation I can convince the people of 
Georgia (and the State must rise up and throw off the present 
ring rule which has so long disgraced her politics), I shall be 
well repaid and when I can go before them with clean hand:? 
and an honest heart, without even the semblance of political 
affiliation or complication, I believe they will hear my message 
and assert their rights and punish the corrupt tricksters who 
have fattened on the State since the war. 

"I am truly grateful to you and to the president for this 
recognition of myself as an Independent Democrat. Your at- 
tention is in marked contrast to the partisan spite of Governor 
McDaniel and his advisers. The good men of the Seventh dis- 
trict have championed my cause for nearly ten years. They 
have 'stood security' for the honesty and purity of my po 
litical motives. In the face of slander and abuse my friends 
have remained unshaken in their support and confidence. 
This confidence is dearer to me than any political honor or 
emolument. I owe it to them to protect my political reputa- 
tion from any doubt, suspicion or secret complication. God 
helping me, that confidence will remain intact. Your personal 
kindness and the president's recognition of my patriotism, I 
greatly prize. It is due to both of you to say this attention 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 387 

has been as disinterested as sincere. Unlike the so-called 
Democratic party in Georgia, you have been too upright to 
intimate any control in this polite and generous attention to 
myself. I would be glad you would transmit a copy of this 
letter to the president, that he may see and know how grate- 
ful I feel for his courtesy and kindness. I shall ever remain 
his personal friend, for he has ever proved himself a worthy 
successor of Jefferson and Fillmore. 

''Coming as he did to the position of chief magistrate under 
the most trying circumstances, he has extorted praise from 
bitter opponents, and has shown himself to be a president for 
the whole country. Yours truly, 

"W. H. FELTON. 

"Cartersville, September 6, 1883." 

There was a Providence in all these things ; for in the year 
1884, Dr. Felton was chosen for the State legislature, where 
he championed the new lease of the W. & A. Railroad, exposed 
,the dreadful convict lease system, strengthened the Georgia 
Railroad Commission, saved the University of Georgia from 
complete emasculation, and thus gave six years of his later 
life to the service of his native State. If he had continued in 
congress he might have had a wider field, but never one of 
more practical usefulness to the State of Gorgia. 

If he had accepted the largest Federal position in the State, 
he would have been hampered, but he won every thing that 
he did win in State or national politics, by clean-cut patriotism 
and political integrity. He made mistakes of judgment, he 
was often deceived in men, and failed sometimes when he 
strove the hardest, but he was a man in every sense of that 
much-abused word. He was no man's obedient servant. He 
took no bribe money — he went to his grave clean in hand and 
clean in pocket. 

A leading New York journal made the following review of 
Mr. Stephens' political career during the forty -fifth congress, 
which impressed me at the time as worthy of preservation, ft 
was headed Democratic Dust-Throwing. It reads thus: 

"Alexander H. Stephens, vice president of the late Southern 
Confederacy, assumes the leadership of the Democratic party 
and submits a platform, with a special proviso, that it is to be 



388 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

considered at some future day. In other words, Mr. Stephens 
submits a declaration of intentions, with the intimation that 
the intentions are never to be carried out. As this is so, the 
substance of the resolution is a matter of little importancB. 
Mr. Stephens might as well have recited the Ten Command- 
ments, or the last national platform of the Republican party 
in his resolution, as it was not intended for action. 

"But conceding that Mr. Stephens is honest in offering the 
resolution, and that he believes in the sentiments expressed, 
neither the fact nor his action is an indication of what he or 
the Democratic party will do in the future. Mr. Stephens' 
impulses are often right, but in the great crises of his lifo 
he has not followed them. He was a Union man in 1860, and 
did more than any man to quiet the apprehensions of the 
people in the North, who feared secession, and who distrusted 
the Southern leaders. Because he quieted this apprehension 
and insisted that the people of the South were true to the 
Union, he gave the secessionists most valuable aid. While he 
stood to the front declaiming against secession and forming 
lines to resist, the Bourbons formed in the rear for action, and 
when ready swept forward to carry Mr. Stephens and his 
friends with them. By conviction and impulse he was a Union 
man. When it came to action he was a secessionist. Theo- 
retically, he condemned all disunion schemes, as treasonable , 
practically, he espoused disunion schemes as patriotic and be- 
came the vice president of the New Confederacy. 

Mr. Stephens was honest in the expression of his Union 
sentiments, but he was deceived by the men about him. He 
not only failed to understand their purposes, but allowed them 
to influence him against his avowed convictions and to use him 
as a figure-head to quiet the apprehensions of the conserva- 
tives in the South and to give respectability to the very cause 
he had condemned. 

There has always been to the people of the North something 
pathetic in the position of Mr. Stephens during the war. As 
vice president he had really little or no influence. From the 
very first Jeff Davis and the extremists controlled the affairs 
of the so-called Confederacy. Recognized as a moderate, he 
was kept to the front, simply that the extremists might have 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 389 

less difficulty in overcoming the scruples of the moderates in 
Georgia and Tennessee. It was his misfortune to be used to 
encourage and intensify action, which he had pledged himself 
to oppose. 

As the secessionists used him just previous to and during 
the war, the Democrats are using him now. Frightened by the 
results of elections in Ohio, Michigan and Rhode Island, the 
Bourbons seek a mask, that will direct attention from and 
conceal their real purposes. Realizing that Mr. Stephens' con- 
dition and his conservative course since he has been in Con- 
gress, have given him the sympathy if not the confidence of 
the people — they put the brave, bold, weak old man forward 
to kick up a dust, behind which they may form their lines 
for aggressive warfare. 

The spectacle, in truth, is a touching one. An old man, 
nearly seventy years of age, the friend of Clay, the supporter 
of Douglas, the advocate of compromise in 1850, the champion 
of the Union in 1860, the vice president of the Confederacy 
in 1861, a Peace Commissioner in 1864, an Independent Demo- 
crat in 1876-78 — is now put forward to say that the Demo- 
cratic party is against slavery, and a supporter of the Con- 
stitution as amended, and this is done entirely on his own 
responsibility. 

The Democratic party does not say this, but Mr. Stephens, 
who has so often meant right and gone wrong — who has so 
often been deceived and taken advantage of — states what ho 
believes are the honorable intentions of the party. As though 
he had learned wisdom with age, or as though he feared the 
prompt repudiation of his sentiments, he does not ask the 
adoption or approval of his resolution. He sends it out as 
a certificate of character, and asks the people to believe what 
he declares to be the embodiment of the party's purpose. In 
the meantime the Bourbons, while ignoring the resolution, 
will skulk behind it and perfect their schemes to capture the 
government. And when their plans are perfected and the 
blow struck, Mr. Stephens will be with them. It has always 
been his fate to lead in suggestion and discussion, but to follow 
in the hour of decision. 

His resolution, considered as a suggestion, is a good one, but 



390 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

at. best it is only a suggestion and as such does not weigh 
against the speeches of Thurman and other Democratic 
leaders in congress. These have met with the approval of 
the party, and have called out the endorsement of the party 
papers. Evidences multiply to show that the Bourbon pro- 
gramme has been agreed upon and conservative Democrats 
have been whipped into an agreement to support it." It was 
the Democratic effort to put riders on military appropriation 
bills, which produced the inert resolution and the criticism 
that I have copied. About the same time, another leading 
Northern journal thus wrote of Dr. Felton: "A very Inde- 
pendent Democrat is Dr. Felton, of Georgia, whose language 
is the language of a patriot and whose advice, if acted upon, 
would strengthen the Democratic party greatly. The Doctor's 
views will be found at length in our "Washington letter. Here 
is a witness who proves that a man may endorse Democratic 
doctrines, without endorsing the methods resorted to by the 
majority in congress. Dr. Felton declares (what we all know', 
that the extra session of the forty-fifth congress has not 
benefitted the party or the country. The ability displayed in 
the debate has been wasted. It is impossible to force legisla- 
tion in this country, and he thinks that laws, however vicious, 
must be repealed "by constitutional methods," and not by 
arbitrary or "dictatorial acts." He regards the suggestion 
that congress should adjourn without making the necessary 
appropriations as sheer madness ! 

Doctor Felton knows precisely what the people think of 
their representatives. In defining the duties of a representa- 
tive, he administers a severe rebuke to demagogues and par- 
tisans who pursue their own objects to the neglect of the 
country, and in violation of their oaths. He declares repre- 
sentatives are not sent to Washington to manufacture political 
capital for presidential aspirants, but to represent the section 
that honors them with their confidence, with prudence and 
wisdom. He sees that this "high-pressure" excitement of this 
session has impressed the public with "its artificial and 
factitious character." "The South as a section can not afford 
to go on record as a revolutionary element in this government. 
Nor should the Northern fanatics of either party force this 



My Memoir^ of Georgia Politics 391 

exigency upon us." The Republican leaders can put a pin 
there. Not one of them, thus far, have uttered as sound senti- 
ments as Dr. Felton. Their speeches and open letters have all 
been more or less tinged with a bitterness from which these 
published views of Dr. Felton have been wholly free." Here 
are the parallels — the story of the two men I have discussed 
in these pages — as seen by Northern editors, far-famed for 
their ability and capacity for dealing with public questions. 
Dr. Felton and Mr. Stephens were both conservatives — not 
Bourbon Democrats, and here is the dictum of their able and 
impartial critics — while both represented Georgia in the forty- 
fifth congress — one from the Seventh and the other from the 
Eighth district. 

I am only a woman, confess my failures as a politician, but 
I am sure I speak the truth when I say that future historians 
will sustain the verdict, thus rendered by the Philadelphia 
Times and other fair-minded journalists of the period that 
'made the Democratic party so unpopular in the North as to 
fatally destroy its seventy majority in congress. 

Perhaps I may be criticized in this connection for bringing 
in a paragraph which was clipped from the St. Louis Globe- 
Democrat the same day that I pasted down the two contrast- 
ing newspaper articles just copied, but as it brought to mind 
the memory of the most beautiful entertainment I ever at- 
tended in Washington City, I will risk the publication among 
my political recollections. After describing at length the 
brilliant entertainment of the British minister. Sir Edward 
Thornton — its lavish refreshments and the gorgeous gowns 
and jewels of millionaire belles from all the large Northern 
cities, these lines are found, among many other mentions : 
*'A very lovely woman is Mrs. Felton, of Georgia; a sweet- 
voiced lady with soft black eyes, gray hair and a complexion 
as fine and pure as a rose-leaf. Dr. Felton is a tall, white- 
haired gentleman of distinguished presence — ^the ideal South- 
erner of the old school and a most worthy representative, now 
talked of for Georgia's next governor. Against the crimson 
silk hangings of the drawing room, Mrs. Felton 's face was a 
picture in itself." 

It is with pardonable pride that I recur to the time where 



392 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

a modest representative from Georgia acquitted himself so 
well that he always deserved the respect and good will of his 
associates, and despite the fury of the opposition in Georgia, 
rose to the committee of Ways and Means by pure merit, and 
where his heart was made glad to see his brave wife among 
those whose standing in Washington City was socially of the 
very best, even to the friendship of Mrs. President Hayes her- 
self. 

Dr. Felton paid his debts, supported his family, dressed 
plainly but well, I did his clerical work and kept up his cor- 
respondence. To close this final chapter on Stephens and Fel- 
ton, I will copy here a letter from Hon. Mr. Stephens that 
gave me great satisfaction, because he was so well acquainted 
with us that he could speak by authority : 

"Liberty Hall, September 1, 1880. 

' ' My Dear Mrs. Felton : Your letter of Sunday — three days 
ago — came to hand yesterday. I was truly glad to get it and 
see the heroic spirit you maintain under the heavy labors you 
perform. I don't know anybody who does half the work you 
do, considering your strength and health. No, I withdraw the 
qualification; I don't know anybody, however vigorous and 
strong, who does half the work you do. Thirty years ago, 
when I could use the pen at will, I think I came as near to 
what you now do as anyone else within my knowledge : and I 
don't believe I ever did half as much as you do. IMay your 
health, strength and fortitude continue to sustain you ! I am 
taking no part whatever in the gubernatorial election. I have 
not made up my mind yet as to whether I shall vote for Col- 
quitt or Norwood. It will depend upon subsequent develop- 
ments. I should have voted for Colquitt, if he had been nomin- 
ated, as I did before. I didn't then think he was fit and don't 
think he is fit now, but in such cases the question as to who 
shall hold any particular office becomes a small matter when 
compared with other and surrounding conditions. 

/'Norwood I consider no fitter for the office than Colquitt. 
The fee — d lobbyist of Huntington is not such a man as I tliink 
should be governor of Georgia. The question as to how I shall 
vote is open with me yet. It will be some time before you 
receive this letter, as you are doubtless now on your way to 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 393 

Walker, Dade, etc. With kind regards to the Doctor and 
Howard. Yours truly, 

"ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS." 
I also did considerable writing for Mr. Stephens when his 
regular secretaries failed him. I made him three visits each 
day in Washington City, when congress was in session and we 
were all living at the National Hotel. As I went from break- 
fast, I called at his room to hear how he had restedl — then he 
would ask for my help if his scribe had failed to turn up — to 
answer telegrams or pressing letters. He returned from the 
house about 2 p. m. for his dinner. I ate 2 o'clock dinner, 
because I was obliged to eat light food in the late afternoon 
or at tea. I would go by his rooms after dinner and he would 
tell me all that the house of representatives was doing that 
day. In the evening Dr. Felton and myself went by from the 
tea table, to find him in a game of whist, and he dearly loved 
the game, and thought I was over-righteous because I always 
refused to play whist with his party. After I had given him 
some extra writing one day and Dr. P'elton came by to give 
me the room key, on his way to the capitol, the old gentleman 
said to him: "Doctor, you never can know what a treasure 
you have got in your wife, because you never have been 
obliged to get anybody else to do your writing. Without any 
doubt, she is invaluable as a secretary, as she is to you all the 
time a most invaluable assistant." 

From Rome Tribune. 
HON. A. H. STEPHENS. 

A few days ago the Courier offered a few suggestions to 
young men, advising them how to vote. We protested at that 
time against the Courier's capacity to advise. We now present 
the advice of a statesman of world-wide fame, and a man 
whom all Georgians delight to honor. We urge our young 
friends to read it : 

Cartersville, Ga., September 3, 1878. 

Hon. A. H. Stephens — Dear Sir: You have doubtless been 
consulted concerning the political divisions and excitement in 
this, the Seventh district, and as no one doubts either your 
patriotism or forethought, a great many who desire to do 
right would be glad to have the benefit of your counsel in 
this congressional race. Who would you support were you in 
this district? Why would you support him? Was there an 



394 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

expression of the desire of the people when Judge Lester was 
nominated by acclamation? Why is it that Bartow county 
will give Felton a majority of 1,800 votes, and her delegates 
to a nominating convention will not support him on the first 
ballot? Is Dr. Felton 's candidacy calculated to disrupt and 
destroy the Democratic party? Is it likely, in view of all the 
facts, that anything bad will result from the Independent 
movement in this district? 

You may have written letters to private parties, giving your 
views in this campaign, but the public has never had the 
benefit of them. 

If you condescend to answer my letter, will you give me 
permission to publish your reply if I so desire? As I have 
ever admired your statesmanship and endorsed your career, 
I hope now to act from your advice. Very respectfully, 

J. A. BAKER. 

Liberty Hall, 
Crawfordville, Ga., September 5, 1878. 
Mr. J. A. Baker, Attorney-at-Law, Cartersville, Ga. 

My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 3rd instant was received 
yesterday. You desire to learn my opinion concerning the 
political division and excitement now existing in the Seventh 
district, and are pleased to say that a great many who desire 
to do right would be glad to have the benefit of my counsel in 
this congressional race. 

Now, while I have no inclination to obtrude my opinions 
upon the people at any time, or on any matter, yet I have no 
hesitancy in giving them, when sought, upon all questions of 
public policy or general interest. 

You ask me several direct and specific questions, which I 
shall proceed to answer briefly in the order in which you put 
them. 

1. "Who would you support for congress were you in this 
district?" To this I reply, I would unhesitatingly support Dr. 
Felton. 

Your second question is in these words : 

"Why would you support him?" To this I say, because of 
his admitted ability, his unquestioned integrity, high moral 
character and distinguished stand he has taken in the con- 
gress of the United States. His past experience greatly in- 
creases his capacity for future usefulness in serving his con- 
stituents. No new member, however able or brilliant, can 
serve his constituents with as much efficiency as one who has 
experience in the service. 

Again, you ask, "Is Dr. Felton 's candidacy calculated to 
destroy and disrupt the Democratic party?" To this, I have 



My Memoies of Georgia Politics 395 

only to say that I cannot see that it can have any such ten- 
dency or result. The canvass in the Seventh seems to be more 
of a personal than a party character. Dr. Felton has been 
twice elected to congress by the people of his district. At 
the last election his majority was 2,462. This shows he then 
had the confidence of his constituents by a large majority. 
Has he done anything since to forfeit it? If so, I am not at 
all aware of it. His acts and speeches in the present congress 
have but added additional lustre to his fame as an orator and 
a statesman. His speeches upon the financial and quarantine 
questions were amongst the best delivered in congress. His 
fidelity and devotion to the great principles of constitutional 
liberty, which constitute the Democratic creed as set forth by 
Mr. Jefferson, has never been questioned so far as I am aware. 
In his congressional career he has illustrated and defended 
these principles, as well as the rights and interests of his 
constituents, by an energy, industry, and laborious discharge 
of duty with an ability and eloquence unsurpassed, in my 
opinion, by any previous representative of the district, not 
excepting Lumpkin, Underwood, Wright, nor Young. Why 
then should he be displaced for any other Democrat in the 
district? Party organization, I believe in. It is always proper 
and necessary when unity of action is essential for the success 
of principles. 

But in this case no such state of things exists, as I under- 
stand it. Men and parties are known by their principles, and 
not by the machinery which controls nominations. In my 
opinion, nominations by party organizations should always 
be controlled by views looking to the ablest and truest men 
representing the principles of the party, and to the favorites 
of the people. In this view I think the Ringgold convention, 
if it had looked solely to the peace and harmony of the parties 
and the good of the country, would have either nominated Dr. 
Felton or offered no opposition to his re-election. Their action 
was the cause of all this strife and excitement, and from which 
it seems to me, no good can result either to the Democracy 
or the country. In politics, as in everything else, in my 
opinion, as a general rule, the safest course is to let well 
enough alone. Yours truly, 

A. H. STEPHENS. 

The following, from Hon. A. H. Stephens, is characteristic 
of that great and good man's patriotism. It is the voice of a 
statesman whom all delight to honor: 

"Liberty Hall, 
Crawfordville, Ga., October 23. 
To Messrs. Thomas H. Baker, J. J. Howard and Jas. M, Con- 
yers, Committee, Cartersville, Ga. 



396 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

"My Dear Sirs: Your letter of the 19th instant, inviting 
me to be at a barbecue to be given in your place by the friends 
of Dr. Felton on the 2nd of November next, and to address the 
people on that occasion, is before me. 

"In reply, I have only to say I deeply regret it will be out 
of my power to comply with the request. Recent hemorrhages, 
occasioned, as supposed by my physicians, by public speaking 
in the open air, have caused me, under their advice, to desist 
from any further canvass of my own district. It is true I 
have had no hemorrhages now for over a month — none since 
I quit public speaking; and with prudence in this particular, 
I am hopeful there will be no return. 

"Be assured my sympathies are with the friends of Dr. 
Felton in the fierce contest now going on in the Seventh dis- 
trict. It seems to me, if you will allow me to say, that it is 
more of a personal than of a political character, in this view 
of the case it is not my purpose to take any part further than 
to say that Dr. Felton has, in my judgment, represented the 
people in his district with a fidelity, ability and eloquence 
unsurpassed in the history of the district ; and for the faithful 
and eminent services rendered by him in the discharge of his 
highest trust to his constituents should again receive their 
plaudits, 'Well done, good and faithful servant.' 

"Very truly, ALEXANDER STEPHENS." 

The foes of Dr. Felton wrote to Mr. Stephens for advice in 
1878. The advice was unpalatable. Mr. Akin secreted Mr. 
Stephens' reply. In 1883, being disgusted with Mr. Stephens' 
enmity to Dr. Felton, he wrote the following note : 

Office of AKIN & AKIN, f 

; Attorneys at Law. 

Cartersville, Ga., September 7, 1883. 

Dear Sir: I now enclose you Mr. Stephens' letter. In its 
light the remarkable inconsistency of this last campaign grows 
stronger. Is it any wonder that he could not be induced to 
face the consistent independent and organized Democrats of 
the Seventh district? 

When celebrity can sanction inconsistency, and a great 
name sanctify ingratitude, then will Mr. Stephens' example 
in that campaign be worthy the emulation of succeeding gen- 
•erations. For the sake of those who are yet to follow, it is 
to be hoped that Mr. Stephens' biographers will not forget to 
head this chapter of his life, "Faithful to His Friends." 

Very truly, THOS. WARREN AKIN. 

Hon. Wm. H. Felton, Cartersville, G« 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 397 

Liberty Hall, ' 
Crawfordville, Ga., 24th August, 1878. 
T. Warren Akin, Esq., Cartersville, Ga. 

Dear Sir: Your very kind letter of the 21st instant was 
received yesterday. I reply in the same spirit of frankness 
and candor in which you have been pleased to express your- 
self. I have no hesitancy in saying that if I were in the 
Seventh district I would support Dr. Felton in the present 
contest. This I should do because of his acknowledged ability, 
unquestioned integrity, and spotless character, with that ex- 
perience in public affairs at Washington which enables him 
to render more effective service to his constituents than any 
new man possibly could do, however eminent his virtues and 
ability might be. No man who knows Dr. Felton can question 
his fidelity and devotion to those great principles of consti- 
tutional liberty which underlie and upon which rests the 
whole fabric of our free institutions, and which constitute the 
essence and elements of Jeffersonian Democracy. As far as 
I am aware, there is no essential difference between the 
political principls of Dr. Felton and Judge Lester. I do not 
consider Dr. Felton as running against a regular party nomin- 
ation so much as a claimed organized nomination running 
against him. Party organization, founded upon principles, is 
essential where unity of action on the part of those who agree 
upon the principles involved is necessary for success. Inde- 
pendentism, so-called, becomes mischievous and dangerous 
when its object or effect is, by holding the balance of power, 
to defeat the success of sound principles in cases where the 
contest is close. No such state of things exist at present, as I 
understand the facts to be, in the Seventh district. Dr. Fel- 
ton has been twice returned by the people of the Seventh. 
This shows he is a popular favorite. Organization, as I have 
said, is always proper, and often essential for the success of 
sound principles, but its machinery becomes not only demor- 
alizing but mischievous when it is controlled with the view 
to defeat rather than carry out the popular choice. You will 
allow me to say — I may be wrong — but it seems to me that 
the leading object of the Dalton convention was not to ad- 
vance, to strengthen or to secure the success of Democratic 
principles so much as it was, from prejudice or spite, or other 
bad passion, to strike down one of the ablest representatives 
of these principles now in the congress of the United States. 
Were I in your district, I say to you frankly, I should not per- 
mit myself to become allied with those whose object has no 
higher or worthier aim. Dr. Felton has certainly represented 
the district ably and faithfully, and my advice to his con- 
stituents, including the young men as well as old, who have no 



398 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

object in politics but good government, would be to say to 
him at the polls, "Well done, good and faithful servant." 
This, you will allow me to say, I think the Dalton convention 
ought to have done, if their chief object had been peace, 
harmony, and the success of Democratic principles in their 
district. In politics, as well as in most other matters, it is 
always wise to let well enough alone. Yours truly, 

ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 



Dr. Felton and Senator B. H. Hill 



For the reason that a son of Senator Hill has written a 
biography of his deceased father, and because he not only- 
failed to furnish to the reading public the published attacks 
made by his father on my now deceased husband, but pro- 
ceeded to defame Dr. Felton in his story of his father's life; 
I deem it my bounden duty, and my especial privilege to give 
the other side of the controversy for reasons so obvious that 
they do not require further explanation in these pages. As 
proof of this intended defamation, I will copy here a paragraph 
written by Ex-Senator Norwood in a scathing review he made 
of this "Life of Senator Hill," and of its manifest purpose. 

Ex-Senator Norwood's review appeared in the Atlanta Jour- 
nal Tuesday, November 3, 1891. Listen: "Mr. Hill's political 
life was stormy. His biographer says it was 'exceedingly 
stormy.' Notable among his bitter personal quarrels were the 
hostilities with Gov. Brown, Mr. Stephens, Dr. W. H. Felton 
and W. L. Yancey. All these are given prominence in this 
biography and Mr. Hill is crowned victor by his biographer 
in each instance. There were two bitter controversies between 
Mr. Stephens and Mr. Hill, the one before the war in 1856 is 
revived word for word, the entire correspondence spread out 
over eleven pages. "The Felton Controversy" is horrible, but 
the indecency grows into cruel injustice in the case of Dr. 
Felton. This book that is to be put on shelves in public and 
private libraries ends with the terrible invective in the letter 
of Mr. Hill in reply to Dr. Felton, while not one word by Dr. 
Felton is admitted to the pages to enable the reader to judge 
the justice of the case. Dr. Felton is pilloried and gagged by 
the son, while he is beaten with many stripes by the father. 

Before this savage act of cruelty is committed by the biogra- 
pher, he reveals the fact that when his father was in his terri- 
ble affliction that soon closed his earthly career, Dr. Felton, 
moved by Christian sympathy, wrote a letter to Mr. Hill "en- 
deavoring to renew the friendship," says the biographer. He 
puts it in cold type for this and coming generations to read 



400 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

and to reflect on and to draw conclusions from that his father 
made no response to this letter. If there are no words strong 
enough to characterize the wrong, the injustice and the cruelty 
done to Dr. Felton, how can we measure the injury thus done 
to Mr. Hill? Can anyone believe that he would have sanc- 
tioned such a wrong to even his worst and bitterest foe ? * * 
"This writer heeds no barrier. The grave has no sanctity, 
the dead no refuge. He stabs the dead and the living alike. 
Those who fought and quarreled in life, he insists, shall fight 
and quarrel in their graves. Was there no one to suggest to 
his dull pate, that even if the Christian desire and endeavor 
of Dr. Felton to bury all unkindness between himself and his 
friend of forty years had failed, the grave should be its end?" 

This book written by Mr. Hill's son and namesake was, as 
I am reliably informed, not only industriously canvassed in 
Georgia, but appeals were made to United States Senators and 
Congressmen to purchase, working on aforetime sympathy and 
personal association of these men in Washington City with 
Senator Hill, deceased. As Senator Norwood well expresses 
it "the wrong, the injustice and the cruelty done to Dr. Fel- 
ton" is immeasurable. Like the seeds of the thistle down, 
let loose in a gale of wind, there is no telling where this injury 
was repeated, or its injustice made to appear as solemn truth! 

Editor Willingham, editing the Cartersville Free Press, for a 
long time drove out to our home one day and reported a visit 
that he had made to Atlanta, perhaps to Mr. Hill's home. His 
account of Mr. Hill's sinking condition, consumed by virulent 
cancer, was a tragic narration. While we were all at dinner 
table, Dr. Felton remarked: "I am truly sorry for Mr. Hill. 
We were school-mates in Athens ; I knew his wife as a yoiuag 
lady in Athens. I respect her most highly. I would be glad 
to do something to show to her and him that I feel deep sym- 
pathy. A death-bed is a solemn place. I certainly feel no 
revengeful bitterness in my heart. God knows I would relieve 
his pains if I could ! ' ' Mr. Willingham jumped at the intima- 
tion and begged that Dr. Felton should write a few lines to 
that effect, etc. I wrote the letter in Dr. Felton 's name and 
he signed it, and in that letter I was careful to say that Dr. 
Felton was truly grieved at Mr. Hill's illness and in view of the 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 401 

nearness of death to us all, he (Dr. Felton) wished the afflicted 
man to know there was nothing but sympathy in his heart for 
his suffering condition and an earnest hope that he might yet 
recover. Dr. Felton was moved by a noble purpose to do this ; 
he made no overtures of renewed friendship; he understood 
that he was writing to a dying man, and one about to meet 
death, suffering from a terrible disease that made one shiver 
to think about. 

I was told some months afterward that the letter was not 
shown to Mr. Hill, and that one of his sons had been heard to 
say: "They didn't want him to hear anything about old 
Felton." 

Dr. Felton had no feeling on this subject afterwards, so far 
as I know. He had done a Christian's duty, forgave as he 
hoped to find forgiveness in heaven under the Master's com- 
mand, and I am here to say in this place that Dr. Felton 's 
death was the most beautiful going away that my eyes ever 
witnessed, calm, serene, conscious and at perfect peace with 
all mankind, and I ever thank God that he gave such beautiful 
evidences of a Christian's faith in leaving us. 

Dr. Felton and Mr. Hill were in Franklin College at the same 
time, but not in the same class. They were friends and had 
the usual intimacies of college friendship. After I was mar- 
ried, I had never passed a word with or written a line to Mr. 
Hill until Dr. Felton 's first race for Congress. 

When Mr. Trammell was taken down by his party friends 
about three weeks before the November election in 1874, a 
new convention was called and Hon.W. H. Dabney was put 
on the track with two weeks of campaigning in front of him. 
Immediately, it was given out that Dr. Miller, Mr. Hill, 
Senator Gordon, and one or two others, would take the 
stump against Dr. Felton. We consulted about it and by 
Dr. Felton 's request I addressed a brief note to the three 
here named, asking if they were coming, etc. Dr. Miller had 
a positive denial printed in Atlanta papers. Mr. Hill addressed 
a confidential letter that he couldn't do such a thing against 
his old college friend Felton, and Gen. Gordon wrote that he 
was then starting to South Georgia to fill engagements of 
long standing, and it was impossible for him to say when he 



402 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

would return to Atlanta." (I have this letter and it was 
postmarked Monday and he was speaking in Rome, Ga., the 
following Saturday against Felton — the " disorganizer, " the 
"Radical" and "negro sympathizer.") I made a cross mark 
just there and formed an opinion, which never was changed 
thereafter during thirty years of political acquaintance with 
the writer. 

Hon. Garnett McMillan was elected in the ninth, but he died 
before the 44th Congress assembled. 

Mr. Hill's notable campaign as his successor is too well 
known to the public to fill these pages with the story. Suffice 
it to say that Mr. Hill was an Independent; his henchmen 
broke up the convention and he pulled for the coveted place 
with laboring oars. He lived in Atlanta, but he had lived in 
Athens, so he posed as a citizen of the ninth district. 

He greatly enjoyed his victory over the "ringster" and 
made merry in "Washington City over his "Independent cam- 
paign." After his election as Congressman, he made plans 
for the Senate, and was elected in January, 1877, but he was 
always posing as Dr. Felton 's friend, and they were desk- 
mates so long as he kept his place during the 44th Congress. 
Dr. Felton never had brother or sister; his heart leaned to 
his school-boy friend, and Mr. Hill often remarked that the 
"doctor watched proceedings so closely that he (Hill) al- 
ways voted right when Felton said so." So they sat side by 
side in the House of Representatives, and I have Dr. Felton 's 
word for it that Mr. Hill often asked his advice in various 
entanglements and difficulties that were forced on Mr. Hill's 
notice and where many things were threatened against him 
. and some of them filled Washington newspapers to the great 
annoyance of Mrs. Hill and others who were connected with 
him, because political fury was lurid and such pursuit con- 
tinuous for days and weeks at a time. 

Dr. Felton proved himself a friend when a great many oth- 
ers fell away and the memory of those days of friendly coun- 
sel and efficient assistance should have ever been lively enough 
to make Mr. Hill respectful in his conduct towards Dr. Felton. 
Among my scrapbooks I still hold the evidence that it surely 
needed strong friendship to apologize or give aid to Mr. Hill 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 403 

when he was assailed in sensational Washington newspapers 
with various pictures printed and affidavits presented by those 
conspiring for Senator Hill's downfall, personal as well as 
political. Dr. Felton had the most chivalrous respect for Mrs. 
Senator Hill. He admired her as a young lady in Athens, 
and his regard for her was undiminished so long as their ac- 
quaintance continued. He would have been her unselfish 
friend under all sorts of trying circumstances, and such he 
proved himself to be on more than one occasion. 

The mail that brought a letter to Dr. Felton in January, 
1882, from Senator Hill (which proved to be the forerunner 
of Hill's interview with Henry Grady, the noted story about 
''Africanizing the State"), was crowded with pretensions of 
friendship, profession of affection and lofty counsel, as if 
from an elevation. 

The same mail brought also a sweet letter from Mrs. Hill 
to me, as we occasionally corresponded after I had left Wash- 
ington, and I was grieved, yes pained, to know that Mr. Hill's 
faithless desertion of Dr. Felton would sunder every tie with 
the wife except the remembrance of her goodness and gra- 
ciousness. Never another line was written by either of us after 
the Grady interview was printed in the Atlanta Constitution, 
and knowing as I do Mr. Hill's close relations to Dr. Felton 
in Washington City, and knowing also the unprovoked, un- 
warranted and utterly base persecution of Dr. Felton, which 
followed Mr. Hill's attack on his aforetime friend, I still hold 
the opinion that Mr. Hill was either affected in his mind, 
owing to the disease that killed him eight months later ; or he 
was compelled to the attack by forces in Washington, to whom 
he had allied himself as "legal counsel." 

Senator Hill's vote on the Thurman Funding Bill in 1878 
was inexplicable at the time. He and Mr. Blaine were sud- 
denly in accord and Senator Thurman declares that Blaine, 
Dorsey and Stanley Matthews were the leaders of the opposi- 
tion to his bill in the Senate, and "the most frightful lobby 
that he had ever seen in Washington," was in their rear. 
"Legal counsel" is found frequently in the reports that the 
Pacific road furnished as a bill of expenses and yet these mag- 



404 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

nates uniformly refused to name the men in the Senate who 
acted as "legal counsel." 

Senator Beck, in a speech before the Senate, said the out- 
rage had become insupportable, that men in the House and 
Senate could set there with perhaps $100,000 of the money 
of the Union Pacific, the Central Pacific or the Northern Pa- 
cific in their pockets and yet pose as disinterested men. He was 
advocating what was called the "Railroad Attorney Bill," 
which passed the Senate and it forbade any Senator or Rep- 
resentative from appearing as "legal counsel," where any mat- 
ters were considered on which they had voted previously or 
later expected to vote on. 

Senator Hill's name was bandied about the streets and cor- 
ridors and hotels in the city at the time the Thurman Funding 
bill became a law. "We were told by Judge Underwood and 
Col. D. C. Printup, of Rome, that the names of both the Geor- 
gia Senators were called in their presence at a hotel dinner 
table, the gravest charges were made against their reputation 
in connection with the Thurman bill, and the amounts they 
received were also stated in same conversation as being paid 
by the Pacific lobby. The biographer of Senator Hill tells of 
the money his father made in his law practice, including the 
years he was Representative and Senator and the conviction 
is imperative that floods of money must have been received as 
legal counsel to make the statement veracious, and everybody 
knows that Mr. Hill was too constantly occupied with his 
duties in Washington City to be in active practice in Atlanta. 
I repeat it here that some strange, and I believe malign in- 
fluence pressed B. H. Hill into the daring attack he made on 
Dr. Felton, when the latter was at home, a private citizen, and 
not antagonizing him at any point, personal or political, and 
on terms of friendship and amity both at home or abroad 
with all connected with either family. 

Dr. Felton 's defeat and removal from Congress was decided 
upon before the time Senator Gordon transferred (through 
Gov. Colquitt) his seat to Gov. Brown in the Senate of the 
United States. It will not be forgotten that Victor Newcomb, 
of the L. & N. Railroad, made it plain he was going to reverse 
things on the W. & A. Railroad, etc., etc. 



. My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 405 

Never can I forget Mr. Grady's sudden arrival in Wash- 
ington City and his excited description of what was en tapis 
and a sensation in Georgia, he said was brewing that was 
never paralleled in Bullock's time. The State Road was to be 
the battleground and we would see earthquakes and cata- 
chysms political very soon that would throw everything else 
before known in the shade. But "Gov. Brown was not asleep, 
and was going to New York and do things that would make us 
all sit up." 

Senator Hill called on Dr. Felton the same day on his way 
to the capitol, and we inquired if he knew what was brewing, 
etc., according to Mr. Grady. 

He looked very wise and replied: "I only know I have a 
$10,000 retainer to keep the other side from getting me. ' ' 

Dr. Felton was a member of the ways and means committee, 
and placed there over the heads of various Georgia members 
by Speaker Randall and he was much in the way. 

Some time in the summer of 1880, a letter came asking Dr. 
Felton to meet Senator Hill in Atlanta on a certain day for 
the latter had a plan on foot to make an "easy time for you, 
doctor. You have had such fierce times in the seventh I think 
you deserve one easy time." 

When Dr. Felton came home and told me that Mr. Hill said 
he had conferred with Gov. Brown and perhaps others and if 
he (Felton) would agree to stop and run no more after 1880 
all opposition would be now withdrawn, etc, 

I was not surprised that Dr. Felton said: "No, sir." He 
said to me: "I should despise myself to be taking orders from 
the gang that have fought me without mercy since 1874. I've 
whipped them before and I'll do it again." 

The history of that election and his defeat will appear in 
another place, but Mr. Hill gave every evidence afterwards 
that Dr. Felton was outside the scope of his friendship or at- 
tention, and if Dr. Felton was ever again in his lodging place 
in Washington city or Mr. Hill in our hotel parlor, I have no 
remembrance of either occurrence. Until the history of that 
fateful year 1880 is revealed and the men and motives are 
uncovered, which made it possible to trade senatorial seats 
and flood Georgia with money in a gubernatorial race unparal- 



406 My Memoiks of Georgia Politics 

leled in her history to carry the elections of that period, 1 
presume we never shall know the real truth. 

It is still astonishing to remember that Mr. Hill made no 
outcry when his old enemy Brown walked into the Senate. 
He expressed no indignation against Senator Gordon's 
kaleidoscope politics; he was one man in Georgia who was 
quiet if not satisfied and Senator Hill amused himself by writ- 
ing a letter for Garfield to read, in which he denounced both 
political parties and called for a new one, because both the old 
ones were despised and "ought to g"0." 

He grew so fond of his colleague in the Senate that he 
vouched for Senator Brown's Democracy from his very cradle 
and if it had not been understood in the Senate and elsewhere 
that Huntington's Pacific legislation was in Mr. Blaine's care, 
and that Garfield was ready to put Stanley Matthews on the 
supreme bench (according to contract before election with 
Huntington's gang), we wouldn't have a single headlight to 
show which way Mr. Hill was really going or whether he ever 
*' intended to be a Democrat any more." 

Dr. Felton left Congress in March, 1881, and Senator Hill 
spent his apparent strength in the Senate during 1881 abusing 
Mahone and trying to dethrone Kellogg, and Mr. Stephens 
wrote to me constantly and kept me posted on Senator 
Hill's erratic and illogical senatorial conduct with many criti- 
cisms on what the National Republican newspaper called the 
^'Georgia bull in a china shop" — Hill, of Georgia. 

I will now proceed to copy here the salient points of the 
interview that Henry Grady sent from Washington as author- 
ized by Mr. Hill, in which he grossly insulted Dr. Felton, charg- 
ing him with seeking to "Africanize the State," etc. 

If the biographer of Mr. Hill had been fair enough to place 
that interview in its proper place in his book with Dr. Felton 's 
reply to it as it naturally deserved I should have allowed Mr 
Hill and his politics to keep to themselves, so far as this vol- 
ume is concerned, but Mr. Hill sought to inflict a deadly blow 
on an unsuspecting friend and his biographer was unjust 
enough to withhold Dr. Felton 's reply, so I shall proceed to 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 407 

canonize the effort as it apparently deserves to be immortal- 
ized. 

"Washington, Jan. 2, 1882. 

*'I had a long talk with Senator Hill, who, by the way, it 
is thought is permanently recovered from his late trouble. 
Mr. Hill talked earnestly — I reproduce what he said with, of 
course, his understanding and consent. 

Mr. Hill said: "I understand the scheme perfectly; it is 
the second attempt to Africanize the South for the benefit of 
the Republican party. The first attempt was made with recon- 
struction as an excuse. The Republicans wanted to control 
the Southern States, and to create a constitution through which 
they could do so, so they enfranchised the negroes and dis- 
franchised many whites. As bad as that first attempt was, 
this is infamous. 

Where's the Difference? 

"In this, at the close of the war, there were many good men, 
especially in the North, who felt that the results of the war 
must be fixed by appropriate legislation and the negro pro- 
tected in his newly acquired rights. From this feeling the 
reconstruction measures came. But there is no such excuse 
now. For ten years the Democrats have been in control of 
the Southern States. Under their rule white and black have 
prospered, while under Republican rule both classes suffered. 
The negro has all his rights guaranteed him and the race 
issue, always a dangerous one, has been completely eliminated 
from our politics. The attempt to revive it now, and to Afri- 
canize the Southern States, when there is no excuse for such 
a thing except that spoils-men may be kept in place and pub- 
lic plunderers protected in their greed, is wicked and infa- 
mous beyond precedent in our history. 

Who is Managing This Movement? 

"The worst elements in the Republican party, the Grant, 
Arthur, Conkling wing of the party, the stalwarts who have 
no use for the South, except so far as they can use it. It was 
the scheme that was worked out in Virginia, and by which the 
honor of Virginia was stained and her good people overrun 
by the wicked and the ignorant. 



408 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

You see, said Mr. Hill, the scheme is a plausible one. It 
will only take 25,000 or 30,000 disaffected Democrats to com- 
bine with the negroes and carry any State in the South. In 
Virginia, it was readjustment under Mahone, in it was fiat 
money under Jones in Texas; in North Carolina, it may be 
temperance ; in Georgia, it may be the convict question or the 
tariff. I know they have been hard put to it, for an issue in 
Georgia, and I know there are many in favor of opening the 
fraudulent bond question. After the issue is found and the 
candidates are up, the whole federal patronage will be put in 
the hands of the Independents for the purpose of buying 
Democrats. Such a prostitution of the appointing power has 
never been seen. * * * "I was pained and grieved," Mr. 
Hill said, "at reading the interview with Dr. Felton in the 
Chicago Tribune. It only proves what I have always feared, 
that Independent Democracy in the South, no matter how 
devious its ways or how long its path, must nevertheless lead 
to Republicanism. I confess I thought Dr. Felton was strong 
enough and patriotic enough to prove an exception to this 
rule. I am satisfied he was honest, when he first started out. 
He has told me repeatedly nothing could ever drive him from 
the Democratic party. Yet from this interview there is no 
ground for doubt that he has gone over to the Republicans. 
No Independent can get the Republican support in the South 
until he gives himself over, absolutely, definitely, and finally 
to that party." 

(Just here, by way of parenthesis, I believe no senator or 
congressman ever took Pacific lobby money to defeat and rob 
the tax-payers of these United States until he gave himself 
over, absolutely, definitely, and finally to that "gang of 
plunderers.") 

' ' The Republican leaders in the South have orders, as I know- 
to put this ultimatum to every Independent candidate. 

What course will you take in this matter? 

"I shall give every energy of my body and soul— every hour 
of my time, and every influence I possess, to breaking down 
this infamous coalition and holding Georgia true to her faith 
and honor. I neyer was so much in earnest, in such fine 
physical and mental condition for doing the work that is in 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 409 

me, ' ' said Senator Hill, and certainly his magnificent form, his 
ruddy face, and firm flesh and springing step indorsed his as- 
sertion. 

Said Mr. Grady in conclusion: "But if Dr. Felton is the 
only Independent who consents to lead the new party, it will 
still have capable leadership. He is a man in every sense of 
that much-abused word." 

(Please notice the "issue in Georgia," "convict lease or 
tariff," which Hill dreaded!) 

I leave it to the common sense of every reader of this volume 
to imagine what I felt when I read this hate-inspired tirade 
from B. H. Hill, against a man whose acknowledged integrity 
had long been established where he was known best and 
longest — whose Christian character was above reproach, and 
whose honesty in financial matters was absolutely without 
stain at home or abroad, and whose personal virtue was simply 
spotless. A comparison on all these lines with Mr. Hill was 
like comparing "Hyperion to Satyr." 

If Dr. Felton had been placed by the side of Benjamin Hill 
in Bartow county or Atlanta, both raised in the State of 
Georgia, and both well known to its people, I should never 
have been disturbed as to the verdict, and yet this man not 
only dared to falsify the issue that he was discussing, but to 
accuse this clean, upright man that he attacked as seeking to 
Africanize the State of Georgia ! Malice and poltroonery in full 
flower and springing from its debased soil ! 

Some years later, while Dr. Felton was a member of the 
Georgia legislature, an election for solicitor of the Fulton 
county circuit was set for a certain day. The new capitol was 
not built then, and I sat in the old gallery overlooking the 
swarming crowd below me in the house. Dr. Felton soon saw 
me from the floor (I went from home that day) and he was 
sitting by me, Avhen Hon. Henry R. Harris, of Meriwether 
county, joined us. The struggle lay between Mr. John Mil- 
ledge and Charlie Hill, son of the late B. H. Hill. Mr. Harris 
had been over to Mrs. Hill's home and had certain things to 
say as to his visit and her anxiety for her son — whose future 
would be made or unmade by the results of that impending 
election. Without going into particulars or repeating what 



410 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Mr. Harris was authorized to say to Dr. Felton, I saw that 
faithful, upright, patriotic and Christian gentleman lay aside 
every particle of his righteous resentment and give the vote 
that the mother's heart yearned for— and the one vote that 
absolutely controlled the result. 

Henry Grady was on the floor, watching my face as the 
count went on, and I wondered if he could have forgotten this 
Africanizing interview and the deadly virus it was filled 
with, as Dr. Felton 's vote elected Mr. Hill's son. 

I advised against the vote. I told my husband he owed it 
to himself, if not to others, to steer clear of Mr. Hill's sons — 
that Mr. Hill had intended to destroy his reputation in Georgia 
and the city of Washington and inflict upon his good name all 
that "Africanizing" stood for in the minds of our people, 
etc., where he. Dr. Felton, was not known. 

He replied: "The people of Georgia know me, my friends 
believe in me, and I cannot reject this appeal that Mr. Harris 
brings to me. I shall explain to Captain Milledge, and I shall 
try to do what I think is my duty in this instance. Perhaps 
this office, if he is elected, may do for the younger Hill all that 
is needed to make him sober, useful and successful — his friends 
so declare." He turned to me and said with a smile: "Mil- 
ledge may get all the votes anyhow that he needs. ' ' I replied : 
"I hope so," and he left the gallery to cast his vote. The elec- 
tion turned on one vote, 

I trust I may always try to do justice to others — but my 
forgiveness has never reached a place where a stroke on one 
innocent cheek would incline me to turn the other innocent 
cheek to be spit upon in contempt, and I had the poor satisfac- 
tion of saying, "I told you so," when Ben Hill, the younger, 
added insult to injury in the book which he called his father's 
biography. After Dr. Felton had performed for his only 
brother an inestimable service — something that cannot yet be 
measured by figures or reckoned as to the exceeding value of 
the opportunity — it required a very small mind, both narrow 
and contemptible, to make such a display of spleen and 
malice in a book, which ex-Senator Norwood blistered and 
charred by well-expressed indignation, as soon as it was given 
to the public to sell. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 411 

Now, I shall copy here the reply that Dr. Felton made to 
Senator Hill's attack, in which Mr. Stephens wrote me "Mr. 
Hill had made the gp^eatest indiscretion of his life." 

Near Cartersville, Ga., January 7, 1882. 

Editors Constitution : Today 's paper, containing an inter- 
view with Senator HiJl, has just been received and read care- 
fully. "H. W. G.," your staff correspondent, says it was sent 
with Mr. Hill's approbation and consent. ' The interview does 
not surprise me in any way. Anybody acquainted with Mr. 
Hill's past record need not be astonished at anything he may 
do in politics or friendship. Whenever he proposes to attack 
with malign purpose he always makes loud profession of 
friendship, and you can measure his malignity by his hypoc- 
risy. Mr. Hill was a college mate of mine. The friendship 
thus formed has been something stronger, with me, than 
political differences or party alliances. I have seen many 
things in his erratic public course that I was obliged to dis- 
approve, but while claiming to be his friend, I was enough of 
a gentleman to say it to his face and in private. 

But, as Burke said to Fox, our friendship is at an end. 
I propose to deal with him as I would with any public man, 
and judge him by his record, which I know to be as eccentric, 
as unwise, as unpatriotic and oftentimes as seemingly corrupt 
as that of any other politician whose evil counsels have assisted 
in blighting the interests of the State which gave him birth. 

The public will bear me witness that this controversy with 
Mr. Hill was not of my seeking. I am a free man and a plain 
citizen of Georgia — a man who is proud to know he has always 
paid his debts and endeavored to protect his public and private 
character from any imputation of corruption or dishonesty. 
I challenge records with Senator Hill, in any and every station 
in life, and shall be satisfied with the verdict on the "honesty" 
issue. His lofty assurance in stating to your reporter that I" 
"was honest" when I started out, only provokes a smile. 
I defy him or any other man in Georgia, or out of it, to prove 
dishonesty on either my public or private reputation. It 
strikes me he would be the last man to charge such an impu- 
tation as the one above quoted, if he could be made to see 
himself as others see him. Furthermore, if he or any other 



412 My ]\Iemoirs of Georgia Politics 

man affirms that an "ultimatum" requiring me to join the 
Eepublican party was presented to me by President Arthur, 
or any other person whomsoever, or that I have accepted an 
ultimatum, I pronounce the assertion a most unqualified false- 
hood, originating in hate and malignancy. I am now what I 
have been for years, an independent in politics, and I am 
happy to know that no ring-master's caucus ever compelled 
any man to vote for me against his will, and when they 
refused to vote for me, went before the people to be elected 
by "Radicals" and Independent votes, as did Mr. Hill at 
Gainesville. He raised no hue and cry at that time about 
"Africanizing Georgia." He was glad to get every African's 
vote and now returns them railing and abuse for their mis- 
placed confidence in his honesty. , 

His record before the war, during the war, and after the 
close of the war, is too well known to the people of Georgia 
to recapitulate here. He was known to be all things to all 
men, always distinguished for violence and animosity. In the 
matter of Democracy, I can safely compare records with the 
gentleman, and if mine does not stand the test better than his 
own — neifher deserve a place in the Democratic party. 

At the famous Delano banquet he frankly stated, "if he was 
a Democrat, he never intended to be." 

(In this connection I (Mrs. Felton) wish to say that Hon. 
Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, told a friend of ours in 
Washington City, and reported to us, that INIr. Hill's Democ- 
racy did not amount to a "hill of beans" at the time the 
Delano banquet came off). 

"Mr. Hill's course since that time gives unmistakable evi- 
dence that he accidently spoke the truth. As late as the year 
1877, he was the outspoken friend of Mr. Hayes, an out-and- 
out Republican president. In his famous 'Address to the 
People of Georgia,' he says: 'I was anxious to support the 
present federal administration.' He urged the citizens of 
Georgia to accept office from him, and no word of complaint 
was heard from him until the senator failed to prevail on the 
president to bestow patronage according to his dictation. 

"Then he became blatant and abusive, as he was to Gov- 
ernor Colquitt about the ' Murphy fee. ' Since that time he lias 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 413 

rung all the changes upon the federal appointments in the 
Louisiana custom house, which might have been laudations 
instead if President Hayes had been willing to obey the 
behests of the Georgia senator. 

"His attack on Governor Colquitt is better understood now 
than when he issued that famous address. I have before me 
at this writing the equally famous interview in the Baltimore 
Gazette, in which he uses these words about the governor: 
*I do admit it was corruption and no instance of that class of 
corruption was ever more clearly proved, more distinctly 
marked or more feebly excused.' 

"The offense to the senator, as it turned out, did not lie in 
the fact that the governor signed the bonds — for this eloquent 
lawyer urged him to do so. Neither did it lie in the fact that 
the governor knew a fee was to be paid when he did sign the 
bonds — for Senator Hill produced a letter of his own in evi- 
dence, in which he reproached his excellency for not inform- 
ing him of the fact, according to request, but the crowning 
infamy, the proof of the corruption, existed in his own failure 
to get the $7,000 and the preference displayed by the governor 
for the legal ability of Mr. Murphy, rather than that of Mr. 
Hill. It will always be a question whether this exciting little 
episode would ever have occurred, if the fee had taken an 
agreeable direction. 

While these charges progressed, the senator was fairly 
smothering the governo-r with continuous protestations of 
warmest friendship — nor did he desist when his own son, for 
some unaccountable reason, produced in print a certificate 
of good character for the governor, which was as eulogistic 
as his father's furious accusation had been otherwise. With 
this charge and others hanging over the governor, the people 
refused to assent to his nomination again, and the clamor was 
loud for the appearance of Mr. Hill on the stump to explain 
this corruption so well set forth in the public prints. Did he 
do it? 

This honorable gentleman fled ingloriously from the State 
mendaciously asserting he had never brought a charge against 
the governor in his whole life! Such is the quality of his 
patriotism in state politics! Now that he announces himself 



414 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

eager to charge upon the Independents, horse, foot and 
"dragons — it is believed he is controlled by the hope of retain- 
ing the influence of other politicians in the State for his own 
particular benefit. A friend suggests to me, as the cause of 
the present attack upon Georgia Independents, the appearance 
of an editorial squib in your columns, intimating "Some In- 
dependent would run for Hill's place." In my opinion, noth- 
ing could have been written that would have more exasperated 
him. 

"His vanity is equal to anything, and he is impressed that 
he has a divine right to the place. It is a question whether 
the State of Georgia is longer willing to be hampered in her 
material and industrial progress by sectional prejudice and 
the short-sighted policy of a senator, who plays Independent 
or regular, just as his own ambition or pecuniary profit sug- 
gests. He has lost all his influence with his own party, and 
being the laughing stock of his enemies, he is powerless to aid 
Georgia in any effort he may undertake. His advocacy seals 
it with defeat. His former friends will be grieved to see such 
a total lack of policy as they find in this crusade upon the 
good men of the State who have clung to him, through 'thick 
and thin,' because they believed he was playing a part in his 
desire to keep the favor of the organization, while at heart he 
was liberal and conservative. His enemies exult over his want 
of judgment and he will soon find himself where they have 
long desired to see him, without friends or a following. 

As to the rest of his tirade against myself, I snap my 
fingers in the face of it. Any specific charge against my char- 
acter I shall notice, but he may howl himself hoarse against 
the Independents and their party in Georgia. 

A Virginian, a Democrat, told me a few weeks ago that "Ben 
Hill's tom-foolery and mania to hear himself talk had lost 
that State to the Democratic party." I believe also than any 
party will thrive on his abuse. I hope he will do all he 
threatens to do, for many people are getting restive under his 
political assumacy and Bourbon buffoonery. When this prom- 
ising leader dares to charge me with trying to "Africanize the 
State," because I claim for every man, white and colored, the 
right to vote a free ticket and to have that vote counted — 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 415 

because I claim the right of every child to a plain English 
education at the expense of the State and federal governments 
— because I claim protection for the poor wretched creatures 
who are by the multitude being pushed into the convict camps 
of the senator's political allies — the people will begin to under- 
stand the true inwardness of Bourbon supremacy in Georgia. 
I hope every poor man, white or colored — the mechanic, the 
day laborer, the men of sweat and toil, may hear this political 
autocrat as he cracks his lash over my back because I dared 
to become their humble friend and advocate ! 

I wish the senator to understand distinctly that with all 
my political faults, no man can charge me with appearing be- 
fore the American congress, in opposition to a measure which 
required an immense railroad corporation to pay its lawful 
dues to the government of the people, and when this opposition 
failed, as it should have failed, I was not found thereafter 
appealing to the supreme court in the interest of this defeated 
monopoly — leaving the world in doubt whether the fee had 
been contracted for before or after the favorable vote was 
given. Thank God! my Democracy is not smirched with such 
a crime as that. 

With all my defeats as a Democrat, I was never in consul- 
tation at Wormley's Hotel, or any other hotel, with the most 
prominent Republicans in the Union, bartering away the rights 
and hardly-earned triumphs of the Democratic party for and 
in consideration of a little federal patronage and a little praise 
from the Republican party. I have never by folly supreme, 
justly earned among my colleagues in congress the title of 
''Destroyer of the Democratic party." 

I am sorry for Mr. Hill. Blessed with the most wonderful 
gifts of oratory, he has frittered away the grandest opportuni- 
ties a public man ever had. The embodiment of self-conceit, 
forever absorbed in contemplation of his imaginary greatness, 
he has actually done nothing for his State or country that will 
live in the memory of the good, the true and the patriotic. 

In conclusion, Mr. Editor, I am more than ever convinced 
that a man should be independent in politics, which I shall 
continue to be to the close of my life. If Mr. Hill is to be the 
leader of the opposition, and this outbreak of uncalled-for 



416 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

fury and malice is to be received as the spirit of the party, 
I think I am safe in predicting there will be thousands of 
recruits to the Independent camp. Honest men of all parties 
will refuse to sacrifice their self-respect to perpetuate such 
leadership. Very respectfully, 

W. H. FELTON. 

Senator Hill waited until January 14 to pen a reply to the 
foregoing letter, and we confidently expected him to furnish 
the proof of a coalition between Dr. Felton and the Grant- 
Arthur-Conkling wing of the Republican party. We cer- 
tainly expected that he would either apologize or deny his 
attitude towards the Pacific railroads (for Colton's letters, 
written by C. P. Huntington, were not exposed until three 
years later). We certainly expected him to say why he dodged 
the Colquitt campaign and ran away from it, and it was his 
bounden duty to do those three things for the sake of his own 
reputation, but he dodged them all — only going over Dr. 
Felton 's former friendship to him and all the great things he 
had done and suffered to remain his friend and stick to the 
party, and he had the audacity to say that his (Felton 's) 
"flood of vituperation came from a man of whom I never, in 
all my life, spoke or wrote one unkind word." With this un- 
blushing falsehood as a starter he proceeds to cover three 
closely printed columns of the Atlanta Constitution, to show 
his former fondness for Felton and Felton 's ingratitude to 
his preserver and benefactor. What Mr. Hill avowed he could 
prove (and was dared to prove) he avoided altogether. What 
was counter-charged upon himself, .he calls "vituperation," 
etc., but he never dared to answer. At the very time that 
Senator Hill was cavorting against Felton, charging coalition 
with Grant, Arthur and Conkling, the Pacific lobby in Wash- 
ington City was pouring out floods of bribe money and calling 
it "legal counsel" money. During the year 1878, when the 
Thurman funding bill passed, nearly $500,000 was presented 
as expenses, and the auditor of the Pacific roads was unable 
to secure any statement as to where the money went, and the 
managers preferred to have the same disallowed rather than 
tell. It was a pertinent question on that line presented to 
Mr. Hill, and he failed to notice. I have this loB^-drawn out 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 417 

rejoinder of Mr. Hill in my scrap-book, and his son has it in 
the aforementioned biography and what I have here written 
can be verified in either place, if necessary, as constituting Mr. 
Hill's rejoinder. 

Dr. Felton's second letter to Mr. Hill I shall copy here, be- 
cause I do not think I ever saw a finer piece of writing of its 
kind in all my experience except once — Hon. B. F. Butler's 
excoriation of Judge Ebenezer Hoar is the masterpiece of all 
such literature, as I remember it. 

Mr. Grady delighted in newspaper controversy, as a jockey 
likes horse racing. He found a dull time on his hands so he 
went to Washington and "stirred up the beasteses. " He found 
Mr. Hill off his guard and ready to talk freely in his own 
way, I have no doubt but Mr. Hill was unaware at the time of 
how much he said or the virulence of his attack on Dr. Felton. 
But Mr. Grady got what he went after — a sensation! 

Mr. Hill would have gladly furnished proof, but he did not 
have it and couldn't get it, ibecause it was not to be had and 
the senator was left without an answer. But this Felton letter 
will close the controversy and close all correspondence between 
himself and Mr. Hill. 

Near Cartersville, Ga., January 19, 1882. 
Editors Constitution : Your paper of today, containing Mr. 
Hill's long-delayed letter, is to hand. Allow me to thank you 
for your letter offering to admit my reply to this voluminous 
rejoinder in your columns. I hope I shall not be obliged to 
tax your generosity again. I shall only reply to attacks on 
my character. As I said before, Mr. Hill is entirely welcome 
to abuse the Independents — nobody objects, unless it might be 
the party of which he is the mouth-piece. Permit a word in 
justice to Mr. Grady. In publishing Mr. Hill's interview, he 
expressly stated it was done with "his (Hill's) understanding 
and consent. ' ' Mr. Hill did not deny it when he saw it in print, 
nor does he deny it now. What he may do hereafter, nobody 
can tell. I know I speak public sentiment when I say Mr. 
Grady would have much improved this letter of the 14th. 
The interview was good reading — sharp, spicy. The letter is 
not what was expected of Mr. Hill. It was a cruel thing you 
did, Messrs. Editors, in continually publishing a notice of its 



418 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

expected appearance day by day. Every organized brother 
who could raise a nickel rushed to the cars every morning to 
get the paper in which Senator Hill was to prove **01d Fel- 
ton" a "Radical," in which he was to show the ultimatum 
that he affirmed he knew all about — in which he was to expose 
to the bottom the "foulest conspiracy" ever known in politics. 
"When they finally got home with the precious document, he 
not only failed to prove a single thing, but he declared I was 
the best Democrat in the State. The memory of those wasted 
nickels, those muddy rides, has brought down some very un- 
complimentary words upon your leader — who has failed again 
in his last effort to "save the State." With his usual luck he 
stands before your readers and the public as a deliberate 
falsifier of truth ! He gives you a long dissertation on hypoc- 
risy and shows great anxiety for my present and future life. 
To this I will only reply — when you find such a politician 
exposing so much religion in his shop windows, you may be 
sure the stock inside is very slim. 

Before I go further, allow a word about the wife of Senator 
Hill. As he drew the names of my present and former wife 
into his jumbled-up letter, for what reason I cannot divine, 
I desire to say to your readers: I knew Mrs. Hill's girlhood 
and maidenhood to be all that was lovely and attractive and 
her beautiful character as wife, mother and friend is eminently 
worthy of the highest respect. Her children can rise up and 
call her blessed ! 

Mr. Hill puts great stress upon the fact that he wrote me 
a letter about the coalition, to which I should have replied. 
Mr. Grady's interview was dated January 2, and Mr. Hill's 
letter January 3, mailed at 7 p. m. Less than two days after 
that letter was mailed to me your type-setters were busy on 
his interview. This letter, although full of his peculiar af- 
fection, was so dogmatic, so impertinent, so presuming and 
offensive that my wife remarked, "Look out for an atrocious 
attack on you. This is the avant courier of what is coming 
in print." He inclines to see the letter printed from what he 
says, but it is a synopsis of the interview itself, and while it 
is at your disposal at any time, it is uncalled for at this writ- 
ing. With this treacherous letter and the Grady intervicA^ 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 419 

before me, I waited till Monday, after it appeared on Satur- 
day, before I mailed you my reply. F. H. R., in his corres- 
pondence, said Mr. Hill read the interview on Sunday, and I 
stood at the telegraph office up to the last moment before my 
letter left my hands, in the hope that Mr. Hill would send a 
line to say that he had erred in thus attacking me, a man 
who by his own confession, had never said an unkind word 
of him in public. 

No message came. It is too fresh in the minds of the public 
to forget he charged me with dishonesty, corruption, selling 
out to the Republican party, and "Africanizing the State" to 
need further notice here. Now, this puzzling demagogue has 
the audacity to affirm he made no attack on me whatever. 
Has the man become insane, that he should thus belie him- 
self? 

It will be a curiosity in literature or morals to see his 
definition of truth or friendship, as exemplified in his words 
or actions. As to what he did for me in four congressional 
campaigns, I shall not bore you with anything more than the 
facts, to show you the falsity of his charge that I was always 
on my knees before his majesty to entreat his good offices in my 
behalf. I shall only need his own testimony to do so. His 
own mouth shall speak for him and not another. I do not 
suppose his vanity or self-importance ever led him to think of 
the injury a self-appointed and self-commissioned ambassa- 
dor might do, between belligerents, who find their well-meant 
efforts very much in their way and of no particular benefit. 
"A man's phrases have a very musical and charming sound 
from the mouth of another, but they sound a little flat and 
untunable in his own," says Zenophen, and with all Mr. Hill's 
brilliancy, it is possible to become somewhat surfeited with 
so much self-praise and while I would be the last man to 
point out to him any kindness or favor done to himself, it 
would be a wholesome lesson to him to remember that help 
can become a very onerous thing when it is done to be able 
to give you a slap because of it. Now, let us see the record ! 
Mr. Hill need not sneer at a scrap-book — for you will need 
nothing more to floor him in any argument or statement of 
facts. He can permit himself to be contradicted by himself 



420 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

with more equanimity than any man who ever lived. He 
actually rushes into print to convict himself of falsehood and 
deceit, yet he comes up to a fresh attack, smiling as ever. 
In 1874, he neither appeared in print or in person to aid me. 
(He is proposing to show he imperiled his own standing in his 
party to help me). His standing was so good at that time 
that he was published as one of Colonel Dabney's speakers 
against me. He told me afterwards he did not appear because 
he loved me so much, and I believed it. In 1876, he did a 
little more. That was the year the legislature was to be 
elected which was to make him senator. What he did you will 
find in your files, under date of July 2, 1878, headed ''Sense 
for the Seventh," and signed B. H. Hill. I furnish an extract: 
"In 1876 I greatly desired to see this breach reconciled. With- 
out explaining to him my purpose, I had conversation with 
him in Washington. I found him anxious to be in harmony 
with his party, but unable to see how he could make an 
advance to bring about harmony. He seemed to think the 
only purpose of some who controlled the party was to use the 
party machinery to beat him and humiliate him in a spirit 
of revenge. I came home and made it convenient to visit 
Cartersville on the day the executive committee met to call 
the convention. (Remember he was a candidate for the senate). 
I endeavored to ascertain if Dr. Felton's apprehensions were 
correct. I asked the chairman if Felton would stand any 
chance if he expressed a willingness to go before it? "None 
in the world ! We are going to have a convention expressly 
to beat him, and will crush him out with a majority of 5,000." 
Now, Messrs. Editors, I certainly did not send Mr. Hill, as he 
affirms he never explained his purpose to me, and I was found 
to be correct in saying the party machinery was used to defeat 
me. What sane man would send another on such a ridiculous 
errand? What he said to the committee, I do not know, but 
no man rose up to say I sought the nomination then or since. 
Now, gentlemen, what are we to infer from this man's wild 
assertions? So long trained to make "the worse to appear the 
better reason," he actually tells an untruth to slander me. 

I was anxious for harmony. I made a proposition myself, 
namely: If each voter would endorse on the back of his 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 421 

gubernatorial ticket at the October election the name of the 
man they desired to make them a congressman, I would abide 
the decision. All I asked was the expressed will of the people, 
not the decision of party tricksters. 

When this proposition was presented did they receive it? 
They threw it back in disdain, declaring it an "insult to the 
party." This is a matter of record and represents the whole 
truth. 

Senator Hill so greatly "imperiled his standing in the 
party" that the party elected him to the senate next January. 
I could tell him of a friend he had at that time, but self- 
laudation is his special prerogative. 

In 1878, when this "Sense for the Seventh" appeared, he 
told the Ringgold convention to nominate me, but was fair 
enough to say this proposal "would astonish nobody more 
than Dr. Felton," which was true, emphatically. 

I had no idea of asking such a thing from a body of men 
organized "especially to beat me." Dr. Stephens, now de- 
ceased, and Col. Frank Gray, of Atlanta, then of this county, 
desired to know if I would permit my name voted on in that 
convention. I declined. If that meeting had endorsed and 
approved my course in congress, I should have been gratified, 
as I was likewise grateful to all men, all parties, all citizens, 
white or colored, for a similar endorsement at the polls. I 
should certainly, however, have felt no more gratitude to them 
than I would to the same number of intelligent men in the 
district. 

Messrs. Editors, it is clear I did not send Mr. Hill to make 
any such a proposition — nor can anybody picture me on my 
knees pleading with him to ask for what I so respectfully 
declined. 

Now we come down to 1880. I was jogging with my usual 
canvass, when a letter dated July 16, was received from Mr. 
Hill : 

"Dear Doctor: I want to see you. Some suggestions have 
been made touching the canvass in the Seventh, which I think 
worthy of your consideration. * * * I think an arrange- 
ment can be made to make an easy time for you in this race; 
but we can do nothing without first knowing your views and 



422 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

feelings." (Signed) Benj. H. Hill. (I have the letter before 
me). 

Now, Messrs. Editors, it is my time to astound you. It is 
clear I did not ask anything, but he sent for me. The proposi- 
tion was this: I was to pledge myself not to run again, and 
no nomination would be made in the Seventh district. 

I declined. I had no authority to pledge the noble Inde- 
pendents who had honored me so long to any political trade. 
I could not refuse my services if they demanded them. 

This proposition is not understood by me to this day. What 
it meant or how far it reached, is a matter for the future to 
disclose. That refusal was, in my opinion, the beginning of 
a campaign in Georgia that knows no parallel in Georgia or 
out of it." 

(Par. Parenthesis: General Gordon had traded off his seat 
in the senate two months before and Senator Brown and 
Governor Colquitt were running respectively for the senate 
and governorship. State Road lease money and convict lease 
money was in reach, and it is now supposed Pacific Railroad 
lobby money, and we know L. & N. Railroad lobbyists were 
active in Georgia. We have indubitable evidence that such 
a campaign had no parallel in Georgia up to that time). 

''It pleases the senator to expatiate on my soreness in defeat. 
I admit there was no apparent regret in his face or actions. 
If not a matter of rejoicing with him, he did not evidence any 
particular grief, and I am frank enough to say he was not 
troubled with me or my "ill nature" enough to speak au- 
thoritatively on the subject. 

In closing this part of my reply, and I admit it has been 
tedious, but I wish to state facts clearly and precisely. If he 
offered my name to any convention, he did it on his own 
authority and as I understood him, to benefit the organization 
without injuring himself. Any other theory places him in an 
odious light to both myself and the party he obeyed. Any 
other motive would do no credit to either head or heart. If 
he feels so aggrieved at my reply to his assault as to ask public 
sympathy and parade his mighty efforts in my behalf, I also 
feel sorry he does not dwell longer on the motive that im- 
pelled the Grady interview. Having relieved himself of my 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 423 

presence in Washington, did it become necessary to strike me 
down among my neighbors and friends? Am I still in the 
way? Although he fights his friends instead of his enemies, 
and that from an elevation, it will do no harm to remind him 

"To brag of benefits one hath bestown, 
Doth make the best seem less, and the most seem none. 
So oftentimes the greatest courtesy — 
Is by the doer made an injury!" 

Senator Hill, when he goes out to battle, much mistakes 
the temper of the opposition if he supposes he is to fire away 
at sand-bags, and hear no sound in reply. 

"The way to procure insults is to submit to them," and I 
don't propose to take a single one from him. He made a 
charge. I made a counter-charge. He failed to support his 
charge with the proof — but I do not propose to omit my proof 
on this occasion. "When he threw a fire-brand, he ought to 
have been careful enough to wipe the tar from his own fingers, 
as it may burn and he has nobody to thank but himself for 
the scorching. 

Senator Hill charged I was "dishonest" in my attitude to 
the Democracy of Georgia. I charged he was dishonest in his 
representation of the people and the party in the State. Does 
he deny his Independent canvass in the Ninth? Does he deny 
his double-dealing, false friendship and greed of money in the 
Colquitt-Murphy embroglio? Does he deny his attitude to 
President Hayes, or his denunciation of that gentleman there- 
after? Why? He knows why and you know why, Messrs. 
Editors. 

Does he even publish or excuse, ever so feebly, the vote on 
the Pacific funding bill, and his advocacy of the same in the 
supreme court? Let me tell you something about that speech 
before the supreme court. The bill introduced by Senator 
Thurman and so ably advocated by Bayard and Edmunds, was 
a simple demand to secure the repayment of the money paid 
and to be paid by the government on its bonds, issued to aid 
the construction of the Pacific Railroads. Beside the grant of 
corporate powers, valuable franchises and public lands equal 



424 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

in acres to the seven smaller States of the Union, the govern- 
ment issued and delivered to the Pacific Railroad companies 
bonds amounting to $64,000,000, upon which the tax-payers of 
this country must continue to pay for thirty years from their 
date — semi-annually interest exceeding three millions per an- 
num. The government has issued these bonds upon a second 
mortgage or lien upon the road, the road having issued private 
bonds on a first mortgage or lien, to the amount of bonds, 
afterwards issued by the government. Unless the Thurman 
bill had passed establishing a sinking fund of 25 per cent, of 
the net earnings of the road, the principal and interest amount- 
ing to about one hundred and sixty millions of dollars, would 
have been lost to the tax-payers at the end of thirty years, 
and which at that time would have swelled the unholy gains 
of the railroad monopoly. This Thurman bill, requiring the 
payment of those lawful dues to the government, is the bill 
opposed by Mr. Hill in the senate. 

A short time thereafter he appeared in the supreme court 
to show reason why the road should be protected and the 
people robbed. 

The people, through their representatives, declared the road 
should pay its dues and the whole bench of judges, with one 
solitary exception, declared their act lawful and constitutional. 

As I was sitting at my desk one day, some gentleman came 
to me and told me Mr. Hill was then speaking in the supreme 
court against the bill — for be it remembered there were only 
two members of the house of representatives who dared to 
vote against it in that body : namely, B. F. Butler, of Massa- 
chusetts, and W. F. Lynde, of Wisconsin, both reported to be 
attorneys of the road. 

I went to the court room to satisfy myself, and there I found 
my fears realized. A senator from Georgia working for a fee 
to prevent a monopoly from refunding the money paid as 
interest on their bonds by the hard-working men of Georgia 
and elsewhere. 

Thousands toil on these old red hills at fifty cents a day 
to raise that money, and I affirm boldly to Mr. Hill and this 
country, that he did not represent the people who sent him 
to the senate, and they ought to know it. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 425 

I remember also some man approached Peter when his 
Master was on trial and said to him, ''Thou art a Galilean — 
thy speech betrayeth thee." Lest I should be asked, "Art 
thou also a Georgian?" I left in shame and disgust. Like 
Peter, I would have denied the ' ' soft impeachment. ' ' 

(Both Georgia senators voted the same way — with Blaine, 
Dorsey and Stanley Matthews, the men who led for the Pacific 
Roads — according to Senator Thurman, in a newspaper inter- 
view and backed by the most "frightful lobby" he (Thurman) 
had ever seen in Washington.) 

"My Democracy is based on equal and exact justice to all 
men, whether they be white men or Africans. Could anybody 
call that vote or speech Democratic? If so, deliver me from 
the name and the party!" Here follows a review of Hill's 
demand for a committee clerk, and then Dr. Felton discusses 
Mr. Hill's vote on arrearages of pensions in the following 
words : 

"I would like to know how he explains the vote, which your 
editorials have denounced so heartily? It saddled a new debt 
of five hundred millions of dollars on the taxpayers to the 
already heavy debt of this nation. But I now propose to give 
this statesman the fame he so richly merits, to embalm his 
memory in Bourbon politics, and to afiix a chaplet to the brow 
of this great leader of Democracy in Georgia and the Union. 
As he terms all the rest 'dirty scandals,' he will call this the 
'alchemy of truth.' Some time ago, Mr. Garfield was elected 
president. About as soon as the mails could take a letter to 
him, he (Hill) unbosoms himself to Hon. S. B. Chittenden, of 
Brooklyn, and I propose to give you an extract from this 
charming missive, and he (Hill) gave Chittenden permission 
to print it. He will not dispute Mr. Chittenden's authority, 
whatever he may undertake with Mr. Grady.") Well, my 
friend, the most anxious event in our history has become a 
fact, a solid North against a solid South. No language can 
express to you my view of this event for evil. It will have 
no logic if continued, but disruption into several monarchies, 
or the absolute consolidation of all the States into one empire. 
In either event our constitutional system will fail in my opin- 
ion. The time has come for all real statesmen to consider, is 



426 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

how speedily to break up this sectional solidity and organize 
parties on other issues. The Democratic party is hated at the 
North, therefore it ought to be disbanded. The Republican 
party is hated at the South, therefore it ought to be disbanded. 
Whether this hatred is just or unjust makes no difference. I 
would be glad to see a great national union party organized 
for I believe that the government formed by the Constitution 
is a nation. I really like Garfield — hope he will have a success- 
ful administration; he must keenly feel that the fact that he 
is elected solely by Northern votes, but he has a great op- 
portunity and can, if he will, easily and consistently destroy 
all sectional animosities and solidities and be chosen for a 
second term by a majority of the States North or South." 
(Garfield was Blaine's candidate after he could not make it, 
and it was Blaine, Dorsey and Garfield against Grant, Arthur 
and Conkling. The Pacific Roads were behind the Blaine 
crowd and Grant was defeated). But listen to Dr. Felton: 
"Now, Messrs. Editors, the 'logic' of this letter goes to prove 
that Mr. Hill can be relied upon to break the solidity of the 
party, or it must remain solid. When did I or any other Geor- 
gian say as much in disparagement of the Democratic party? 
If this man then wrote the truth, and the convictions of his 
heart, what can be said of his infamy in charging me with 
'Africanizing the State.' If he deceived Mr. Chittenden then, 
are you certain he is not deceiving you now? Here is de- 
veloped an effort at 'coalition' that throws into shadow the 
Markham House Conference. That Mr. Hill was willing and 
ready to coalesce, there is no doubt whatever. As for that 
matter, in my opinion, he will do anything that opens a way 
to official spoils or that promises a good sized fee. 

Did this coalition with Mr. Chittenden and his party mean 
an "infamous conspiracy?" Did it mean "Africanizing the 
State?" or "reopening race issues?" or "combinations of the 
worst elements in society?" which will "result in such de- 
bauchey and jobbery as will shock the civilized world?" Did 
he thus conciliate Mr. Chittenden that he (Chittenden) should 
bring him an "ultimatum from the President?" And did 
he propose to honey-snuggle Mr. Garfield to get the means 
to "buy Southern Democrats?" 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 427 

I am both "pained and grieved" that the member from 
Brooklyn did not held this political eel, who said: "Here, 
catch me!" How bland his approaches, how coy his attitude, 
how tenderly he leans over to this good Republican friend! 
Was he beguiling him into an "easy time?" 

When he gets down here next summer, we will ask him 
some questions and if "Barkis was willin' "! Did he desire 
the Democratic party disbanded? Can anybody tell? Why 
did he go to Mr. Chittenden? To get help in the effort, eh? 
Messrs. Editors if this was not proposing to sell out the Demo- 
cratic party, what do you call it ? Ah ! was he ever true to 
any friendship or any political faith? More than that, what 
man is there in Congress who knows where he stands on any 
measure affecting finance, the tariff or the revenue? His at- 
titude on silver demonitization was like he stood on all these 
things. Every influence was brought to bear for Wall street, 
but the vote was given to check the people's clamor at home 
that he might not imperil his standing in the party which 
means, retain his place in the Senate. 

His capacity, his genuis, his peculiar style finds an open field 
in fighting Kellogg, Riddleberger and the Georgia Indepen- 
dents ! Give him either of the three and he soars to the height 
of the argument ! Mr. Kellogg was planted firmly in his seat, 
because Mr. Hill opposed him. Riddleberger only aspired to 
be sergeant-at-arms, but Mr. Hill made him Senator. The 
Georgia Independents can see a brilliant future, if Mr. Hill 
does not run as he did from the Murphy fee ! Blessed be the 
party that encounters such acceptable opposition! Blessed be 
the man who is not made to suffer from Mr. Hill's friendship 
in politics!" W. H. FELTON. 

(In closing this chapter, do not forget that Mr. Blaine could and 
did make an alliance with Georgia Senators, all voting in Hunting- 
ton's behalf, and that he also named Garfield, who was in alliance 
with Dorsey and Matthews, Huntington's champions. That these 
worthies were ready to do in Georgia what B. H. Hill proposed to 
Chittenden goes without saying. It was only when Garfield passed 
off the stage of action and Gen. Arthur succeeded as President that 
the Georgia Senator (Hill) became infuriated with what he called 
The Grant-Arthur-Conkling wing of the party. Providence protected 
the old South from Blaine that time). 



Dr. Felton and Gov. J. Milton Smith 



Dr. Felton 's association with Gov, J. M. Smith was very 
limited. He did not perambulate around the State eapitol in 
Bullock's time, nor in Smith's time. In our plain country 
home, we were busy people trying to make an honest living. 
The war swept off a number of slaves for us; our buildings 
>vere badly abused, where they were not destroyed, and we 
had nothing to look to but the land and it was robbed of the 
fencing and otherwise dilapidated. We had to be very busy, 
very economical and thrifty to live in any sort of comfort. 
"We were too honest with the Confederate government to buy 
up greenbacks and the surrender caught us without a dollar. 
We had buried a lovely child from our refuge home in Sep- 
tember, 1864, nearly six years old — my precious Willie, and 
while he was slowly dying with typhoid dysentery, Sherman's 
troops were destroying Atlanta preparatory to the "March to 
the Sea." In June, 1865, my only living child at that time, dear 
Johnny, died with . congestion of the brain. He was in bed 
less than six hours, and was gone before I could realize he was 
seriously sick. He was my hope, my blessing, and my first 
born, eleven years old. We could not bear that old refuge 
home any longer. 

We started home to Northwest Georgia with a few dollars 
in pocket, the remainder that was left from the sale of our 
handsome paneled carriage that cost us just before the war 
over six hundred dollars in gold. We sold it at auction in 
the city of Macon for a little over one hundred paid in green- 
backs, then $2^ for one. We buried this dear boy with a part 
of this money and reached Cartersville with only enough cash 
to pay drayage on our stuff (that we brought on the train) 
out to the old dilapidated home that had not one pane of 
glass left in the entire building. Such were our beginning's 
after the war. 

This bit of personal history I deem it proper to refer to 
because Dr. Felton was denounced, reviled, slandered and 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 429 

villified "as false to his people in war and peace and grimed 
with a treasonable alliance with the enemies of our country." 

The first man of any prominence in Georgia to revile him as 
a "Radical disorganizer " because he was an Independent can- 
didate for Congress in 1874 (outside the seventh district) was 
Gov. James Milton Smith, chief executive for the State of 
Georgia ! In his attentions to Hon. L. N. Trammell, who was 
himself familiar with Bullock's and Smith's legislatures, the 
governor of the State of Georgia appeared as a public speaker 
in Marietta, Ga., to uphold Mr. Trammell 's claims to public 
office. As Judge A. R. Wright, of Rome, expressed it, "a 
masked battery was rolled out from the executive mansion" 
to violently deprive a free and independent people of their 
rights at the ballot box. I went to work after 1882 to in- 
vestigate the governor and his past life and I had letters from 
prominent people where he had lived before his removal to 
Columbus, giving many accounts of the governor's "slack poli- 
tics" in Bullock's time. Some writers went so far as to say 
that he was ripe and ready to go over and "jine the army," 
but the letters were confidential. Dr. Felton won the race in 
1874. Smith's successor was elected in 1876, and Gov. J. M. 
Smith did not roll out "that masked battery from the executive 
mansion" the second time, and he went out of office at the 
end of the year 1876. I never saw Gov. J. M. Smith to know 
him in my life, but the next I heard of him was his abuse of 
Colquitt and Brown and Gordon in the year 1880. I have 
copied some of the torrid literature in reviewing Governor 
Colquitt's administration and everybody will agree that it 
was piquant and spicy. 

The next I heard was his rupture with Gov. McDaniel, who 
took away from him his high position as railroad commissioner. 
I was told that Gov. Colquitt gave him this appointment to 
smooth down his ruffled feathers, after he and Gen. Gordon 
conspired against him in the senatorial election of January, 
1877, not to elect Mr. Hill, who succeeded, nor Senator Nor- 
wood, who was defeated ; but somebody who was tied out and 
unknown to outsiders. It might have been Hon. John W. 
Murphy, who was one of the chief men in the Convict Lease 
Company No. 3 and who practiced his profession of law in 



430 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Gov. Colquitt's office so successfully. They did not help Sen- 
ator Norwood; they certainly did not help poor disappointed 
Gov. Smith, and Mr. Hill told Dr. Felton in my presence that 
Gen. Gordon wrote most damaging letters against his char- 
acter to defeat him, some of which he was allowed to see by 
those receiving them. It might have been even Gov. Brown, who 
was their united choice in a little over three years after 
wards; but this Gov. Brown was bold enough to call Gen. 
Gordon a "traitor" to Democracy in 1877, while everybody 
understood that Gov. Colquitt ''always held while the general 
skinned." 

Anyhow, Gov. Milt Smith went out of the executive offi'^e 
"unwept, unhonored and unsung." 

Dr. Felton was in the thick of the fight to hold on lo the 
railroad commission in the Georgia legislature and when the 
fight was over, Maj. Campbell "Wallace told him: "You, sir, 
have saved to the State its railroad commission." Tn October, 
1885, Gov. McDaniel displaced Ex-Gov. Milt Smith and Dr. 
Felton was sorry for it, because Gov. Smith had acknoAvledged 
ability and was gifted in clearness of expression. It was ;in- 
derstood that Senator Brown was opposed to the commission 
and inimical to Smith, because of the free criticism of the lat 
ter Avhen Senator Brown was translated to the Semite by a 
"capital understanding" and an alliance with the Kirkwood 
ring. Anyhow, Dr. Felton, who bore less of malice to his 
persecutors than was necessary in my opinion, wrote a sym- 
pathizing letter to the displaced commissioner. Gov. J. M. 
Smith wrote the following in reply. There was no mark on 
it to show its confidential nature, and I feel, at this time, its 
republication is just and proper, as I will soon make plain. 
The letter was written on the commission's letter paper and 
the names of the commission were James M. Smith, chairman; 
Campbell Wallace and L. N. Trammell. 

Atlanta, Ga., October 14, 1885. 
Hon. W. H. Felton — My Dear Sir : Your kind favor of the 
.... instant, was not received by me until yesterday. I have 
been very busily engaged in winding up my connection with 
the railroad commission, and take the first leisure moment to 
answer. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 431 

You are correct in saying my non-appointment was intended 
as a rebuke for what Governor McDaniel considered my un- 
wavering fidelity to the people in the war which is being waged 
upon their interests by the monopolists. He is weak, very 
weak and was not able to say "no" to the demands made for 
my supersedure by his masters. If occasion should ever arise 
for a full disclosure of his entire conduct in the premises (as 
it doubtless will), he will sink too low to be reached even by 
the contempt of a confiding people, whose interests he has 
betrayed in aligning himself unreservedly with the railroad 
corporations and their corrupt tools in the contest now going 
on. Again thanking you for your kind expressions toward 
me, I am, my Dear Sir, Truly yours, 

JAMES M. SMITH. 

This letter was written late in 1885, but it was early in 
February, 1882, that ex-Governor Smith made an unprovoked 
attack on Dr. Felton in the Atlanta Constitution — an inter- 
view obtained by Mr. Grady. The latter having created a 
sensation with Senator B. H. Hill — concluded to worm another 
sensation out of Governor Smith. The ex-governor responded 
to the smooth talk of the pencil-pusher, but why the ex-gov- 
ernor should have followed Mr. Hill's example is still un- 
explained to me. He was evidently "spilin' for a fight." He 
spread his opinions over a half page of the Atlanta Constitu- 
tion, and after the whole thing was sifted out, he made no 
greater discovery, or explanation, than resulted from Senator 
Hill's long tirade on "Africanizing the State," and in which 
Mr. Hill suffered untold loss to himself before he was 
effectually silenced, or failed to defend himself. I had a 
supply of letters, as before said, written from his old haunts, 
before he was made governor or had finally settled in Colum- 
bus, Ga. 

When Smith's interview reached Dr. Felton he was crowded 
with work otherwise than political, had just gotten through 
with public speeches in Augusta and Savannah, besides the 
controversy with Mr. Hill in the newspapers, had voluminous 
correspondence, besides his domestic affairs at home on the 
plantation. 

We read over the interview carefully and decided that as 



432 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

Governor Smith had some reputation abroad, no matter how 
thin the quality at home, he must be answered. 

But it was a strenuous affair to turn from what really was 
important to bandy words with all the people who were ap- 
parently shoved in front when bidden to come forth and 
attack the Independents. 

After some consideration of the matter, and braced by what 
the correspondents had voluntarily furnished as to Governor 
Smith's record, I made the following proposition to Dr. 
Felton : "Go on about your business, and I'll write the reply — 
dismiss this hybrid politician from your mind. I've read over 
those letters sent me from Barnesville and Upson county and 
if I think they will serve your purpose, I'll send for the affi- 
davits that will convince the people how and why the Bullock 
Democrats were willing to make him the governor, after Bul- 
lock fled the State. He is hand in glove with 'Newt Tram- 
mel;' he was the only so-called Democrat who came at his 
call to speak against you. I've been keeping tab on this gen- 
tleman and while I do not think you will need anything more 
than his confession, that he was the author of the convict 
lease and is proud of it, I'll try my hand on him and then you 
can correct and revise." So I went to work and begun this 
way: 

Near Cartersville, Ga., Feb. 13, 1882. 

Editor Constitution : Since Gov. Smith has thought proper 
to go into print to denounce Georgia Independents, making 
some unfounded assertions along with some remarkable ad- 
missions, he deserves a little notice. As he singled me out 
for special attack, I will give you my opinion of the assault 
and at the same time review his official record in a few notable 
instances. When I last heard of him, he was quite an Inde- 
pendent. Some influence has inspired a change, and it will 
bring forth substantial fruit in its season. It is remarkable 
with what unanimity these old moss-back officeholders take 
alarm when they see any movement that might possibly re- 
mand them to private life! I am only a plain citizen, do not 
draw a dollar from either the State or federal government, 
yet I am not allowed to express an opinion on State affairs, 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 433 

or point out what seems to me to be a better way without a 
storm of abuse from certain men who are growing fat on offi- 
cial spoils. For two months the State has resounded with the 
clash and turmoil growing out of their anxiety to retain their 
of^ces and the pay. Now we have "a masked battery rolled 
out from the railroad commission." The people of Georgia 
may well despair if some reform can not be had. She has a 
lot of official dead-beats to support, who have been warmed 
and fed from her bounty, and are ready to sting any party or 
any man who proposes to show them their duty and to curb 
their greed. Personal abuse of myself does not count so long 
as the opposition keeps within an authorized limit, or with 
anybody connected with me. There is an independence and 
a freedom in honest character that laughs all such vitupera- 
tion to scorn. Lay on McDuff! 

My politics have not made me rich, and I never stumped the 
State to denounce the men who gave me office. Gov. Smith 
traveled the State two years ago to hold up Gov. Colquitt to 
public ridicule as a living example of corruption and official 
failure. He had received a good paying office from Gov. Col- 
quitt, and yet he never relaxed his grip on the money while 
he made this itinerating tour. Gov. Colquitt believed he had 
bought him off, and Smith took the reward and failed to de- 
liver the goods. Norwood would have swept North Georgia if 
Gov. Smith had been kept at home. No man's opposition ever 
did a candidate as much good as did Smith's for Colquitt.' 

Gov. Smith had the appointing of fifteen hundred men to 
office during an executive term of four years. Like Bullock, 
he divided with his friends, but the State of Georgia and the 
ring-Bourbon Democracy did not give him a decent vote for 
the United States Senate as a retiring governor. The admin- 
istration so outgrew itself that the people had to call a con- 
stitutional convention to control the waste of public money and 
to throw restrictions around the executive. "When this ex- 
governor rises up to denounce "coalition," or any other species 
of political trickery, the argument is exhausted. As Gen. 
Toombs would say, ''it fatigues the indignation." He holds 
office now by appointment, not by election. 

I know of no coalition save an honest, uprising of indepen- 



434 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

dent people, to remand the control of their own affairs into 
•the hands of the people, and to deliver the State from such 
administrations as the one imposed upon the State by James 
M. Smith for five long years. If Republicans v^^ill vote with 
us to help this honest expression of public will, we will be glad 
to get their votes. It is a free country and the need of the 
hour is the liberty to vote and to get that vote counted. If 
that is coalition, call it so. 

The ballot is not free, and the count is usually favorable 
to the party that manages the ballot box. When the time 
comes the proof will be at hand. Any citizen of Georgia who 
desires to relieve the State from the domination of corrupt 
tricksters, and to conduct the State house upon correct busi- 
ness principles, is at liberty to vote with the Independents 
and God helping the right, we will endeavor to get that vote 
counted. 

It is suggestive of a peculiar state of affairs that we find our 
two Democratic governors uniting with Ex-Gov. Bullock to 
preserve the Bourbon rule. Does it mean that nobody but the 
knowing ones can have entrance to the hidden secrets of the 
capitol? If there is another politician in the State more 
odorous in the Republican party than Gov. Bullock, it is J. 
E. Bryant. The latter is loud in his praise of the present re- 
gime and that "coalition" is so harmonious that both can be 
interviewed and praised in Bourbon journals. 

It is a matter of history that J. E. Bryant was once the 
Democratic caucus nominee in a Georgia legislature. In my 
opinion, the "coalition" is not dissolved at the present writ- 
ing. In the canvass of 1878, Mr. Bryant was a valuable co- 
worker, and did all that was expected of him. He told Col. 
Printup, of Rome, he intended to organize the Republicans in 
the interest of Judge Lester, and he induced a very clever 
gentleman to run the race through with a result of only two 
votes. He delivered the goods according to contract — the 
coalition was lively and active. Fortunately for the State, Mr. 
Bryant was not so well respected in the Republican party as 
he was with the Democratic party. Hence these tears ! 

Gov. Bullock confessed he "was on the make" and was 
forced to fly the State, but a Democratic judiciary, we believe 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 435 

appointed by Gov. Smith, gave him a triumphant acquittal. 
It was whispered that it would not do to convict, because 
two rotten Democrats were exposed to view every time you 
uncovered one corrupt Republican. And I submit there is no 
more reason why the hundreds of good men in the Republican 
party should be condemned for Gov. Bullock's irregularities 
than that honest Democrats should be held for the irregulari- 
ties under later administrations. 

In justice to Gov. Bullock, we will say he reminds us of an 
expression often used among hunters "one holds and the other 
skins." So Bullock was selected to hold up the old battle- 
scarred carcass of Georgia in its poverty and desolation, while 
many of the present headlights of Bourbon Democracy did the 
"skinning." In my opinion the coalition continues until the 
present, and the skinning process has never been concluded 
among the coalitionists. 

Governor Conley was executive for a short time after Bul- 
lock ; nobody has charged any irregularity upon him, although 
he was a Republican. Why is it nobody has a kind word for 
him who walked so straight in those troublous times? Gov. 
Smith says it would be a great calamity for the Republican 
party to hold any offices in Georgia. As he and his successor 
Colquitt have failed to impress the people with their superla- 
tive fitness for the executive office ; there are multitudes of 
men in Georgia who consider a longer continuance of such 
men in office as a great calamity. 

In the gubernatorial canvass of 1880, the State never saw 
such a carnival of trickery — bribery and corruption. The 
"race issue" was the only issue, and Gov. Smith was as greedy 
for the colored vote as other politicians. He was open in his 
opinion that Colquitt 's re-election would be a " great calamity, ' ' 
What influence has wrought this change? 

To come nearer to this honorable gentleman, I have just re- 
read his open letter on the Garlington- Alston fee ! As Squeers 
would say, "Here's richness!" He arraigned Colquitt for pay- 
ing the money and Colquitt said it was Smith's contract. Gov. 
Smith says it was a private contract, and Colquitt paid out too 
much money. (Ah!) In my opinion the difficulty lay in the 
want of harmony about the "skinning.". If both executives 



436 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

had been made to answer to a righteous impeachment, the 
true inwardness would have been developed. An Independent 
governor would have laid the claim and then the money before 
the legislature, the only authority in Georgia which can give 
money belonging to the people to any person whatever ! There 
has been a general looseness in throwing around the taxpayers' 
money. It is remarkable that it generally went to political 
pets and good workers in elections. Every dollar that could 
be manipulated was placed where it would do most good, a ad 
when a change in officials is proposed every mother's son of 
them squalls out like he was badly hurt, and like this dis- 
tinguished commissioner every single man proposes to stick to 
the party that feeds him until like Casabianea all the rest 
have fled. The State may bleed and suffer as it did in the 
celebrated Jones' case and get only $35,000 for about six times 
the amount in question, but the pap-suckers will continue vio- 
lent Democrats to the end. Call them what you will, and 
prove all you say, but don't impugn their Democracy! That's 
the only nerve that quivers ! 

Now I come to the cream of Gov. Smith's recent interview. 
Hear him : "I am the author of the convict lease system, and 
I am proud of it!" 

It has been said the inventor of the guillotine was one of the 
men beheaded by it. It really appears as if the ex-governor is 
disposed to feel the edge of his own instrument on his own 
neck ! 

It has not been a week, Messrs. Editors since you denounced 
the convict system as a relic of Republican misrule fastened 
on an unwilling people by a Republican legislature. I thought 
you were incorrect. Gov. Smith has settled the question. 
What have you now to say about the authorship? I have been 
arraigned for two weeks because I did not charge this convict 
lease upon the Republican party. Now, Messrs. Editors, give 
Satan his due, but be sure you give the ''author of the system" 
entire credit for his work. He says he is "proud" of it. He 
must resemble another official in history who chose to be in- 
famous, rather than not to be famous. 

When you insisted that Republicans were responsible for 
it, I thought you could find if you chose, that it was an in- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 437 

vention designed to enrich certain politicians, who have al- 
ways been ready to coalesce upon any measure that filled their 
pockets at the expense of the State. Read over the names 
of the lessees aloud and then call to mind the "silent" part- 
ners, and I think you will agree with me. It will now be only 
just for the press of the State to wheel into line and make this 
ex-governor responsible for this self-confessed authorship and 
results. 

When Ex-Gov. Smith appeared in the Norwood canvass 
flourishing a "convict catechism," he was in his own estima- 
tion a much better statesman than the convict ring headed 
by Brown, Gordon and Colquitt. He did not think it an in- 
sult to the colored people to discuss the lease at that time, al- 
though it is a high crime for me to do so at the present. 

I am inclined to think the falling out of these worthies on 
the lease question was like the Alston fee, a family quarrel 
about who should do the holding and who the skinning. 

Gov. Smith, in a report to the legislature, says he found 
432 in the penitentiary January, 1872. By July 4, same year, 
there were 475. He explains this rapid increase of 43 in seven 
months to "increased vigilance and rigid convictions by the 
judiciary." In 1875 they had increased to 723. In 1876, 923. 
By the year 1877 ,they numbered 1,441. In 1878, Mr. Nelms 
says there were 1,500. School Commissioner Orr says there 
were only 112 whites in the year 1880. 

The author of this system dares to tell me that I "insult 
the colored people" when I denounce this system as "un- 
worthy" of the great State of Georgia. The judiciary or some- 
body else must have been very "vigilant" to hustle so many 
convict slaves into the camps of their political friends ! Gov. 
Smith ceases to apologize for this rapid increase as will be 
noted. 

A colored girl was sentenced during last November in the 
city of Atlanta to five years in the penitentiary for stealing 
fifty cents from a colored child. I know nothing of the evi- 
dence and care nothing, for that verdict will bear no excuse. 
I found the statement in the Constitution, Messrs. Editors, on 
November 26, 1881. Is the author of the system pleased with 
such a verdict? 



438 My ]\Iemoirs op Georgia Politics 

Was it humane, civilized or Christian, to turn that poor 
creature into the iniquities of the system without hope of re- 
spite or reform for five years? Who can forget poor Alston, 
who drew such a graphic picture of the horrors of the convict 
system and who can forget that the poor fellow lost his life 
because he dared to interfere with such a system so deeply im- 
bedded in Georgia politics? Is anybody's life safe who at- 
tacks it? When the day comes for righteous judgment on 
this atrocious system, it will need its distinguished author to 
defend it ! Is the author of the system proud of the convict 
Ratteree, who was mounted, fed and paid to pursue another 
convict ? In that pursuit maddened by liquor, he first insulted 
a lady in this congressional district and then shot her ! What 
was the penalty? Ten years in the coal mines belonging to 
Senator Brown ! The fifty cents criminal got five years and 
Ratteree got ten only. 

Is he proud of the convict boss, who pinned poor Matthews 
to the earth face downward with a pick, and literally beat 
out the poor tortured soul of the helpless victim, and sent it 
to its Maker under the brutal lash? Even the present legis- 
lature is afraid of this convict ring! Does the "author of 
the system" endorse the punishment of Alston's slayer at the 
Dade Coal Mines, permitted as he is to jump on a mule, and 
pursue a negro, an escaped convict for two or three days, 
and then return to the friendly shelter arranged for him ? 

Gov. Smith is welcome to the authorship of this system. One 
reflects proper credit upon the handiwork of the other! 
Doubtless he is proud of it, but the State of Georgia will bear 
the shame and degradation for years to come ! 

Gov. Smith does not deceive anybody in this matter. He 
is more than the author. By a trick unworthy of an executive, 
he fastened the present lessees upon the State three years in 
advance of the time allowed by law. The law granting the 
previous lease of convicts did not expire until the last day of 
March, 1879. It was expressly provided that no change sliould 
be made unless some lessee refused to accept convicts, then 
the governor could make some provision for the rejected ones. 

In 1876, the political ring masters got to itching for an 
earlier dividend upon tliis slave property. Nobody refused to 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 439 

accept any convicts ; all were greedy for more. Gen. Phillips, 
of Marietta, gave me the facts which I am about to relate, and 
certain friends of mine were present at the time. He (Phillips) 
was requested to return a few to the State. He refused. The 
lessees persisted. He finally agreed to return "nine" if a 
written guarantee was given him that he "should not be hurt." 
Gov. Smith's administration straight way gave this guarantee 
and quickly the new lease companies went into possession of 
their large inheritance and begun to draw dividends from this 
immense convict property. Is the author of this trick as proud 
of this feat as he is of the system. Sharp practice, eh ! 

Fraud is said to vitiate all contracts outside of Georgia. 
What will be done with the lease with these clouds hanging 
over it must be decided by the honest voters of the State. A 
distinguished gentleman in public life told me that fifty dol- 
lars per capita was offered, but a much lower bid was ac- 
cepted. (They were leased by Gov. Smith for about $11 per 
annum). "His name I withhold until it is needed, but it can 
be given. General Phillips told me this written guarantee was 
given him in 1876, and was shown to a legislative committee 
two or three years ago when a dispute arose over the contract 
with the Marietta and North Georgia Railroad. The members 
of the legislature to whom that investigation was confided can 
substantiate the statement." 

(Before I proceed with the remainder of Dr. Felton's reply 
to Smith, it is proper to say that the juggling really took place 
over four convicts in Fulton county jail that were never m 
Phillip's possession, and Gov. Smith was put on the stand as 
a witness in a court trial. Judge George Hillyer presiding, and 
he testified as to the juggle and that he conferred with Ex- 
Gov. Joe Brown and Senator John B. Gordon who "spoke for 
their respective companies." At the time of this court trial 
Smith was attorney for one of these lease companies.) 

Here was a specimen of Democratic juggling that throws 
Bullock in the shade. Only Democrats were in office when 
this thing was done! Democrats did the holding and the 
same coalitionists who did the skinning in Bullock's time 
were ready to take a hand in setting up the new lease. 

The ex-governor is ambitious to incur the odium that goes 



440 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

with this business. Now he comes to the front to denounce 
better men than himself as attempting to "drag Georgia 
down." I tell him to explain his connection with these in- 
triques that did lower this grand old State into this pit of 
official trickery or forever hold his peace ! 

I do not excuse anything Gov. Bullock did that was wrong, 
nor will I excuse Gov. Smith for like offenses. I find both 
on the same side in politics and both quite willing to abuse 
better men who oppose them. Their coalition is not denied 
now. 

The old cry of "radical," "traitor," " disorganizer, " etc., 
won't do this time. It is worn out in this part of the country. 
Some of the loudest Democratic leaders were the most blatant 
in 1868 on the other side, and their present willingness to open 
up a smooth way to official spoils has condoned all former 
crimes. Unless there is some new salt injected into the body 
politic, the Democratic party has lost its savor, and the cry 
of coalition against the Independents is only a new name for 
"stop thief," that betrays the thief itself. 

The party policy has got beyond the help of the honest men 
in the party. The "coalitions" are too strong for innocence 
and honesty, and the men who clamor for reform in the or- 
ganization are the very men who cheated in the last deal, 
and are only waiting to get another chance to cheat again. 
When the thimble-riggers get through with one crafty job, 
they are already fixed for another. If you work faithfully, 
ask nothing for yourself and defend all their official "crook- 
edness," you may be considered a very clever fellow, but you 
must always take a back seat or you will meet a senatorial 
sneer, or a spike from a railroad boomerang. 

When a high office is traded off for money, don't ask any 
questions, accept it, defend it, or you will find your self- 
abnegation of no value, no matter how long you have waited on 
the party. This is a road that never gets out of a well-l)eaten 
track, and there is no abuse half hard enough for the man who 
chooses principle, rather than party tricksters. 

Don't allow yourselves, Messrs. Editors, to get discouraged 
by this fight on the young men of the State. It must be 
young blood and pure patriotism in our young men that is to 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 441 

redeem Georgia and push the banner of Independentism to 
victory. I myself am traveling down the shady side of life, 
but I shall ever hold out an open hand to the gallant spirits 
who refuse to bend the knee where "thrift may follow fawn- 
ing." 

There is a worthy ambition in entering public life, but the 
sweetest, richest rewards ever given to a public servant is 
the thought that his patriotism and honesty were as pure when 
he gave up the trust as when he accepted it. To the men who 
charge corruption on me, I point them to my record. It is 
legitimate for me to retaliate and show up their own official 
and political conduct. W. H. FELTON. 

Ex-Gov. Smith replied over his own name February 21, 
1882. He admitted he had submitted to the interview, but 
he had "no malice" in doing so. He attacked the "Mark- 
ham House Conference" with unstinted fury, and said Dr. 
Felton did not tell what was done there — that was what Smith 
wanted to know, etc. He said the Democratic party did not 
go to Benedict Arnolds, neither did the British army. "The 
pretension that Felton sets up is an insult to the intelligence 
of all men of every color in the land and yet this is the only 
defense Felton has to offer." (As I reread his tirade today, 
I assure my readers that this man took nearly two closely 
printed newspaper columns, to say no more than this, but he 
got down at last to business). "I will show that he has in- 
tentionally maligned Judge Hillyer, one of the purest and 
most intelligent of men who ever wore the ermine in Georgia 
by willfully withholding the truth in regard to the girl con- 
victed and sentenced for simply taking as Felton alleges, fifty 
cents. He has suppressed the facts in the Ratteree case. Now, 
parson, step to the front! You who, like Chadband, are ever 
grinding oil out of your palms and prating about "treweth," 
confess the treachery of which you already stand convicied 
before the public ! Until you can perform this one act of 
honesty you can never put me upon explanation or induce me 
to defend myself from your charges. The doctor is a political 
pariah, an outcast from all decent party associations, and 
hence he is seeking refuge and companionship in the Repub- 
lican party. He calls attention to the fact that I hold an 



442 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

office. Felton never held an office he did not seek. Governor 
Colquitt, at the instance and on the petition of large numbers 
of legislature, saw fit to tender me a position on the railroad 
commissioner. I certainly never applied to the governor for 
the place. All these facts Felton knows to be true. I have 
ever thought it an honor to hold office when the incumbent 
does his duty ; yet I have never desired it so much as to be- 
tray my own party and go into the radical ranks to get it. 
Can the doctor say as much for himself? For the present T 
have done with the doctor. I have only used a portion of 
the ammunition laid away for him. I have the material on 
hand and will be ready to use it. Doctor, au revoir! 

(Signed) JAMES M. SMITH. 

Of course Dr. Felton "came again." His rejoinder is dated 
February 25, 1882. 

"Near Cartersville, Ga., Feb. 25, 1882. 
"Editors Constitution: "When I read Gov. Smith's rejoinder 
in your columns, it excited my profound commiseration and 
sympathy for him. It must be humiliating to every citizen in 
the State to see a former executive and the chairman of the 
railroad commission unable and unwilling to defend his offi- 
cial integrity against charges that were well-defined, positive 
and unequivocal. If explanation had been possible, it was 
eminently due to the people of the State of Georgia that he 
should establish beyond dispute his reputation for justice, 
fairness and impartiality. 

"Having attacked me without provocation, he thereby chal- 
lenged me to investigate his own political and official record, 
and he has had abundant opportunity to establish his inno- 
cence or palliate his errors if it had been possible. Instead 
of refutation or explanation he evades every issue and by a 
most unnatural silence, he stands confessed to the world as 
guilty of every charge I brought against him. I respect- 
fully assert it would be unbecoming in me to bandy 
words with a man who holds his official integrity so cheap as 
to refuse to defend it. Certain offenses in law after convic- 
tion therefor, incapacitate the offender for citizenship. A 
man who deals only in abuse, and is unable to vindicate him- 
self, is not an opponent to be respected. Until Gov. Smith 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 443 

can meet the open issue between us, I decline any further 
controversy with him on any subject. Whenever he can meet 
the issue and reinstate himself as a worthy opponent, I hold 
myself ready to answer anything and everything he can charge 
against my official or political record. 

"In sorrow for the tarnished honor of my State, more than 
in anger for this unprovoked attack upon my character, I 
decline to notice the abuse in his last reply. Thanking you for 
the space you have given me, I respectfully suspend this wordy 
controversy. WILLIAM H. FELTON." 

The Thomasville Enterprise rushed to the front to declare 
Dr. Felt on to be ''criminally ignorant of the law of his State, 
especially when we consider the offices he has filled and the 
prominence he has attained. No one can, under the law, be 
sent to the penitentiary for stealing fifty cents. We advise 
him to study the penal code a little more." Whereupon the 
ubiquitous Grady said in the Constitution: "This gives us an 
opportunity to make some corrections which we supposed 
would be made by Governor Smith in his reply to Dr. Felton's 
onslaught. The facts in the case are these : A little colored 
girl going along the street with money in her hand was set 
upon and robbed by one of the characters technically known 
as street walkers. The woman was indicted for highway rob- 
bery. The shortest time to which she could be sentenced was 
five years, and she was sentenced for five years accordingly." 

As usual, Mr. Grady was "embarrassed by the facts." In 
Dr. Felton's letter the fact was stated that a negro girl had 
been sentenced to five years in the penitentiary for stealing 
fifty cents, and I w^ill show further that the Constitution 
(newspaper) was trying to conceal also the disgraceful fact 
that such sentences were of frequent occurrence in Georgia. 
I proposed again to Dr. Felton to allow me to measure foils in 
this case, because I had the overwhelming proof before Dr. 
Felton's reply to Governor Smith left our house. So I wrote 
for him the following : 

"Near Cartersville, Ga., February 27. 

"Editors Constitution: There is an issue of veracity be- 
tween myself and the Thomasville Enterprise. The Consti- 



444 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

tution commented on the same in yesterday's (Sunday) paper. 
I ask a hearing in your columns. The Enterprise makes the 
bold assertion that I am 'criminally ignorant' of the laws of 
my State when I said a person could be sentenced to the pen- 
itentiary for five years for stealing fifty cents or fifty dollars. 
I propose to deal with this statement in the plainest way and 
present the proof as I have it, without a single care as to who 
may feel maligned or insulted in the same. In The Atlanta 
Constitution of November 26, 1881, I found the following, 
which I copy here verbatim: 'During the recent criminal 
trials in the superior court one Adeline Maddox, a colored girl, 
was convicted of robbing a negro child of fifty cents, and was 
sentenced to five years in the penitentiary. Her attorney now 
moves the court for a new trial. Willis McAfee, a notorious 
criminal, pardoned out of the penitentiary by Governor Col- 
quitt in the last days of February, after a service of ten years, 
was convicted of a burglary, committed May 25, and sen- 
tenced to four years. He also, through his attorney, moves for 
a new trial. There are more charges for him to answer should 
a new trial be granted.' 

'Now, Messrs. Editors, I must confess to considerable as- 
tonishment to hear you say in your Sunday's paper, 'No negro 
girl has been sentenced in Atlanta or in Georgia to five years 
in the penitentiary for stealing fifty cents.' It is true you 
have attempted to explain the colored girl's offense as 'high- 
way robbery,' but I gave the facts to the public in your very 
words, and I respectfully insist that my statement is hardly 
'criminal ignorance' Avhen derived from such well-informed 
authority. I trust the Thomasville Enterprise will copy this 
letter of mine as proof of the Parson's innocent truthfulness, 
Avhicli can hardly be called criminal ignorance. 

"Now, can you explain to me why Willis IMcAfee, 

'The Notorious Criminal,' 

was only sentenced for four years, while the fifty cents high- 
way robber was sent up for five? There is something in a 
name, it seems. If you call it highway robbery, you can make 
as many 'able-bodied, long-term convicts' as the lessees may 
need; and if you call it something else, you can protect the 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 445 

hardest criminal in the State and give him what might be 
called feather-bed punishment. To illustrate, I will take the 
case of Edward Cox, the slayer of Alston. In the first place, 
his trial was most remarkable in many respects. The 
defense sought to delay the trial at one time by the plea that 
General Gordon had not arrived, and he was the most im- 
portant witness for Mr. Cox. When he did arrive, the prisoner 
asked as a special favor that General Gordon and Governor 
Colquitt should not remain in the court room while he was 
being tried for his life, and the court granted this most singu- 
lar request. That was certainly a most singular proceeding. 
Poor Alston had been sent over the river of death, and it ap- 
pears he had no friend to insist that the whole truth should 
be known to the public. The negro girl is condemned as a 
highway robber, while Mr. Cox received the very lightest 
sentence of the court for the crime committed and was then 
handed over to the partiality and tenderness of his friends — 
the lessees. I have the Constitution's report of the trial and 
the real facts can be made to appear. 

When the supreme court refused a new trial and he had 
to start to the Dade Coal Mines, how did he go? I have the 
Elberton News of May 19, 1880, giving a full account of the 
departure, which that paper stated was taken from your paper. 
The Constitution. I will condense the voluminous account, 
but you shall have my copy of The News, if my veracity shall 
be questioned by the Thomasville Enterprise. 

" ^When Mr. Cox left Fulton county jail, he rode to the 
depot in a closed carriage, attended by a friend who there 
delivered him over to Captain Nelms, one of the men who saw 
Alston slain. A fine breakfast was provided at the restaurant 
and a seat furnished in one of the passenger coaches of the 
train. By instructions from Governor Brown ( ?), Cox was not 
ironed, and was allowed all the comforts of a regular pas- 
senger. Every comfort and sympathy was offered to him and 
he was assured that every effort would be made to procure 
executive clemency for him at the proper time. As Governor 
Brown gets the "long-term, able-bodied" men, Mr. Cox was 
sent to him, but he was to be provided with occupation in the 



446 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

open air, as work in the mines would be injurious to his 
•health.' 

"Now, Messrs. Editors, I desire you to compare this pun- 
ishment with that of Adeline Maddox, who stole fifty cents 
from a negro child; the dangerous 'highway robber,' if that 
terms suits you better. 

The DeKalb News gave the facts in reference to Cox's pur- 
suit of an escaped convict, of how he jumped on a mule — was 
absent several days — nobody knew where he was, or was in 
the least uneasy about him — until he returned to his 'light 
employment' in the Dade Coal Mines, the friendly shelter ar- 
ranged for him. 

"It really appears, when you read of Adeline Maddox and 
Willis McAfee and Edward Cox, the lightest crimes get the 
heaviest punishment, while the big criminal is ensconced in 
'soft places.' This is one of the glaring errors of the system. 

"It costs the State, I understand, about fifty dollars to con- 
vict a criminal — the average price. The courts of Bartow 
county (I speak of my own county because I can speak posi- 
tively) entail more and more expense on the tax-payers every 
year. We get no profit from these criminals whatever. Those 
who pay taxes are compelled to work the roads and build 
bridges without any help from the convicts, who drain the 
taxes of the county continually. We grow poorer while the 
men who control those criminals grow richer, and if anything 
is said against the system or its method of procurement, a 
storm of abuse is hurled upon the man who dares to criticize. 
If a legislative report is thorough enough to get down to the 
iniquities of the system, a rebuke is given that poor Bob 
Alston found, to his cost, was heavy enough to deter a similar 
experiment. 

Talk About Vested Rights! 

What do you say of vested wrongs? When the idea was 
afloat several years ago that the courts should be enjoined 
to require the keepers of the penitentiary to deal justly with 
the lessees, so far as to distribute convicts impartially, the 
courts decided the keeper should do as he pleased. In 1879, 
a "lessee" went into print to say the State should not and 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 447' 

could not control a single convict to build her State Capitol, 
for the "lessees would take it to the courts and the courts 
would sustain the lessees," which I think was highly probable 
from the general appearance of their decisions. 

If we are in bondage to our political masters, the State 
should not become too helpless to protect the criminal from 
atrocities, abuses and unlawful imprisonment. 

I did not know who presided in the case of Adeline Maddox 
until I saw a pretended reply from a distinguished source, but 
I am still free enough to say that I don't care now, for the 
verdict would have been a hard one if King Solomon had 
made it. 

I am no lawyer, but no man in Georgia has higher esteem 
for legal ability and erudition and the hope of this republic 
lies in an honest, incorruptible judiciary — but I am much at 
fault, if there is a despotism under heaven that would sentence 
a colored girl to the iniquities of the present convict system 
in Georgia for five hopeless years for stealing the sum of fifty 
cents ! The Northern journals charge complicity between the 
judiciary and the lessees, and I am pained to know that this 
verdict is a sample of Georgia justice. If there is no "coali- 
tion" between the code and our judiciary, there seems to be a 
"capital understanding" that no criminal shall get off easily 
who steals fifty cents, though they are not so strict in larger 
cases. If the code is "cast iron," and the judge is obliged to 
sentence without any discretion, suppose we make the code 
the judge and save a considerable sum that is now absorbed 
by our staff of judges? 

We have paid out thousands of dollars since the war for 
new and revised copies of the code, and instead of making the 
law clearer, we seem to get more and more befogged. If no- 
body suffered but the poor men who are taxed to raise this 
money to pay for revised copies of the code, we might bear 
it for it seems pre-determined to tax us to the utmost to sup- 
port our political ring-masters and their pets, but when life, 
liberty and property are all jeopardized, there should be some- 
thing done and done quickly. I will say to the Thomasville 
Enterprise, the "parson" is always ready to be instructed, for 
he is not like a numerous class in Georgia "who never learn 



448 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

and never forget," but there is somebody else criminally ig- 
norant "in this matter of sentencing a colored girl to the pen- 
itentiary for stealing fifty cents. ' ' Respectfully, 

W. H. FELTON. 

I collected as many facts as possible in regard to the "col- 
ored girl," and I have said a dozen times, it would have been 
kinder to her and her future if they had taken her out and 
shot her! On the 8th of July, 1881, Adeline Maddox was 
arrested at the instance of Lou Amy, a colored woman, by 
Officer Norman, of the Atlanta police. Subsequent to her 
arrest, she was recognized by Mr. Emmel, superintendent of 
the city chain gang as Adeline Maddox, who had but a short 
time before escaped from the city chain gang. The day after 
her arrest she was taken before Judge Tanner and sent to 
jail to wait until the grand jury met. The grand jury re- 
turned a true bill on October 12th, and charged that the girl 
had taken fifty cents from Mary Ann Thompson. 

On the 29tli day of October, 1881, in the Fulton superior 
court, Judge Hillyer presiding, the case came for trial. There 
was but one witness for the defense, Ida Dupree, another col- 
ored girl, and she said she had been with the prisoner off and 
on all day ; but a ten-year-old child, Mary Ann Thompson, said 
she had carried home some Avashing and received fifty cents 
for it, and a colored girl, whose name she did not know, 
snatched the fifty cents from her hand and ran off with it. 
This ten-year-old girl afterwards pointed out Adeline Mad- 
dox, and her mother had the arrest made. Adeline Maddox 
denied leaving her mother's yard all day. She had never seen 
the child or her mother until they had her arrested. But the 
jury found her guilty, after the charge of Judge Hillyer, and 
the court sentenced her to the penitentiary for five years. 
She had remained in jail from July 8tli to October 29tli, which 
should be added to her five years term in the penitentiary. 

The notorious McAfee was arrested by Captain Bagby, of 
the Atlanta police force, who found a coat and fifty-dollar 
sleeve buttons, which were stolen from A. V. Brumby's house, 
124 South Pryor street. Mr. Brumby failed to convince the 
jury of anything save McAfee's entrance to his house, although 
he was a desperate criminal and had been pardoned out by 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 449 

Governor Colquitt, so the court sentenced Willis to four years 
in the penitentiary. 

Ex-Governor Smith jeered Dr. Felton, called him Chad- 
band; always talking about truth, and flaunted this case as 
a gross insult to Judge George Hillyer, but no man — judge, 
jury or railroad commissioner, ever rose up to deny the facts 
then under consideration. I felt then that I owed Commis- 
sioner J. M. Smith something. I am now settling the debt. 
He is dead and my husband is dead, but I am putting down 
the facts in a safe place, where future generations may draw 
their own comparisons and render their own verdicts. What 
happened, you will ask, after we made the proof so plain, as 
that he who ran could read? Railroad Commissioner Smith 
was obliged to say something. Grady went after him, and 
interviewed him, and asked "if he (Smith) intended to reply?" 
"Why, no," smiled Governor Smith. "Why should I? I am 
debarred by all rules of honorable practice. In my first in- 
terview I charged Felton with a dishonorable and treacherous 
act. He now stands as a criminal in the dock, definitely 
charged with a base, dishonorable action. Why then, should 
I, as an lionorable man, bandy Avords with a trembling crim- 
inal, who cannot even raise his eyes to the jury and enter a 
plea of 'not guilty?' The truth is, Felton shows the same 
irrelevance of defense exhibited by Guiteau, and has not the 
decency to plead insanity as an excuse for his injury. I shall 
not notice him until he denies my charge concerning the Mark- 
ham House conference. He cannot deny it. Farrow, who is 
a bold and truthful man, acknowledges all I charged in my 
former letter, and that there was a perfect coalition between 
Felton and the stalwart wing of the Republican party and 
that this coalition was established at the Markham House con- 
ference and Felton, instead of being independent, is a slave — 
because he is a slave to a bargain which is sinister in its char- 
acter and involves treachery to his own State and the be- 
trayal of the people who have honored him. With a shameless- 
ness beyond precedent in the political history of this or any 
other State, he rests his whole case upon an appeal to dead- 
beats and criminals. He deliberately assaults the judiciary 
of the State — assaults every juryman who sits in the jury 



450 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

box — denounces the whole system of justice in the interests of 
a few criminals. Why, the very case of the colored girl that 
he alludes to, was a crime committed against a poor, defense- 
less negro. It is only those who sympathize with crime that 
Dr. Felton can count upon." These are very hard words, 
said Mr. Grady. "But they are deserved," said Smith. "His 
course since the Markham House conference could have but 
one effect, and that is to demoralize public sentiment, to dis- 
credit law and order, to blacken the name of the State and 
to encourage criminals. It is worse than for him to become 
a highway robber himself. His conduct is inexplicable only 
on the ground that he has been promised a Federal appoint- 
ment if he will work the base uses of his late purchasers. He 
has no hope of being elected. I do not consider the case of 
the Doctor as entirely hopeless ; still I look on him as the Uriah 
Heep of Georgia politics, full of humbleness. ' ' 

Before I comment on Governor Smith's wild assertions in his 
second interview with the Constitution, I will copy a few para- 
graphs from an open letter written immediately afterwards by 
Col. H. P. Farrow, who is called by Smith ' ' a truthful and hon- 
orable man." "I would thank Governor Smith when he 
wishes to quote from me, that he would quote correctly, so 
that I may be able to return compliments. When and where 
did I ever say there was a coalition established at the Mark- 
ham House conference? When and where did I ever say Hon. 
W. H. Felton is a slave to a bargain, which is sinister in 
character, that involves treachery to his own people, the stand- 
ing of his own State, and the betrayal of people who have hon- 
ored him? I have expressed no such ideas, literally or in 
substance. Nothing, absolutely nothing, occurred during that 
distinguished gentleman's presence in Atlanta in December 
last to justify such a charge. Several persons called on him; 
among them ex-Senator Miller, Judge Hook, Gen. Longstreet 
and Judge Bigby. I met him in the city and went with him to 
his room at the hotel, without any previous invitation. I told 
Dr. Felton that Mr. A. H. Wilson was in the city and I asked 
that I might go and find him and introduce him. I know that 
Dr. Felton did not know that Mr. Wilson was in the city. 
Ex-Senator Miller has explained his presence there, and this 



]\Iy INIemoirs of Georgia Politics 451 

explains mine, and I refer to any of these above named gentle- 
men as to the correctness of this statement. Hon. W. H. 
Felton has the right to come to Atlanta and stop at the 
Markham House and to receive his friends there. And he has 
the right to talk with them on politics and did so. But the 
charge that there was a ' ' coalition ' ' entered into, or a bargain 
made, is absolutely untrue, I care not by whom made. Gov- 
ernor Smith utters that which is totally untrue, and subjects 
himself to the suspicion of knowingly uttering that which he 
knew was untrue merely to accomplish a malicious purpose. 
It takes two at least to make a bargain ; now, will Governor 
Smith please give the names or name of any party to that 
bargain which he claims sinks Hon. W. H. Felton "beneath 
the notice of any honest man?" "Will he say that ex-Senator 
Miller or Judge Hook or General Longstreet or Judge Bigby 
or Mr. Wilson were parties to it and therefore with Dr. Felton, 
"beneath the notice of any honest man?" * * * j^ Gov- 
ernor Smith 's effort to get out of the way of that distinguished 
person, he must not run backwards over too many other per- 
sons. And who is Governor Smith, that he should declare 
to the world that Hon. W. H. Felton is beneath his notice? 
Who is he, that he should declare to the world, by necessary 
implication, that others are his superiors in every point of 
view, are beneath his notice? This prolific theme I will not 
enter upon now, but will return to the Markham House. 
Nothing was said or done in the nature of a coalition or bar- 
gain or that could be so construed. It is true, that each and 
all of us, as private citizens and mere individuals, urged Dr. 
Felton to run for governor as an Independent candidate, and 
it is true that he refused to entertain the idea. He stated that 
he thought the people of his district had the first claim upon 
him, and they desired he should run for congress, and it was 
his purpose to do so. Does that constitute a coalition or bar- 
gain? Had we no right, as individuals, to talk to him and 
had he no right to refuse our wishes? Does our solicitation 
and his refusal constitute coalition or bargain? I had 'lie 
pleasure of being a near neighbor to Hon. W. H. Felton, in 
Bartow county, for several years prior to the war. I am proud 
of having his personal friendship for over twenty-five years. 



452 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

I know him and the people of Georgia know him to be in- 
capable of making a coalition or bargain of a sinister char- 
acter, or involving treachery to the people who have honored 
him. 

"If Dr. Felton Avonld run for governor, the people would 
want no pledge from him. His past life is his surest guaranty. 
He has at all times during the unpleasant days of Reconstruc- 
tion, thrown the weight of his character against the wicked- 
ness of bourbon intolerance and proscription. When the 
results of the war were being realized and passion ruled this 
Southern land, he had the nerve and Christian fortitude to 
respect true worth and merit, whether in Democrat or 
Republican. At no period did he ever turn his back on a 
friend because of political differences. When Bourbons were 
proclaiming from every stump that wives should abandon hus- 
bands who were willing to accept in good faith the results of 
the war, and when assassination was used as the recognized 
mode of getting rid of Republicans, Hon. W. H. Felton frowned 
down this wicked, this inhuman brutality, and stood as a 
breakwater in its path. The Republicans of Georgia have seen 
him tried under heavy fire, and he always had the nerve to 
do right. Hence they required no pledge of him before aiding 
in sending him to congress. We have seen him in congress 
for six years withstanding all temptations, and retiring as 
poor as he entered, while others have used official station to 
acquire wealth. They have seen him triumphantly elected at 
three successful elections by the people of the Seventh Con- 
gressional district, and have seen him defeated by a "coali- 
tion" between the "organized Democracy" and the internal 
revenue officers in Georgia and Washington City. 

"Only a short time since, when it was charged that Andrew 
Clark, collector Second Internal Revenue district in Georgia, 
had abused the power of his office in using it to defeat Dr. 
Felton in the last election. General Green B. Raum, Commis- 
sioner of Internal Revenue at Washington (in an unguarded 
moment) declared that Mr. Clark was not responsible for 
that, as he did it by his (Raum's) direction. General Raum 
then declared that he directed Collector Clark to use the power 
of the federal government, through the machinery of the in- 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 453 

ternal revenue bureau, against Dr. Felton, which necessarily 
elected the nominee of the Bourbons. Georgians, whether In- 
dependents or Republicans, are unwilling for an internal rev- 
enue officer from the State of Illinois to issue his edict from 
his bureau in Washington to his subordinates in Georgia to 
strike down a man whom they love to honor — and will show 
in the coming election whether General Raum, of Illinois, by 
virtue of his being at the head of the internal revenue bureau 
at Washington, has the right to dictate by his order who shall 
represent them in congress. 

''And if the people of this State are subjected, in their 
present impoverished condition, to the enormous expense of an 
extra session of the legislature simply to cut up congressional 
districts to enable the Bourbons to defeat W. H. Felton for 
congress, mark the prediction — it will make him governor of 
Georgia. HENRY P. FARROW." 

Atlanta, Ga., March 7, 1882. 

In Governor Smith's first interview, in a preceding letter, 
he averred that no "honest man could afford to answer Dr. 
Felton," but Mr. Grady inserted his newspaper gimlet into 
this bale of very yellow, frost-bitten politics and Governor 
Smith was made to appear as answering Dr. Felton. Was he, 
therefore, not an "honest man?" Accidently he appears to 
have stumbled upon a truth in a pack of falsehoods. Colonel 
Farrow told him he lied, in more modest terms, and it does 
not lie in the mouths of his defenders to say he ever dis- 
qualified his own "truthful and honorable" witness, Colonel 
Farrow. It was inquired, in my presence, "What is the 
matter with Governor Smith, anyhow?" And the answer 
came, "Too drunk to know what he was talking about!" Was 
that true? 

Dr. Felton, in a speech made before the forty-fourth con- 
gress, arraigned these internal revenue officials for their 
cruelty and inhumanity to the mountaineers in North Georgia. 
It was terrific, but it induced the federal government to dis- 
miss those tyrants in the revenue system, and did more to 
prevent injustice and cruelty to the people than any one 
speech by a Georgian ever made before congress. He won the 



454 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

inveterate hostility of these dismissed employees. They fought 
Dr. Felton all the time, but it was not until Hon. Green B. 
Raum came out in an interview with Senator Brown, in the 
year 1880, when the latter reached the senate by appoint- 
ment of Governor Colquitt, did we see the finger that moved 
the machine in the Seventh district, and we saw Dr. Felton 's 
defeat compassed by the use of these internal revenue officials 
in "coalition" with Bullock Democrats and the organized 
Democracy — one led by Senator Brown, and the latter worked 
by the Kirkwood Ring — aided by J. INI. Smith, chairman of 
Georgia's railroad commission. 

Dr. Felton did not bandy more words with the discredited 
chairman, but he did write the following to The Constitution 
under date of March 6, 1882: 

"Editors Constitution: I propose to reply very soon to your 
allegation that I attacked the judiciary of the State .when I 
gave you and the Thomasville Enterprise the facts in reference 
to Adeline Maddox, McAfee and Cox. This charge against 
me is unjust, because I distinctly stated I had the highest 
opinion of an honest, incorruptible judiciary, and I was not 
aware of the name of the judge who sentenced that colored girl 
to the penitentiary for stealing fifty cents (from a negro child 
ten years old, the only witness against her). 

"You laid the blame on the code. I then said the code 
should be amended, which is a job to be readily undertaken, 
for, to use the words of the Sparta Ishmaelite, we hardly get 
a new one out before there is preparation for another one. I 
should indeed feel alarmed if I thought the whole judiciary 
was likely to sentence everybody to five years in the peniten- 
tiary for stealing fifty cents. I acquit them of the intention 
and the practice, but unless your judges claim infallibility, 
you need not rush to the front to defend such verdicts, for 
the people are getting very restive under the situation as 
developed every day. I am preparing a full account of the 
convict lease system and the methods used to fasten it upon 
the State, and until it is ready I call your attention to an- 
other law which, in my humble opinion, is an outrage upon 
every man, both white and black from the age of sixteen to 
fifty. The article is written by one of the most distinguished 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 455 

men in Georgia, but I assume the responsibility of publishing 
the article. W. H. FELTON." 

The Road Laws. 

By the laws of Georgia in force at the close of the war, the 
public roads were cut out and usually worked by the white 
males between 16 and 45 years of age : and by male slaves and 
free negroes between 16 and 60. 

In the organization of most of the incorporated towns and 
cities authority has been given to lay in commutation of this 
duty, a street tax; and generally this tax is three dollars per 
head on each person liable to work the roads. 

This road duty in the country and this street tax are en- 
forceable by penal law. 

The road commissioner in the country may issue a warrant 
for the arrest of the delinquent and imprison him. This power 
did not exist in slavery times. The commissioners might fine, 
but could not imprison. The power to imprison came in first 
by the act of February 23, 1866 — acts of 1865 and '66 ; page 
23, Code, 1873, paragraph 619. 

In the cities — suppose we take Atlanta, as a specimen — if 
one subject to road duty fails to pay his street tax, they 
"make a case against him before the recorder, and he is fined 
generally ten dollars. If he does not pay this and the tax 
and costs, in all fifteen dollars, he is put to work on the streets 
as a criminal, to work the whole out at fifty cents a day. 
This amounts to a penal servitude for thirty days for failing 
to pay a street tax of three dollars. I do not know how they 
enforce the law in all the cities and towns, but the law gives 
them the same power all over the State. 

One other thing to set forth the system more fully : A man 
or a boy may be forced in the country (on pain of imprison- 
ment, at the discretion of the road commissioner) to work on 
the roads as much as five days at one time, and as much as 
fifteen days each year, and beside time enough to meet any 
special emergency that may arise. Under the old slave system 
this programme for cutting out and working the roads was 
bearable, since the rich men owned the slaves, and the burden 
fell mainly on them. 

But in a State where all are free, these laws are most grossly 
outrageous and oppressive, especially as since the war all 
have become free, this terribly dangerous and oppressive dis- 
cretion has been given to the road commissioners to enforce 
them by imprisonment, at their discretion. 

In all the old free States the roads are made and worked 
by funds raised by taxation. Have the poor and the rich an 



456 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

equal interest in the roads? Should a farm hand who gets 
ten dollars a month for his labor have the same liabilities cast 
upon him as the owner of a thousand acres of land? 

I see in a late paper a statement of the purchase of a plan- 
tation in Jefferson county — the "Oldtown" place — at $32,000. 
Under the law as it stands, the owner of that place has no 
more burden upon him in relation to the public roads than 
there is upon the poorest farm hand he hires to work on it. 

The poor laborer in the city of Atlanta, who gets seventy- 
five cents a day for his labor, pays the same street tax as the 
richest man in the city, and if the rich man be over fifty, the 
burden is not upon him at all. Such a system needs but to be 
stated to be condemned. 

It is an outrage upon every laboring man in the State. It 
is an outrage upon the boys between sixteen and twenty-one. 
It is an outrage upon the poor, white and black, from sixteen 
years to fifty. 

Now, who are the roads, in the main, worked for? Is it not 
true, emphatically, that public roads are for the use of the 
property owners? "PETE." 

(This is Georgia history that has no record in the State 
Capitol — or if it had been there, it could have "disappear- 
ances." When Dr. Felton sought the records, where the 
"suppressed testimony" of Chas. L. Frost was accounted for 
by so-called Democrats — not a sign or symptom of the paper 
could be located for a number of days. When I sought to find 
the testimony where Governor Brown made oath before an 
investigating committee that Judge Lester was paid a thous- 
and dollars to lobby for the State Road lease — every volume 
was out of place. I finally received a copy of the Journal 
through the courtesy of that honest gentleman and fine jurist. 
Judge Dennis Hammond, or the whole business would have 
been one of hearsay. I made application some months since 
for the printed testimony in regard to what was paid out to 
lobby for the Marietta and North Georgia Railroad Company, 
where Railroad Commissioner Trammell was given a thousand 
dollar bond by Eager, or his attorney, to work for the rail- 
road, and I have not found it yet. 

I have enough in hand to make a connected story, but I 
want to know why such official documents can disappear when- 
ever they are needed or called for? It explains the necessity 
for scrap-books — for Dr. Felton conducted his campaign 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 457 

against Judge Lester largely from a scrap-book. I took the 
newspaper accounts of the investigation of the State Road 
lease, cut them out, as my daily business, pasted them down 
as soon as I clipped them, but it was the Journals of the house 
and senate that I sought for and they had "disappeared.") 
But I have saved, fortunately, a letter written by Senator 
Brown, dated September 6, 1880, in which he paid his respects 
to the belligerent chairman of the railroad commission, James 
Milton Smith. It is dated: 

"Atlanta, Ga., September 6, 1880. 

"Col. J. Branham, Rome, Ga. — Dear Sir: I have to ac- 
knowledge the receipt of your letter, and in reply have to 
state that I am very much astonished at the statements you 
say were made by Governor Smith in his speech at Rome. 
Vou say he stated that Colquitt took a fifty thousand dollar 
bond, with me as security from the Citizens' Bank on account 
of the State deposits which he placed there without interest 
and three per cent, interest from the Bank of the State of 
Georgia. You surely must be mistaken in the statement made 
by Governor Smith, as this statement is untrue. I am not 
security for the Citizens' Bank as State depository, or in any 
other way. I never gave a fifty thousand dollar bond (with 
me as security) in any matter of any character. 

"You state further that Governor Smith said I took fifty 
thousand dollars of the Citizens' Bank assets as collateral 
before I would sign the bond. There is not a word of truth in 
this. 

"Also that my son is a director and the bank's attorney. 
That is also untrue as to the directorship. My son is attorney 
for the Citizens' Bank, but he does not own a dollar of the 
stock, is not a director and never was. I own but $3,500 of 
the stock of the bank and it only pays me 6 per cent, per an- 
num dividend. I am not a director. As to the other point 
about the deposit with the Citizens' Bank, when the Bank of 
the State of Georgia offered to pay interest, I know nothing 
personally as I had nothing to do whatever with any of the 
transactions. It is said that solvent banks generally declined 
to do so, on the ground that the legislature had limited the 
rate of interest they could take at eight per cent., and that 
they could not afford to be limited to that and pay interest. 
I am also informed that no bank in Atlanta, except Mr. 
Coker's, proposed to pay interest, and that he did not make 
a proposition until after he was informed that the Citizens' 
Bank was to have the deposits. He then said he would pay 
three per cent, interest ; but on looking over the reports made 



458 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

by his bank, the governor did not think well of it, and was 
unwilling to deposit with that bank on account of what he 
considered its weak condition. 

''I am also informed that one bank in Augusta proposed to 
pay interest, but would offer no security except their own 
stock and that no other bank in Georgia did propose to pay 
interest.' As already stated above, I know nothing whatever 
of any of these transactions of my own knowledge. 

''As to Governor Smith's statement that I am making $800 
a day out of an iron mine, it is equally untrue. The Dade Coal 
Company, of which I am president, owns an interest in the 
Rising Fawn Iron Furnace, in Dade county, and it is making 
a reasonable income. Every one acquainted with the iron 
business is obliged to know no furnace is making a heavy in- 
come at the present price of iron. And you say, Governor 
Smith adds, 'and a large profit from the Dade Coal Mines with 
convict labor.' "We are making some profit at the Dade Coal 
Mines, and there we use convict labor, but we are not working 
a convict within fifteen miles of the iron furnace in which we 
have an interest. The Dade Coal Company has an interest in 
iron ore in Bartow county and has built three miles of rail- 
road out to their mines, which is nearly completed. We hope 
to make some money on that. Is it a crime for a citizen to 
put his money into the development of mineral interests, 
especially if he should succeed in making money by his energy 
and enterprise? We certainly want all the railroads that will 
develop the country. You are at liberty to use this as you 
think proper. Yours very truly, 

"JOSEPH E. BROWN." 

There seemed to be somebody in the Constitution office, 
regularly employed, to snarl at Dr. Felton's heels. The fol- 
lowing letter explains itself: 

"Near Cartersville, March 22, 1882. 
"Editors Constitution: The Constitution of today has 
reached me. In your editorials I find the following : "While 
caucusing at the Markham House, hunting for something to 
make a fuss about, why did not the "coalition colonels" have 
something to say about poor old Hicks, who was assassinated 
in Gwinnett county? If the assassins had not been their 
political allies, what a fuss they would have made. " I am led 
to suppose you really wish to hear something from the "coal- 
ition colonels," although you will understand I lay no claim 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 459 

to the title of Colonel. The murder of Mr. Hicks is believed 
to be a most cold-blooded, brutal one. It was committed under 
the management of Collector Andrew Clark, of whom you were 
obliging enough to say some days ago: "He has devoted 
himself to the faithful discharge of the duties of his office. 
He whipped the fight and collected the revenue. Of course he 
made enemies — and they have succeeded in having him re- 
moved." After that indorsement, I think you will agree with 
me that the "coalition colonels" are not the men to be called 
on to defend Mr. Clark or to condemn Mr. Hicks. To go back 
a little further: In the year 1880, very soon after Senator 
Brown took possession of General Gordon's vacated seat, he 
called on Commissioner Raum. The National Republican gave 
the following account of the interview, which I copy here ver- 
batim : 

"Commissioner Raum is greatly pleased with an interview 
with Senator Brown in regard to illicit distilling in the South. 
The senator expressed himself as decidedly opposing in any 
way the men engaged in making whiskey without paying tax 
on it. He was in favor of rooting out the evil radically, and at 
as early date as possible. He thought too severe measures could 
not be adopted. Raum says Senator Brown is the first mem- 
ber of congress in the South who has offered him assistance in 
his war on moonshiners and he thinks the effect of this offer 
will go far towards accomplishing the desired results." 

Now Messrs. Editors, you have a little light thrown on a 
very cloudy place after reading this interview. This "offer" 
which was to go "far towards accomplishing desired results," 
will explain the "severe measures" used by Collector Clark. 
Perhaps your senator can give you more information about the 
killing of "old man Hicks" than any of the gentlemen who 
visited the Markham House on Monday. 

The first effect of Senator Brown's "offer" to Commissioner 
Raum was developed in Collector Clark's anxiety to defeat 
me in 1880. If I had been willing to murder "old man Hicks" 
or to advocate other severe measures, perhaps I would have 
been more acceptable to the revenue allies. 

Now, Messrs. Editors, I have given you the facts as they 
appear at this writing and I insist that you apply at the 



460 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

proper place for the reasons that may be ^iven for the murder 
of old man Hicks. Respectfully, 

W. H. FELTON. 

When these people were training their guns on Dr. Felton, 
I obtained his permission to "sharp shoot" the enemy. He 
had his hands full of business at home and outside, and it 
was a physical impossibility for him to draw a "bead on his 
gun" every day in the week, but I enjoyed the gunning and 
I kept my "powder dry" and together we enjoyed the sharp 
shooting immensely. 

After Mr. Stephens went over to Senator Brown, body and 
breeches, scant as both were obliged to be, I found the trium- 
virate had put a check on their venal newspaper scribes, and 
in the Seventh Congressional district they adopted "still 
hunting." Along with the revenue crowd, they laid their 
secret plans and carried them out. As these things appear in 
my review of Dr. Felton 's race with Hon. Judson Clements, 
I will now attend to Governor Smith a little while longer, and 
then leave the ex-governor and ex-railroad commissioner to 
your own consideration. Ex-Governor Smith did something 
in fixing up the twenty-year convict lease that placed him in 
the power of the principal lessees of that twenty-year com- 
pany — no matter how abhorrent Colquitt, Gordon and Brown 
were to him, he was obliged to step out on their side when- 
ever adverse criticism of the lease system was brought to 
public notice. 

I soon learned that they had this power over him, so I did 
not wait an hour after I saw the following paragraph in the 
Macon Telegraph, before I penned an article for that paper 
and signed it "Plain Talk," and if I ever had a "subject to 
dissect," as the doctors say, that was both interesting and 
suggestive, it was ex-Gov. Milton Smith. He had outraged 
decency in his abuse of Dr. Felton and from what I could 
gather he had wearied Governor McDaniel beyond the limit 
as railroad commissioner. He had exhausted his vocabulary 
in abusing the Kirkwood Ring and the senatorial sell-out to 
Brown, nevertheless, it was a question as to what the deposed 
commissioner would do when General Gordon made his cyclone 
canvass over all Georgia in the year 1886. General Gordon 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 461 

made one of his happiest hits in Columbus, when he told the 
people that Governor Smith would tell a different tale now, 
etc. The paragraph I allude to was an editorial squib — and 
reads thus : ' ' This little bit is the only true account of the 
meeting in Sparta : Gordon said : "Do you know ex-Governor 
James M. Smith, who has been most able and bitter in his 
denunciation of the so-called Ring? Why, for months we did 
not speak, but he is on the stump for me now!" So there was 
a ring and Governor Smith denounced it and his denunciation 
was "able and bitter." "We can imagine that without being 
told. It appears that he and General Gordon did not speak for 
months on accout of this "able and bitter" denunciation. 
Why? If there was no ring, why should General Gordon 
refuse to speak to Governor Smith? Was General Gordon 
defending the Ring then as now ? 

It is a matter of little or no consequence why or how General 
Gordon and Governor Smith became reconciled. It must be 
accepted as a fact that there was a "ring," but Governor 
Smith denounced it in words "able and bitter." Gordon was 
on the stump at that time and replied to Governor Smith. It 
is to be presumed that he defended the Ring, especially as the 
Ring is supporting Gordon now." 

This statement, if it had been made to order, could not have 
fitted my frame of mind any better. I had lively remembrance 
of Chadband, Uriah Heep, traitor. Radical; Colonel Farrow's 
letter where he pronounced this Governor Smith a liar, and I 
certainly went into the newspapers and made it lively for him. 
It gave me satisfaction to tell him his own, and I wound up 
by quoting what he said in 1880: "Now let Ben Hill resign 
and let Bullock take his place!" 

I expected it would infuriate him. Perhaps there was 
enough of the primitive savage left in me to enjoy the sorry 
spectacle ! 

He then appeared in the Atlanta Constitution raving like a 
maniac ! He spit newspaper venom at Dr. Felton until his 
ravings became insensate 1 He hashed over again his sputter- 
ings about the Markham House conference ; he tiptoed in ' ' bit- 
ter" rage and "able" vituperation, although four years had 
elapsed since he made such a curveting display of himself in 



462 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

the year 1882. He quoted Mr. Hill's old denunciations of Dr. 
Felton and frothed at the pen until his temper became vicio.xs! 
But nothing he could say and nothing he could do disguised 
the real truth : he had to defend General Gordon 's and Senator 
Brown's connection with the convict lease, and they knew 
exactly how to make him step lively and get about it I It 
would be a pity to set down his ravings for future generations 
to read! 

Dr. Felton 's reply is worth reading, because he had become 
more familiar with the facts in regard to the juggling that 
occurred in Fulton county jail. He had secured the "Bill of 
exceptions" which had been used in a court trial, held before 
Judge George Hillyer, in which the full details were given. I 
have the document at this writing, and Governor Smith ap- 
peared as attorney for one of the lease companies — possibly 
the 'one headed by John W. Murphy and "his friend, John W. 
Renfro." I had been waiting for an opportunity to bring it 
out, and it is still, in my opinion, one of the smallest, meanest, 
most scurvy and contemptible political tricks ever known to 
any State or section. When you consider that the trick was 
worked by ex-Gov. Jos. E. Brown, lessee, Senator John B. 
Gordon, lessee, and the chief executive of the State, James Mil- 
ton Smith, perhaps a partner in the lease, and the juggle took 
place over four poor, miserable wretches — still in Fulton 
county jail, undelivered to their masters, you will agree with 
me, I know, that we lived in a day of small men with smaller 
principles ! 

Dr. Felton 's reply to Governor Smith was sent to The Con- 
stitution, where Smith's attack had been printed. That paper 
refused to print it. Then Dr. Felton wrote the following 
letter : 

"Near Cartersville, June 17, 1886. 

"Editor Telegraph: The Constitution allowed Governor 
Smith to attack me in an interview, which appeared last Sun- 
day in their columns. I replied in a letter, a part of which I 
forwarded to you last Tuesday, which was proper, in defense 
of myself in regard to statements made by The Constitution; 
also, I reserved the reply to Governor Smith, offering it to 
The Constitution to print, as a matter of simple justice to 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 463 

myself and to its readers. They refused to publish, as you 
will see by an authoritative statement made to you by another. 
After flooding the State with Governor Smith's attack, they 
deliberately refused to allow me a line in defense. Now will 
you publish it? With thanks for your kindness in the past, 
I shall esteem the publication of the full letter as a favor. 

"W. H. FELTON." 

''Near Cartersville, June 16, 1886. 

"Editors Constitution: When last I saw Governor Smith, 
he met me in the Kimball House to thank me for "saving" 
the railroad commission. The last letter I had from him was 
in reply to one of mine, in which I condoled with him for the 
"walloping" given him by Governor McDaniel, and that letter 
is unique in its tone and general get up." (I copied it near 
the beginning of this review of Governor Smith's politics). 
"Governor McDaniel would enjoy it nov\^ at this time, since 
Governor Smith has been forced back into traces and made 
to pull nolens volens. The last I heard of him until he entered 
this canvass, he was praising me before the members of the 
State Agricultural Society. Some unaccountable change has 
come over the spirit of his dreams. I have divined the cause. 
So soon as a convict lease candidate appeared, he was obliged 
to support him. 

Governor Smith was attorney for one or two of these lease 
companies in the year 1879. In a trial before Fulton superior 
court, to enjoin Principal Keeper Nelms against granting con- 
victs to the Marietta and North Georgia Railroad, Governor 
Smith testified under oath before W. I. Heyward, justice of 
the peace, Fulton county, on November 26, 1879, in these 
words: "In the negotiations which led to the contracts, de- 
ponent talked in reference thereto with John B. Gordon, Joseph 
E. Brown and Thomas Alexander, who seemed to speak for 
their respective companies. The interviews which deponent 
had with these gentlemen while negotiations were pending 
were numerous and deponent cannot undertake to give more 
than a general recollection of what transpired." This fastens 
the negotiations and the parties connected therewith. (Smith 
was then governor and the chief executive when these nego- 
tiations took place). "W. B. Lowe testifies on oath, before 



464 My jVIemoirs op Georgia Politics 

George Hillyer, October 12, 1881, "that Smith would organize 
his company (Gordon's company) if some convicts were 
thrown back on the State. Lockett and Lowe rushed to 
Marietta to persuade General Phillips to surrender convicts, 
promising to return them immediately with pay for time and 
expense. Phillips refused, as he wanted more convicts and 
it would dishearten the stockholders of the road. 

In the meantime they found four convicts in Fulton county 
jail not yet assigned to anybody, in the custody of John T. 
Brown, principal keeper (Smith's brother-in-law), who was 
ordered to turn them over to Phillips, who refused them and 
Governor Smith then issued an executive order granting the 
immediate use of convicts to General Gordon's camp and 
others, although their contract did not begin until April 1, 
1879, and Governor Smith thus anticipated the legal lease on 
December 1, 1876. 

Now, John T. Brown, a personal subordinate of Governor 
Smith and also his brother-in-law, knew these convicts had 
never been assigned to Phillips, for Phillips testified on oath 
before Samuel Wiel, N. P., October 3, 1881, that these four 
convicts were never in his possession one minute, and they 
were assigned to him, not for the purpose of adding them to 
the number of convicts held by him, but at the special request 
of complainants, that he might decline to receive them and 
they were then assigned by the order of the governor, and said 
convicts were in Fulton county jail and never in fact in de- 
fendant 's possession. ' ' 

Comment is needless. Governor Smith went before the legis- 
lature two weeks afterwards and said "it had become neces- 
sary to establish permanent camps and he had done so," but 
there was no word to show that he and John B. Gordon had 
been in consultation, to hoodwink the State of Georgia over 
four convicts in Fulton county jail. By this despicable, con- 
temptible trick, John B. Gordon was able to populate his 
plantation in Taylor county with 169 slaves, for which he 
paid $11 per annum, and for every sixty of them he received 
fifty bales of cotton, clear money. Now it is not strange that 
the "author of the system," which Governor Smith calls him- 
self, should rush to General Gordon's support. In justice to 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 465 

Smith, it should be said he was trying to get into the United 
States senate. He had failed to be renominated for governor, 
although he forced the leasing of convicts three years ahead 
of time to oblige General Gordon, and this was the last des- 
perate effort to secure the position in the senate. The legis- 
lature, manipulated by Gordon and Colquitt, "walloped" him 
from Rabun Gap to Tybee Light and he ''quit speaking" to 
Gordon until this campaign opened, according to Gordon him- 
self. This is harmony "in a horn!" I attacked the lease 
system and Governor Smith quit speaking to me and abuses 
me. 

Governor Smith cannot defend that dirty trick with four 
convicts in Fulton county jail. It disgraces him as an execu- 
tive of the State. His neglect and incompetency lost $220,000 
to the State in the Jones case. Go to the records of Fulton 
county superior court for the proof! His trade with lobbyists 
lost a large sum to the tax-payers, who saw a claim recovered 
from the general government of $200,000, one-fourth of which 
was paid out instanter to friends of Gordon and Colquitt, who 
had no more to do with passing the claim through the forty- 
fourth congress than you had in defeating Gladstone's home- 
rule bill. Except to go to St. Louis as a delegate to a nomin- 
ating Democratic convention, failure was written on Governor 
Smith and his administration, and having tried unsuccessfully 
to get into other offices for years, he induced Colquitt to make 
him railroad commissioner, which act he paid for in a Smith- 
like manner by abusing his benefactor from Dade to Chatham. 
Present my compliments to Governor Smith ! I am happy to 
enjoy the good opinion of some people, and I am pleased to 
know I do not gratify the "author of the convict lease sys- 
tem," in my exposure of corruption. 

There is a more serious charge still against Governor Smith. 
In the year 1876 there was a bill passed by the legislature, 
and approved by the Governor, bearing date of February 28, 
1876, which he afterwards pronounced "illegal and void," 
which declaration you will find in the records of Fulton su- 
perior court and signed by James M. Smith, as attorney for 
a lease company. Remember, he approved and afterwards 
makes declaration that it was illegal and void. 



466 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

As you may rightfully suppose, it concerned the leasing of 
convicts. Whenever you touch that cankerous sore on the 
body politic, James M. Smith will wince, for he says he was 
the author of the system. He is its head and front, and while 
his principal keeper and brother-in-law, John T. Brown, did 
the dirty work and was understood to be well acquainted with 
the profits, pecuniary or otherwise, everybody recognizes the 
author of the system behind and above him. 

Can anybody give a satisfactory reason why Governor Smith 
should work that four convict trick when the convict lease 
of 1874 had three years to run before the new lease became 
operative? Whence his anxiety? Why should he have hur- 
ried matters so precipitately? 

R. F. Maddox testifies before W. L. Peel, N. P., on October 
14, 1881, that Governor Smith told him he would be very glad 
that it could be so arranged as to enable him to organize and 
locate the camps and the penitentiary lease during his term. 
Now, the question arises, why would he be so "glad?" The 
four-convict trick was worked on December 21, 1876, and he 
went out of office early in January. Mr. Editor, the con- 
clusion is irresistible and it stamps him, not only as "author 
of the system, ' ' but something worse ! I cannot afford to 
bandy words or debate in Governor Smith's billingsgate, there- 
fore I present you facts in return for his abuse. Say to your 
"hit dogs" I am not disturbed by their yelping. For six 
years the people of Georgia trusted me with an important 
office, and I defy any man living to trace a dishonest dollar 
to my pocket, or a corrupt vote on my record. 

Respectfully, W. H. FELTON." 

This letter silenced ex-Governor Smith for the time being. 
His ravings continued, however, of course, but they were con- 
fined to his own habitat and the people of Georgia had better 
acquaintance with Dr. Felton, who had been serving in the 
legislature two years and, according to Governor Smith, had 
"saved the railroad commission." Dr. Felton believed that 
Colonel Trammell was placed on the commission to see that 
"railroad interests" were not "hurt." He (Trammell) always 
represented Governor Brown's ideas in railroad matters, just 
as General Phillips was found in evidence when "convict 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 467 

talk" was heard or seen in newspapers. Governor Colquitt 
appointed Mr. Trammell, and he also appointed Governor 
Smith, but Dr. Felton was convinced that Smith would be 
more apt to sustain the commission, as Governor Brown was 
its open and avowed enemy and Mr. Trammell abode "under 
the shelter of his wing." 

Governor McDaniel was opposed to Governor Smith, who 
talked too much for such a politician with so vulnerable a 
record, and he put him out at the back door with a kick ! 

I did not care anything about this political rumpus. 

I had formed an opinion of Governor Smith that stayed with 
me, but it will impress any reader of this book that it was not 
to be expected that ex-Governor Smith would afterwards hang 
around Governor Colquitt (then Senator Colquitt), or beg for 
Governor Gordon's influence in seeking a federal position; 
namely, an appointment on the inter-state commission at 
Washington City! Yet that is what actually happened in 
the year 1887, and I was indebted to the Macon Telegraph 
for the news that Governor Smith would become a formal 
applicant for a place on the inter-state commission, and I 
soon found he was making "goo-goo eyes" at the two Georgia 
Senators, namely, Colquitt and Brown, to get the place. 

The inter-state commission paid a salary of $7,500 per an- 
num and is like a paymaster's place in the army — a life tenure, 
if the "interests" do not object. 

The news was gratifying to me, remembering as I did 
"Chadband," "oily palms," "Uriah Keep," "humbleness," 
and the convict lease trick with the four convicts, and Gov- 
ernor Smith's lack of manhood when Colonel Farrow told him 
he falsified about the Markham House conference, so I was pre- 
pared to remind the ex-governor of these reminiscences, and 
accordingly the following appeared in the Macon Telegraph 
in 1887. And Governor Smith did not get the place! 

Ex-Governor Smith Seeking Office. 
Editor Telegraph: When your faithful Atlanta corres- 
pondent made known the fact that ex-Gov. James Milton Smith 
would be a formal applicant for a place on the inter-state 
commerce commission, it recalled the famous gubernatorial 
canvass of last year. It was reported then that the ex-gov- 
ernor, having been deceived by the Kirkwood Mutual, when 



468 My Memoiks of Georgia Politics 

he ran for the senate in the year 1877, took "time by the fore- 
lock" in the last deal, and had the pledge for present support 
in plain black and white, and that the convict ring made 
pledges and signed documents that made his present can- 
didacy a foregone conclusion. Of course, your correspondent 
never saw the pledge, and cannot vouch for its accuracy, but 
nobody at this time doubts the existence of such a political 
conspiracy and coalition. The ex-governor has some excep- 
tional traits of character, and is a far better lawyer than nine- 
tenths of his political associates at the bar, but in the presence 
of his ambition or afflicted by his craving for office, he is 
certainly one of the weakest men of the age. He was Col- 
quitt's appointee, and yet he did not comprehend the fatality 
of opposing Colquitt, still hanging on to the office. Had he 
relinquished the office to fight Colquitt, he would have re- 
tained at least the respect of the country in defeat. The old 
proverb goes "Whether you pound snow or melt it, you only 
get water," and the ex-governor alternately pounds and melts 
the Kirkwood ring to get office. Having pounded Colquitt in 
1880, he proceeds to honeysnuggle him in 1887, to become rail- 
road commissioner for the Union, at a salary of $7,500 per 
annum. What a picture to behold ! The violent leader of the 
Norwood canvass on his knees to Colquitt for another fat 
office ! The man who denounced Gordon and Brown in Colum- 
bus, and who frothed with indignation when that city draped 
her drums in black because of the calamity that had befallen 
the State, now clamoring before these worthies to assist him in 
his extremity — as an office-seeker before President Cleveland! 
But it may be said, he paid them last year for this support. 
Exactly so ; but such pay ! such support ! ! 

When General Gordon went to Columbus in 1880, to reply 
to Governor Smith's ferocious assault, the papers were kind 
enough to chronicle what he said, and The Constitution was 
happy to report it to the world, so it is of no harm to repeat 
it again. The general made one of the hits of the canvass 
right there and then, because Governor Smith was so vulner- 
able. He showed the Columbus people that Governor Smith's 
bark was worse than his bite, for while Smith denounced Col- 
quitt, because of the Alston fee. Smith was the very man who 
made the Alston contract, and while Smith held up the signing 
of the Northeastern bonds to public scorn. Smith himself had 
signed railroad bonds for the North and South Railroad at 
twice the amount per mile, losing not only the interest on the 
bonds by his mismanagement, but two hundred thousand of 
the principal ; also signing the bonds of the celebrated Rome 
and Memphis Railroad, all of which were dead loss to the 
State. It was a bad case of "the pot calling the kettle black," 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 469 

and demonstrated to a certainty that "those who fear feathers 
should not flock with wild fowl." 

When the General got ready for the final blow — the John L. 
Sullivan lick, so to speak — he took the ex-governor "under 
the rib" in these words, "James Milton Smith is the high 
priest of the convict system." "James Milton Smith approved 
the law, for I know it." It was not known to others at that 
time that James Milton Smith, together with John B. Gordon 
and Joseph E. Brown, were the three people who played the 
game of thimble-rig over four convicts in Fulton county jail 
to circumvent, deceive and defraud the people of Georgia in 
disposing of her convicts for twenty years. 

Thereby hangs the tale ! In the convict lease you find the 
tie which makes all three harmonize and pull together ! Mutual 
aid is demanded and nobody dares to kick! With one of the 
triumvirate in the senate, another in the executive chair, it 
would not do to leave the "high priest of the convict system" 
out in the cold. But even Henry Clay, great as he was, suf- 
fered from a political trade, and while it may be possible that 
ex-Governor Smith will be able to control the Kirkwood mu- 
tual, and the convict ring, to his pecuniary benefit in securing 
the office of commissioner, yet the stigma of such coalition will 
never be effaced while there is breath in his body — or a name 
on his grave-stone. Like James Gunn, senator, who chaper- 
oned the Yazoo Fraud through the legislature of 1795, to fill 
his own pocket — James M. Smith, ex-governor, will go down 
in history as a man who sacrificed his principles, his fealty to 
the State which had honored him and his self-respect, to get 
the support of his political foes — in procuring a national ap- 
pointment — as a quid pro quo for such weakness and yielding, 
and shall it be said, betrayal? Is it not a fact that his con- 
version to Gordonism was almost as sudden as that of Saul, 
on his way to Damascus ? But, alas ! this blindness to every- 
thing "but the craving for office still lingers on his political 
and moral vision ! ' ' Poor Governor Smith ! This is a day of 
surprises ; and suppose it should transpire that the coalition 
fails to persuade the president that "the high priest of the 
convict system" is the one thing needful to the inter-state 
commission? Suppose it should happen as it did in 1877, that 
all their promises were like pie crust, made to be broken? 

PLAIN TALK. 

I watched Governor Gordon's actions in regard to the 
convict lease, and waited with some impatience for him to 
make an official report. 

His report in 1887 was as short as a goat's tail, and as thin 



470 My ]\Iemoirs of Georgia Politics 

as skim milk. The convict lease system was still in force. 
He was a lessee — and Senator Brown was a lessee, working 
300 able-bodied, long-term convicts at the Dade Coal mines. 
Men were coining fortunes out of the slave labor, and the 
stench of the system was well nigh intolerable. 

It had two years to run when the governor made his report 
in 1887, and the people of Georgia had become exceedingly 
restive. Dr. Felton was denouncing it in the legislature as an 
"epitomized hell." As a delegate from the Woman's Christian 
Union, I presented a memorial, in 1886, to the legislature when 
it met in November of that year, imploring the State authori- 
ties to take those convict women out of the prison camps, and 
thereby protect them from the lustful guards. I made the 
very first movement in this memorial, to separate the juvenile 
criminals from adults in crime, ever made in Georgia, and I 
persuaded Dr. Felton to champion it for us, which he did as 
long as he was a member of the legislature. This was the 
beginning of the Reformatory system, so much exploited in 
later years. I was invited by The Forum to write 3,000 words 
on this "cancer sore" in Georgia politics, and it appeared in 
the January number, 1887. 

My activity in this matter was the provoking cause of the 
Simmons' episode in the Georgia legislature, where Mr. Edgar 
Simmons, of Sumter county, called me the "Political She" 
of Georgia politics ! He attempted to do what the lessees 
desired to be done, humiliate Dr. Felton and myself for this 
active opposition to the convict lease system. If he was not 
paid in money for the service, he certainly got but little out 
of his foray on us at that time. (This episode is in another 
place). Thus it came about that I watched the progress of 
the convict lease legislation, and I will wind up my review 
of ex-Governor Smith's political career by giving an article 
I wrote for the Macon Daily Telegraph, September 10, 1887: 

"THEY GOT THEM." 
Some Reflections on Reading the Report of the Penitentiary 

Committee. 

Editor Telegraph: The evidence taken before the sub-com- 
mittee on the penitentiary is at last before the public. The 
full report of the whole committee is yet to come. Much of 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 471 

the matter contained in this pamphlet of 202 pages has long 
been before the public, and many facts that were expected to 
appear are not there. 

To illustrate, the governor's report is exceedingly meagre in 
detail, except a brief statement of the different leases. Since 
May 11, 1868, down to the last lease for twenty years, made in 
June, 1876, with dates of such leasing, there is nothing to 
meet public expectation from that quarter. The executive 
office is dismally bare of all needful information. Of course 
the committee could not extract "blood from a turnip," but 
there has been more underhanded work and less recorded 
proof about this business than ever known before in any period 
of the State's history. One notable fact appears, however, 
worthy of mention just in this connection. From April 1, 
1872, to April 1, 1874, the State cleared nearly $40,000 from 
the hire of something over 600 convicts. For the year 1886, 
with 1,527 convicts, the State only received $16,018. For more 
than twice the number of convicts the State gets but little 
over half as much as it did in the years 1872-3. The progress 
is backwards — thanks to incompetent governors. That's a 
nice state of affairs, as you will agree. In 1878-9-80, the lessees 
cost the State about eleven thousand dollars per annum, when 
the lease act expressly contemplated no such expense. In the 
year 1884 the State paid out $10,073 to watch the lessees and 
prevent injustice, yet the injustice and cruelty were in 
excess during that period. Last year they cost the State 
nearly $9,000, and who can say it amounted to a row of pins? 
By the time the number reaches 3,000, which a lessee swears 
he expects to realize before 1899, the State will come in debt 
merely to watch the men who are coining fortunes out of 
convict labor and violating law to do it. 

The people v»^ho figure smallest in this summary of facts 
are Governors Smith, Colquitt and McDaniel. If the report 
speaks truly, they knew their duty and did it not. Up to last 
winter no suit was ever brought for failures of contract by 
the lessees, although they had sub-let, p^ermitted to escape and 
maltreated convicts atrociously. Governor McDaniel actually 
suppressed the State physician's report by his own individual 
action. Westmoreland swears it was presented to him, and 
was withheld. Strange, but indisputable fact. The letter writ- 
ten by Wm. Phillips, as president of the Marietta and North 
Georgia Railroad, which nominally surrendered four convicts 
to James M. Smith, governor, and by which said Smith put 
Company No. 2 in possession of convicts nearly three years 
before they were entitled to them, never went on record in 
executive department. On those four convicts, surreptitiously 
obtained, he set up and instituted the present lease system, 



472 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

and yet no official notice of such surrender of convicts from 
the lessees themselves was allowed for examination and refer- 
ence to outsiders. Unless the governor was a lessee, a silent 
partner at the time or a retained attorney for lessees against 
the State, his conduct is inexplicable as well as indefensible. 
Had Bullock transgressed in this way he would have been 
howled out of Georgia. For eleven years these lease companies 
have only paid for twenty escapes, while the woods have been 
full, so to speak. The lessees were always shielded. Not a 
sale, release, sub-letting or direct hiring was permitted to 
appear in the executive office for examination or future refer- 
ence. The motives and methods are kept in the dark and the 
people are led to the conclusions that are painfully damaging 
to these officials in high places. Governor Colquitt's adminis- 
tration in regard to convicts was thoroughly reviewed by the 
legislature in 1879 and he came out second best, as he always 
did in open neglect of official duty, but he did no better after- 
ward, and l>e had his "own sweet way." But Governor Mc- 
Daniel's indifference to public opinion in this matter is in- 
comprehensible. One paragraph in J. W. English's testimony 
throws a fierce light on these omissions of duty. On page 25 
he said, in answer to inqury : ' ' The effect of putting in a 
middle man would be to make one more witness for the les- 
sees. If you paid him $100 a month, we would pay him $10 
or $15 more and get him. I consider convict labor the most 
desirable labor in the world." 

In the year 1872 the State paid only $2,000 in salaries to 
penitentiary officials, and cleared $20,000 from the lease of 
600 convicts. In 1886 the State put in nearly $9,000 of salary 
money to protect 1,527 convicts, and, except in a few cases, the 
lessees "got them," beyond question — as well as all the profits. 
The inference is imperative, and cannot be gainsayed in the 
light of results. It would appear that the lessees "got them," 
whether of high or low degree. Money seems to be magical 
stuff. 

Another point is made that will bring to the State an 
unusual amount of criticism abroad, viz : the treatment of con- 
vict George T. Jackson. Lessee James swore he only required 
him "to read and fish," and with an assurance born of some- 
thing innate to the witness, he told the committee "that was 
work enough for Jackson." Jackson's friends paid his board 
in James's camp until it became public. Then it was refunded 
and the claim was settled under some other bill. That was 
agreeable to all parties. Jackson slept with the physician and 
ate with the guards. Yet his sentence was "hard labor in the 
penitentiary for six years." Justice was tempered with 
mercy, eh! 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 473 

What a farce! God forbid it may not be the germ of a 
tragedy! Of course the way of the transgressor was hard, 
and Jackson's fate was singularly marked in some of its 
features ; but the proof is here set forth officially, beyond con- 
troversy, that the lease system is neither punishment for crime 
or reformation of criminals. Except the confinement and dis- 
grace which had been inflicted by the court which convicted 
him of a glaring crime, what punishment had he in the few 
months which intervened until his pardon reached him? 

Inhumanity to sick convicts bristles all through Dr. West- 
moreland's reports. A fifteen foot box, built up in an old 
field, with no opening but a door, covered with sheet iron, 
with only a few air holes chopped out close to the eaves, was 
the accommodation for sick convicts, both white and black, 
in legalized camps, (unless they paid their board and worked 
at reading and fishing!) Imagine a torrid sun beating down 
on this inhuman death trap, the sick convict chained to his 
bed, and you touch bottom, in this deep of cruelty. Yet Gov- 
ernor McDaniel withheld this information from us ! So cer- 
tainly do the lessees get them, that a man who reports these 
things runs the risk of being sworn into eternal perdition or a 
criminal court by paid hirelings, as was Dr. Houk, who left 
James's camp sickened with such cruelties and the unmerciful 
and tyrannical used of the bloody strap on helpless victims. 
Alston paid the penalty ; Dr. Houk was sworn against most 
atrociously and the conclusion is inevitable that the man who 
informs does it at the risk of both life and moral character. 

The disappointment is great that these executives were able 
to hide their tracks in this convict matter and defy the law. 
The report is painful and humiliating to the State. 

GEORGIA. 

GOVERNOR SMITH AND THE TREASURER. 

At the time when Gov. James Milton Smith was hurling 
epithets at Dr. Felton, in the year 1882, Judge H. K. McCay 
furnished the following manuscript to Dr. Felton to use. I 
hold the original copy. Because Ex-Governor Smith had the 
audacity to talk about "Chadband" and ''Titus Gates," in 
filthy comparisons, where he expended his billingsgate on a 
better man than himself and who, according to Hon. Edgar 
Simmons, of Sumter county, stood in the Kimball House lobby 
and declared that somebody should "horsewhip Felton on his 
bare back." I intend to place on record the conduct of Gov- 
ernor Smith as executive of the State, where the young men of 
Georgia can see and ponder over it. 

It is a notorious fact that the State lost a very large sum 



474 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

of money while Treasurer John Jones was occupying that 
responsible office. It is well known that the bondsmen of 
Treasurer Jones were finally released on the payment of a 
meagre sum, compared with the amount lost to the State by 
the incompetency of the treasurer and the neglect (I will use 
no harder term) of the governor of the State of Georgia. 
Following so close on the heels of Bullock's foul administra- 
tion, this outrageous neglect (another word would be more 
fitting) was skilfully covered up, and to my tnind, there has 
never been a single doubt but that Gov. J. Milton Smith richly 
deserved an investigation by the legislature, and what such 
a failure also richly deserved. Here are the facts — given in 
by Judge McCay's own handwriting. It is well to say, he 
furnished a number of suggestions which were timely and a 
patriotic duty to the taxpayers in the year 1882 : 

"In the fall of 1873, just before the meeting of the legisla- 
ture. Governor Smith directed Jack Jones, the State treasurer, 
to make out his warrant and present his bonds, coupons, etc., 
so that warrants might be drawn and all matters arranged for 
his report to the legislature. 

Exactly to understand this, you must remember that ac- 
cording to law, money can only be drawn from the Treasury 
by the governor's warrant. 

But for convenience, the custom is for the treasurer to pay 
bonds and coupons as they are presented at his counter, or 
through his agents in New York, where he keeps his funds, 
and once or twice a year as these coupons and bonds accumu- 
late the treasurer makes out a statement, presents his bonds 
and coupons to the governor, who counts, examines and 
cancels them, draws a warrant on the treasury for them — has 
them sealed up in a package, the contents noted on the pack- 
age, and the whole deposited in the treasury vaults. 

This warrant is carried to the comptroller (who had the 
treasurer charged with the money gone into his hands) and 
he gives the treasurer credit on his books for the warrant. 
On the occasion I refer to, Jones, who had then been treas- 
urer nearly a year, made out his statement as required, amount- 
ing to perhaps six or seven hundred thousand dollars, but 
for some reason, it never could be told why, the vouchers, 
bonds and coupons were neither presented, counted, examined 
or cancelled, but continued in Jones, possession, not even 
sealed up ; and for about a year the comptroller's books showed 
a credit to Jones of this large amount, and Jones still in cus- 
tody of all the vouchers uncancelled. The governor gave 
Jones a warrant on the treasury for what he said he had paid, 
Jones retaining in his hands, uncounted and uncancelled, the 
vouchers on which the warrant was founded. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 475 

But this was not done with fraudulent intent by Governor 
Smith. It was simply neglect. It was, however, one of the 
great causes of the great mistake and misfortune of the next 
year's settlement. 

Jones did not even keep these vouchers separate from those 
he afterwards paid. He kept no memorandum of his payment 
— trusting to the bonds and coupons as his vouchers and he 
did this when many of the bonds were over-due with no 
coupons on them, and the date of the payment, material, as 
the only mode of knowing how much interest had been paid. 

When the next year came round Jones presented his bonds 
and coupons for the two years — both years' payments inter- 
mingled. They were counted, cancelled and sealed up, but 
as will appear were never examined by this governor, Smith, 
who understood the matter of the State's outstanding bonds 
most thoroughly. 

Nevertheless Governor Smith gave Jones a warrant for all 
the bonds and coupons presented, less the amount included in 
the previous year's warrants. So negligently was this affair 
managed, that there was found in the box, covered by these 
two warrants, the bonds, after the examiner had broken the 
seal ; the statement by Jones of the interest he had paid on 
each over-due bond, amounting in all to about sixty thousand 
dollars, and besides this statement there were in the box 
bonds enoug-h to cover the bond warrants for both years. 
No notice seems to have been taken of this $60,000 at all ! Nor 
was this failure to notice ever discovered until Dr. Bozeman 
and the lawyers got at the truth before the auditor, and in the 
auditor's report. 

Jones was duly credited with what of it he had not really 
paid. But in this box there was also found two lots of bonds 
Jones had never paid at all, to- wit, a lot of $24,000 which 
Angier had taken up, by exchange of other bonds, and for 
which nobody was entitled to credit, since they were not paid 
with money but with bonds. 

These Angier had received from New York, and left sealed 
up, and the package marked in the treasury vaults. 

There was also found in this box $21,000 of bonds, for 
which Jones had exchanged other bonds, and for which no- 
body was entitled to credit. 

In addition to this, there were found about $149,000, old, 
over-due bonds, which had been paid in Bullock's time by 
Henry Clews, of New York, with the State's money and which 
he, nearly four years after he had paid them, were sold at 
auction in New York — had them bought in, presented to 
Jones at the treasury, and they were repaid by Jones. Be- 
sides all this, among the coupons which were included in 



476 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

these warrants, there was a lot of coupons, to-wit, $44,000, 
paid off by Angier during the first year of Smith's adminis- 
tration and for which he gave Angier a warrant, but which 
the governor neglected to have cancelled. These were left in 
the vaults by Angier, sealed up, the package properly marked 
as paid coupons. 

However, in some mysterious way they got among Jones' 
vouchers and he got credit for them in the warrants, and 
therefore in account at the comptroller's office. Thus altogether 
Jones got warrants for paying two hundred and thirty-eight 
thousand dollars of bonds and coupons, which were not a just 
charge on the State. 

It was claimed for Jones by his friends that he did not 
intend to do wrong, but he had only been careless — was not 
competent always to transact business and that things had got 
so mixed up and confused that, whilst his carelessness could 
not be excused, his integrity was still unimpeached. 

The payment of the Clews bonds, $149,000, was by the 
auditor, Captain Pace, of Covington, found to be inexcusable, 
and he refused him credit for them. But the jury were not 
satisfied that Jones had such information on the subject as 
justified the refusal of the auditor to credit him, and they 
found for Jones on this point. 

The evidence was, however, conclusive that this huge amount 
of bonds and coupons (two hundred and thirty-eight thousand 
dollars) had been improperly covered by treasury warrants. 

The evidence showed that Governor Smith understood the 
whole matter. During the first year of his administration and 
while Angier was treasurer, the legislature had suspended the 
payment of bonds, for the express purpose of having the whole 
matter looked into, and they appointed a committee to go to 
New York and examine. That committee reported. The report 
was reprinted. By Clews' account, by Governor Bullock's let- 
ter, by the bond book and by the report of the committee, 
it was made apparent that all the Georgia bonds due before 
or on the 1st of January, 1871, were paid. Governor Smith* 
knew this very well. 

In preparing estimates for the legislature, this was assumed 
by him — he had looked into the whole matter, the exchanging 
of bonds was all done during his administration, by both 
Angier and Jones, and he thoroughly understood the whole 
matter, and had he been the treasurer or his bond been in 
suit, the State, as to this $149,000, would have certainly had 
the report of the auditor sustained by the jury. 

The whole trouble and loss to the State was caused, first, 
by the negligence of the governor in not counting the Angier 
coupons to be cancelled, and, second, by simply taking Jones' 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 477 

word the first year, thus getting things in a muddle, and on 
the final statement in the second year in again taking Jones' 
word. 

The simplest count would have discovered something wrong 
in coupons — enough to cover Jones' whole claim, without 
counting his interest account of about $60,000 at all. 

Had Governor Smith just glanced at the $149,000 of Clews' 
bonds, all due on their face, on or before the 1st of January, 
1871 ; some of them due six or seven years before, his thorough 
knowledge of the subject would have detected them, and this 
is true of the exchanged bonds. 

This exchange was made under his direction. It was begun 
and stopped by his direction, and he understood the whole 
subject. 

As the treasurer was not charged with the bonds he had 
used to take up other bonds with by exchange, it was the duty 
of the governor to have known exactly how many were ex- 
changed and to have had the bonds taken up, cancelled, 
labelled and stored away in the treasury vault. 

The treasury is only open to the warrant of the governor. 
It is his duty to see to it, or certainly to try to see to it, that 
he draws no warrant without proper vouchers and proper 
evidence. The facts stated above were all proven on the 
trial of the State vs. Jones and his securities, were written 
down by a stenographer and his writing is on file in Fulton 
superior court." 

Comment is needless ! 

Here was a governor of Georgia who "knew his duty and 
did it not." He was fully acquainted with his duty, but his 
indifference (I will not use the term that I should apply), 
lost to the State of Georgia all but about $40,000, which Jones' 
bondsmen offered to pay, and the State was simply robbed 
by somebody, and so long as the record exists, the suspicion 
will remain that Smith, like Bullock, "was on the make." 
Yet this unworthy executive tiptoed with indignation when 
he wanted somebody "to horsewhip Felton's bare back." If 
I have not settled accounts with the persecutor, I leave him 
to posterity to do it. 



Senator John B, Gordon and Dr. Felton 



It is not a pleasant task for me to express my opinion of 
General Gordon, because I had reasons, many of them, to 
avoid him and dislike him while he was in life, and it is dis- 
agreeable to feel obliged to mention his name in these pages. 
While Dr. Felton had various controversies with public men, 
of high and low degree, it was only General Gordon who felt 
compelled to begin an attack in Washington City on the wife 
of Dr. Felton, for political ends and purposes. I knew but 
little of him personally — I had scant acquaintance, at any 
time, save in the newspapers, and I saw him only occasionally 
in the senate. 

I did not understand for a good many years why he was 
so prominent in every place, according to the newspapers, 
until I found out in Washington City, how he kept at his 
beck and call a squad of scribblers, who chronicled everything 
he said and all he did and I was led to believe from what I 
saw and what I heard that he worked the papers and the 
reporters industriously for that purpose. That they were 
compensated in some way, I have never doubted. 

Gov. J. E. Brown felt obliged to call public attention to 
this feature of the situation in April, 1877, and declared that 
it had become "nauseous." The General had some of these 
willing men appointed to small positions in Washington City, 
particularly one from Macon, Ga. — a correspondent of the 
Macon Telegraph — who filled its columns with praise and in- 
discriminate puffing. Governor Brown called it "the puffing 
brigade. ' ' 

I chanced to unravel one clever little scheme, where the 
General had his own son appointed to an office under Colonel 
Fitzhugh, the doorkeeper of the house of representatives, and 
the office was tendered, under the solemn pledge that his son 
"should not accept." But the papers were industriously filled 
with praise, that this great General and senator should act 
so differently from other greedy politicians, who stuffed their 
own sons into these places of profit. After General Gordon 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 479 

made an unprovoked assault on my good name and reputa- 
tion in Washington City, in 1879, I was able to obtain a 
written statement from Colonel Fitzhugh covering this ease 
in question and liberty to use the letter in my own defense, 
if necessary. I have the letter yet, but I published the facts 
in 1886, in the columns of the Macon Telegraph, and it can 
be found there in its files, under date of May 10, 1886. In 
closing this review of General Gordon's politics, I will pro- 
duce the article along with others. This article was signed 
"Plain Talk," and General Gordon read it, and his "puffing 
brigade" read it, but no one of them ever denied it. Its 
reproduction here is, therefore, perfectly legitimate and ger- 
mane to the subject under present consideration. 

This Fitzhugh episode is so characteristic of General Gor- 
don's political methods, so like his politics, that it serves as 
a sample of the whole. Yesterday, a small boy handed to me 
at my front door, a tiny box of stove polish, and said: "If 
you like it. Ma'am, here's where you can get a plenty," 
handing me also the vendor's card with name and address on 
it. This "Fitzhugh appointment" is like the sample box of 
stove polish — and is a fair sample of what could be gathered 
from "the stock in trade." 

I shall confine myself, therefore, to articles that were read 
by General Gordon when he was alive and fully able to dis- 
pute their correctness, if it had been possible or agreeable 
for him to do so. I made his politics and his career in Wash- 
ington City a text, very often, and I made my criticisms openly 
and where there was no probability that they should escape 
his attention. He made a ferocious and vindictive attack 
against me, and I gave him the best in my shop. The senator's 
effort, where I was attacked individually, begun in Washing- 
ton City and had its origin in the mind of my enemy — John 
B. Gordon, seiiator from Georgia, and came as a sequel to 
the Felton-Lester campaign of 1878. This was a very serious 
affair and assumed national notoriety before it was concluded. 
It had a deadly purpose — was meant to destroy. 

During the Felton-Lester campaign Col. D, S. Printup, of 
Rome, wrote us that J. E. Bryant was going to place a Mr. 
Holtzclaw in the race, as an Independent Republican. He 



480 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

traveled on the railroad train with Bryant, who was on his 
way to Dalton, and Bryant talked freely of his purposes. He 
expressed great dislike for Felton ; said he was the most 
unmanageable Democrat in the delegation, and he intended to 
beat him and elect Lester by bringing in a third and Repub- 
lican candidate. (Wherever I can do so, I like to present the 
exact words of the persons whom I may name in my reminis- 
cences. I shall anticipate what I am about to relate by allow- 
ing Mr. J. E. Bryant, whose name in Bullock's time was high 
in authority, but whose acts as reviewed in later years, were 
made a conspicuous target by every Democratic newspaper in 
the State) : 

"A Radical Joins the Crusade. 

"Editor of the New York Times: In The Times of' the 26th 
instant a letter was published which purports to have been 
written by Mrs. Felton, the wife of Dr. Felton, an Independent 
Congressman from Georgia, in which she makes charges 
against me that seem to call for a reply. She says I informed 
a distinguished Democrat of Rome, Ga., that I intended to 
organize the Republicans in the interest of Judge Lester. I 
pronounce that statement false. She insinuates that I was 
furnished money by the national executive committee of the 
Democratic party to aid Judge Lester. That insinuation is 
entirely without foundation. She says she has been reliably 
informed that I was seeking money from the Republican na- 
tional committee. That is true. 

"I am chairman of the Republican State committee of 
Georgia. In the last congressional campaign Dr. Felton was 
Independent Democratic candidate for Congress, and Judge 
Lester was the regular Democratic candidate. Dr. Felton had 
been a State-rights secession Democrat ; Judge Lester had been 
a Union man and Democrat. Dr. Felton was extreme in his 
advocacy of the greenback heresy almost if not quite an ad- 
vocate of repudiation. He was very bitter in his denunciations 
of Republicans and Republicanism. He publicly boasted that 
he voted for the Potter resolutions, and openly stated that the 
Republicans were guilty of fraud in the last presidential elec- 
tion. I advised the Republicans in the seventh district not to 
support him. 

"Judge Holtzclaw was an Independent Republican for Con- 
gress in the seventh district. He was known to me as a true 
and able Republican, in many respects the superior of Felton. 
I advised the Republicans to vote against b^th Felton and 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 481 

Lester. * * * * x did visit Washington and ask the Re- 
publican Congress Committee to aid us to accomplish that re- 
sult. I trust neither Senator Ferry nor any other Republican 
was influenced by Mrs. Felton to oppose me and aid her hus- 
band, who professedly an Independent, is really one of the most 
extreme Democrats from the South." 

(Signed) JOHN E. BRYANT. 

New York, Thursday, February 27, 1879. 

When Col. Printup 's letter came, Dr. Felton was campaigning 
in the upper counties of the seventh district. I felt the secret 
force of this intelligence. I understood how Mr. Bryant was 
connected in Bullock's time with renegade Georgians, and how 
potent he might become in a crusade that was led by Bullock's 
friend, Judge Lester, and backed to the last notch on the stick 
by Bullock's chief justice, Ex-Gov. Brown. It was a formid- 
able coalition. I had a slight acquaintance with Senator Ferry, 
who was boarding at the National Hotel. He was well ac- 
quainted with Dr. Felton and a leader of the Republican party. 
I thought he was chairman of the National Republican Execu- 
tive Committee, but I was mistaken in that particular. I sat 
down and wrote him the following letter which will explain 
itself : 

''Cartersville, Ga., Sept. 10, 1878. 
' * Senator Ferry : 

''In Dr. Felton 's absence on a campaign tour, I decided to 
write you a line and ask a favor which I presume to make on 
the strength of a friendly acquaintance, and my belief that you 
feel kindly to my husband. Let me state the case. My hus- 
band is an Independent. The Bourbon Democracy are making 
terrible efforts to beat him, because they want to control the 
offices of the State. They have put up a one-armed Confederate 
soldier to arouse the war feeling. He is proven to be a lobby- 
ist and a corrupt man. Dr. Felton will have a fair field if the 
Republican vote can be left free. These Bourbons have in- 
duced a former revenue officer to declare himself an Indepen- 
dent Republican candidate and some bad men of the Republi- 
can party are indorsing him. Now the favor I desire is this : 
This man has no earthly chance for re-election, the men who 
vote for him will only throw the election to this bloody-shirt 
Bourbon. This is the only district where an Independent has 



482 ^Iy IMemoirs of Georgia Politics 

ever succeeded. It is the only foothold for a better conserva- 
tive party. If Dr. Felton is crushed out the State lapses into 
this solid Bourbon Democracy, which is proven to be intensely 
corrupt and which holds all the public offices. 

"Dr. Felton is a strong greenback man, also a friend to North- 
ern rivers on the Committee of Commerce. Will you write a 
line to the Executive Committee in Washington counselling 
the withdrawal of this Republican candidate who has no show- 
ing and let the field be open in this district. You will receive 
the gratitude of my husband who is your friend. 

"Please, as far as possible, break up this discussion in the 
Republican party, for Dr. Felton has some friends who will 
stand to him in any case and you will see the effect in 1880, 
when there can be no organization of the Republican party. 

"This letter is written in confidence, and I trust you will 
burn it after reading it. A wife 's anxiety must be my apology. 
I hope your health is recovered. Howard, my little son, joins 
in kind regards to you. "Very respectfully, 

"MRS. W. H. FELTON." 

P. S. A line also the chairman in Georgia will do good. 
You know how kindly Dr. Felton feels to Northern members. 
This fact will do good. 

Dr. Felton never saw this letter. I sent it as soon as I wrote 
it. It was written as a personal letter, in confidence, to a per- 
son I had always esteemed as a gentleman. I had no reply to 
it, heard nothing whatever from it afterwards until I saw a 
"demand for my name" in the Augusta Chronicle and Consti- 
tutionalist, to which I made a prompt reply. 

Senator Ferry came to Dr. Felton 's seat and told him that 
Senator Gordon, of Georgia, had been to him and asked if Dr. 
Felton 's wife (myself) had not applied through him for Re- 
publican money to help his election in Georgia. Senator Ferry 
explained to Dr. Felton that he was absent in the summer, 
and had no recollection of the letter, but that he had turned 
over all letters that concerned politics to his colleague in 
Michigan. Mr. Ilubbell was a member of the National 
Executive Committee. Mr. Hubbell had no recollection of the 
letter, but he said he had turned over all such letters to Hon. 
George C. Gorham, secretary of the Senate and also secretary 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 483 

of the National Republican Executive Committee. Dr. Felton 
addressed a letter to Mr. Gorham, and I copy here Mr. Gor- 
ham's reply : 

"Office of Secretary of Senate, 

"Washington, Feb. 19, 1879. 
"W. H. Felton, M. C, Sir: 

"I am in receipt of yours of yesterday's date asking me 
to state whether the Republican Executive Committee of which 
I am secretary, furnished pecuniary aid to yourself or your 
friends last fall or whether that committee assisted with money 
the Independent movement in the seventh district of Georgia 
last fall or at any time and finally whether I have any knowl- 
edge that Republicans individually or as an organization fur- 
nished directly or indirectly pecuniary aid at any time or any 
place in your elections. 

"To all these inquiries I reply in the negative. I know of 
no pecuniary aid or in your behalf by any Republican individu- 
ally or collectively at any time. 

"Very respectfully yours, 
(Signed) "GEO. C. GORHAM." 

I spoke to Mr. Hubbell and told him I would esteem it a 
real favor if he would hunt up my letter, as it passed through 
his hands, and I needed it to prove absolutely that I had never 
asked for a cent to aid Dr. Felton 's election. 

But I realized that my letter might be abstracted as letters 
are often abstracted to inflict an injury on others, and I had 
kept no copy, in my haste and anxiety about the coalition with 
J. E. Bryant. On the 19th of February I made this reply to 
the Augusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist : 
"Messrs. Editors: 

"I hope you will allow me sufficient space in your paper to 
reply to your editorial of last Sunday, which you will please 
copy here : 

"Give the Name. 

"Mr. A. W. Reese, in his editorial correspondence with the 
Macon Telegraph and Messenger, charges that during the re- 
cent canvass in the seventh district, a letter was written to 
Senator Ferry, Republican, of Michigan, imploring in the 
most piteously pathetic terms, material aid from the Radical 



484 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

campaign committee, for Dr. Felton, against the Democratic 
nominee and party. 

"Mr. Reese says Senator Ferry sent the letter to Mr. Hub- 
bell, a Republican member of the House from the same State, 
and also a member of same campaign committee. It was after- 
wards turned over to Mr. Gorham, secretary of the committee 
and secretary of the Senate. All the persons named agree as 
to the nature and text of the letter and how eloquently the 
writer plead for 'Radical money' to enable the so-called In- 
dependent to carry the election." 

"Mr. Reese does not give the name of the writer, but leaves 
the impression that Mrs. Felton was the writer. In a matter 
of this kind there should not be any hints or insinuations. He 
should give the name by all means." (Here is my reply) : 

"Although A. W. Reese, of the Macon Telegraph and Mes- 
senger, is the person known as my assailant, his name being 
signed to the article on which you comment. General Gordon 
is recognized by me as the author of this assault." 

Since "A. W. R. " did not give the name for which you call 
I cannot assert that I am the person pointed at, but as you and 
others are similarly impressed that it was intended for me, I 
shall reply" to it. I have become in some measure accustomed 
to the abuse showered so liberally on my husband and myself 
in the late congressional campaign, but I am glad to say no 
provocation has ever induced either of us to retaliate upon the 
families of our opponents. Chivalry seems to be at a discount 
with the so-called organized in Georgia. All good citizens 
who respect and protect their own heartstones will give the 
Independents credit for better conduct. 

I understand the charge to be that I plead in piteously, 
pathetic terms for "Radical money" to help my husband's 
election. Had I done so, it Avould have come with bad grace 
from an owner of the Macon Telegraph and Messenger, whose 
paper was subsidized by Ex-Gov. Brown in the matter of the 
(/ railroad lease in the sum of two thousand dollars. 

I only recognize the master in this attack, not the servitor, 
who does General Gordon's puffing as well as his dirty work 
in his newspaper. 

If A. W. Reese, in his strenuous efforts to secure a place 
under the Senate organization finds it necessary to show this 
subservience to Gen. Gordon, we cannot stoop to notice a man 
working for such selfish ends and substantial rewards. The 
Senator, I find, has been very active in this matter — his position 
entitles him to some attention. 

"When a United States Senator can run a camp of convicts 
which is a "disgrace to civilization" for money, when he can 
manipulate a Southern Insurance Company and a Southern 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 485 

Publishing- Company, not to speak of other circumlocution en- 
terprises where the money of the subscribers disappears for- 
ever, when he could borrow the money of a Southern bishop, 
and the bishop sold the collaterals for only one dollar in the 
hundred, you need not feel surprise that he could attack the 
wife of a political opponent. 

When his name in connection with the money of Jay Gould 
and Huntington was the street talk of Washington City, which 
astonished the startled ears of Judge Underwood and Col. D. 
S. Printup, last spring (1878) commented on by strangers at 
a dinner table of one of the principal hotels in Washington 
City, can you wonder that he can see money at the bottom of 
any enterprise ? 

If he and A. W. Reese desire to establish the precedent of 
fighting ladies to injure their husbands, they may find it 
uncomfortable if well carried out. Precedents count astonish- 
ingly sometimes. 

The charge that I wrote to Senator Ferry or anybody else 
asking for Radical money, I firmly deny. If A. W. Reese will 
furnish a genuine letter of mine, I shall need no other proof. 
That I did write a friendly letter to Senator Ferry, with whom 
I had had acquaintance for several years, asking him to use his 
influence to break up a combination with Bryant in the Holtz- 
claw movement, I frankly admit. Mr. Bryant informed a gen- 
tleman of Rome, Ga., a distinguished Democrat, that he was 
on his way to Dalton, the day before he brought out Holtz- 
claw, to organize the Republicans in the interest of Judge Les- 
ter. Do you desire his name? The fact that Bryant was fur- 
nished money by the National Executive Committee of the 
Democratic party was published in full in the Indianapolis 
Journal of October 24, 1878. 

That Bryant was seeking to get money from the Republican 
National Committee, I was also reliably informed. I did re- 
quest Senator Ferry to use his influence to circumvent this 
nefarious plot ; I have no disposition to deny it. I should 
likely do so again under similar circumstances. My husband 
was away from home in the upper counties and my wifely 
anxiety induced me to write without delay, which I did on 
my own responsibility, and over my own signature. What his 
cooler judgment might have advised, I did not know. He cer- 
tainly appreciated my interest in his success against the strong 
combinations to which the history of Georgia furnishes no 
parallel. It was a bitter fight made by very unscrupulous 
men, and I have no apology to make for my efforts in behalf 
of my husband. 

It is a sad day for Georgia when sensational paper mendi- 
cants can assail the wife when the husband stands in the path 



486 My Memoiks of Georgia Politics 

of a public man, from whom the scribbler derives his official 
existence and whose patronage he enjoys. 

If I am thus to be made the target of "organized" abuse, 
the Independents of the State may understand that no man's 
home is sacred from attack if he dares to resist the encroach- 
ments of the public plunderers of the old Commonwealth of 
Georgia, 

I think I understand and appreciate the feelings of good 
and honest men in both parties, and they will rebuke any party 
or clique that spares no sex or condition in their insane desire 
to keep themselves in office. 

The very fact that shifty politicians attack everybody who 
interferes with their combination for public plunder has done 
more to injure the Democratic organization in Georgia than 
everything else. To this they add the resolve to attack 
women, because guilty cowardice refuses to meet more respon- 
sible persons. Drive the money changers from the Democratic 
temple and set up officials whose honor and reputation are 
dearer than convict camps or the money of Jay Gould or 
Huntington. MRS. W. H. FELTON. 

When my indignation was thus expending itself I had not 
yet recovered my letter addressed to Senator Ferry, or I should 
have printed it then and there. 

On the 25th of February we were seated at our usual table 
in the breakfast hall of the Old National Hotel in company 
with Hon. M. A. Candler, of Georgia; Ex-Senator Norwood, 
of Georgia, and Hon. "Tete" Smith, of the Second district in 
Georgia. Hon. Mr. Hubbell came in on his way to his break- 
fast, when he stopped and handed me a paper, saying: "Here 
is your letter, Mrs. Felton. ' ' He told me he had taken an exact 
copy also, which I was glad to hear. I read it aloud, and show- 
ed the letter to those present. Hon. M. A. Candler was imme- 
diately interviewed by a reporter of the Atlanta Constitution, 
in which interview he said: "Yes, I saw the letter. It ap- 
pears that Mrs. Felton wrote to Senator Ferry, he sent it to 
Mr. Hubbell in Michigan, who sent it to Gorham in California, 
the secretary of the National Republican Committee in Wash- 
ington. There is no request for money. * * * * She asks 
the help of Senator Ferry to suppress the Republican candi- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 487 

date to make her husband's chances better. The letter is a 
plain business-like document covering about two sheets. I 
suppose Gorham sent it back to Mrs. Felton. She does not 
seem to be ashamed of anything in the letter. The best plan 
it would seem to be is to publish it just as it is." 

Hon. A. H. Stephens was asked about it, he said he had 
examined it critically, and he said, ''there is not one word in 
it to sustain the charge or the mischievous allegations, and not 
one word to contradict what she had previously written to 
the Augusta newspaper." 

In the meantime the Atlanta Constitution was placing head- 
lines like this: "Felton's Ferry" and the Telegraph and Mes- 
senger continued to declare that Dr. Felton implored Gorham 
to find the letter or destroy it, and the venal press that hoped 
to find "thrift follow fawning," were alike impervious to 
facts and the truth. I could spot the money of Huntington, 
as I had been advised in the year-bef ore 's canvass, and the 
lectures that were read to "Mrs. Felton's husband" were sim- 
ply astounding in their audacity. 

Gen. Gordon waited some days before he made reply, for he 
did not date his reply letter until March 4, 1879. It can be 
found in the files of the various papers of the State of Georgia 
and I shall only give a summary of the communication in this 
place. He refused to reply to me at all ; but he said there was 
no room for doubt that Dr. Felton was the "author of all the 
calumnies "repeated in his organs in the Seventh district; and 
that Dr. Felton was the first Georgian he knew who shielded 
his falsehoods behind a woman, and that woman his wife. 
He had never heard of such conduct in any civilized land. He 
said he had to go into the seventh district to speak for the 
nominee, because it was the call of his party that he did not 
attack Dr. Felton on the stump until his "slanders" demanded 
it. The Southern Insurance Company failed from no fault of 
his for two epidemics and a panic did it. (He used letter- 
heads in his correspondence late in 1874, which declared the 
Insurance Company had then a capital of one million five hun- 
dred thousand dollars. I have one of them with a letter signed 
by "J. B. Gordon" at the bottom. It was common report they 
were taking in money in the morning in Atlanta, when the 



488 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

newsboys were crying its bankrupt failure in the afternoon. 1 
• He said it was Dr. Felton's habit to slander every cause and 
every man, who had the confidence of Gen. Robert E. Lee. 
(I have in my possession a printed copy of a memorial sermon 
delivered by Dr. Felton when the news reached Cartersville 
of his death that has been pronounced the. very finest eulogy 
in print of Gen. Robert E. Lee. A more dastardly statement 
never was uttered by any honest man in his senses.) He ad- 
mitted the book enterprise had made no money, but he had 
hopes for its future success. 

He did borrow $300 from a Southern bishop, as well as he 
could remember, but the holy man was dead and his son served 
on his staff; but he now stood ready to make it good what- 
ever the amount might be. He completely dodged the convict^ 
question by saying the State was at liberty to do as it pleased 
with his convicts. (Alas! He paid at first nothing for the 
poor wretches, and one of his prison camps paid him fifty 
bales of cotton each year as rental for hire of only sixty con- 
victs sub-let to Edward Cox.) Said the general, "he (Felton) 
and no other man believes me capable of corrupt practices as 
a Senator of the United States." ("Huntington's private let- 
ters had not then been uncovered to the public gaze, but Hon. 
Allen G. Thurman told one of the most honored men in the 
Georgia delegation who told me that he had never been so 
astonished and confounded as he was when Gen. Gordon took 
Huntington's side in opposition to the Thurman Funding Bill, 
and an army officer gave Messrs. Underwood and Printup his 
card when he was belaboring the men who sold out for Pacific 
Railroad bribe money, even naming the price in figures. The 
public was certainly not so oblivious of the general's common 
reputation in Washington City as he supposed"). He then 
rose to the "height of the argument" when he charged Dr. 
Felton with being false to his people in war and peace, and 
begrimed with an unholy alliance with the enemies of his coun- 
try, and he (Felton) has had audacious effrontery enough to 
"assail my character," etc. 

Dr. Felton's reply to Gen. Gordon covered the whole busi- 
ness, and the senator never dared to answer. With Dr. Fel- 
ton's reply, the public discussion of my letter ended, and then 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 489 

the newspapers divided right and left as they favored Felton 
or Gordon. 

The Milledgeville Union Recorder said: 

Some parsons hide behind their coat, 

To save their precious life, 
But Parson Felton beats them all 

He hides behind his wife. 

The Columbus Enquirer-Sun came out under a heading: 

"The Madame Roland, of Georgia," Mrs. Felton. 

The Gainesville Southron thus discoursed: 

"Were it not for the high character of the Atlanta Consti- 
tution we would say it has not done justice to Mrs. Felton in 
its editorials That Mrs. Gordon should be commended for re- 
ceiving the scarred general in her arms on a field of battle, 
and Mrs. Felton condemned for standing by her husband in a 
contest where his private character and everything else to 
him and her were at stake should remain quiet or be denounced 
as unfeminine. We can scarcely see. 

' ' We admire the devotion of Mrs. Gordon on the field of bat- 
tle (if the story is true) and we love the bravery of Mrs. Fel- 
ton in standing by her husband, beset with all manner of 
malicious lies to compass his defeat for an office in which he 
discharged every duty faithfully and with ability. 

"That's our idea of a noble woman and a true wife. It's a 
free country, and the Constitution has a right to its opinions 
and the legitimate consequences, and we think they will get 
the latter in due time." 

From the Augusta Evening Sentinel : 

' ' On our first page we reproduce Mrs. Felton 's very remark- 
able letter addressed to the editors of the Chronicle and Con- 
stitutionalist. It is remarkable in many ways. In the first 
place few of the gentler sex could write a letter coached in 
such vigorous and marrowy English and fewer still are capable 
of doing literary battle with presumed assailants of the mas- 
culine gender. Mrs. Felton has adroitly got in all the evidence 
that she deemed important in dealing with her presumptuous 
adversaries. We can hardly credit that either Gen. Gordon or 
Mr. Reese would make war on a lady, no matter how much 



490 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

that lady may have, in her husband's behalf, endeavored to 
thwart their opposition to him. It is recorded of William Tell 
that he dared death itself rather than bow to Gesler's cap, yet 
he was willing to make a obeisance to Madame Gesler's bonnet. 
We confess we have an admiration for Mrs. Felton, beyond 
the poor power of words to convey. She is indeed a helpmeet 
of whom a royal man would be proud — his loving aid when 
present — his noblest buckler when absent. Mrs. Felton is the 
Maria Thresa of Georgia, for she has the best attributes of a 
woman, and the aspiring soul of a man. She wears no dia- 
dem like the daughter of the Caesars, but she is fashioned in 
the mould of gentlest dignity and the power to command over 
inferior beings. We hesitate to believe that any Georgian in 
high or low station would willingly assail so devoted a wife, 
so majestic a lady, so glorious an intellect." 

Said the Enquirer-Sun, Columbus: 

"We expected Gen. Gordon to deny the charges. We are 
sorry he has not done this in regard to seeking Mrs. Felton 's 
letter. Everything fades into insignificance when compared 
with the effort to drag down a good wife and loving mother. 
We certainly expected Gen. Gordon to deny this charge, but 
he has not done it. We confess to a very painful disappoint- 
ment. ' ' 

Thirty-two long years have passed since this wordy contest 
came off. My opinion has never changed as to the viciousness 
of the attack made upon me through the columns of the Macon 
Telegraph and Messenger. I realized then the deadly animus 
that was exhibited by certain politicians and newspapers in 
Georgia. Thirty-odd years have worn off some of my repug- 
nance to these men and their methods, but it has taught mo 
the value of keeping scrapbooks, and I would advise every 
man who enters politics to keep a scrapbook on his table and 
always paste it down when he finds a politician who talks very 
much and is likely to overdo himself in various ways in pub- 
lished articles. 

I desire to state here that the ink was hardly dry on Dr. 
Felton 's reply to Gen. Gordon when the awful tragedy oc- 
curred in the capitol in Atlanta — namely, the killing of Hon. 
Robt. Alston, by Gen. Gordon's sub-lessee, Edward Cox. Before 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 491 

we left "Washington City — Mr. Alston come several times to 
see us in our National Hotel parlor. The last time he came, 
he was in evident distress and under excitement. He said he 
had received a very unhappy letter from his wife that morn- 
ing, and she was actually afraid somebody would kill him, 
because he had made the report of the committee denouncing 
the atrocities of various convict camps in Georgia. He also 
said the whole lot were angry and the "women had been re- 
peating" to her various things, etc., and she had written him 
a very distressed letter indeed. He was anxious for Gen. Gor- 
don to get away from that convict lease ; he had begged him 
to do it, etc. He asked to see the seventh district newspaperu 
that were discussing the report he wrote "with gloves off." 
He would read awhile, then walk the floor and talk about hifi 
wife's discomfort at home and her premonition of danger to 
his life. 

Dr. Felton's reply to Gen. Gordon was written and mailed 
on March 8, 1879, and in less than a week poor Mr. Alston 
was dead and buried. He appealed to the governor ; he appeal- 
ed' to the State treasurer, and told them Mr. Cox was armed 
and hunting him down, but nobody seemed interested enough 
to inform the police authorities. I did hear that a policeman 
who knew something about this armed pursuit was dismissed 
from the force, but it has always seemed more than strange to 
me that the victim should not have been reasonably shielded 
from this threatened and impending fate. 

"We were making it hot in our Independent newspapers for 
the convict lessee, and I flung out a "dare" in my open letter 
to Gen. Gordon, and I always shall believe that poor "Bob" 
Alston would now be living but for his fruitless effort to shield 
his friend, Senator Gordon, in this matter when he hurried to 
Atlanta and met his doom. Here is Dr. Felton's reply: 

" Cartersville, Ga., March 8, 1879. 

"To the Chronicle and Constitutionalist: 

"Messrs. Editors: I have just read the letter of Gen. Gor- 
don addressed to you, and dated "Washington, March 4, 1879. 
I understood before I left Washington that a grand consulta- 
tion was held to conclude the attack commenced on my wife 
in the Macon Telegraph and Messenger some weeks ago. If 



492 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

this manifesto signed by Senator Gordon embodies all the 
strength and strategy that the 'organized' can command after 
•full consultation with visiting and resident statesmen we are 
surprised at the weakness, malice and impotency of such a 
warfare. 

"Gen. Gordon ignores my wife in this communication. It is 
a pity that this sober second thought had not occurred to his 
mind at an earlier stage of this controversy. I wish it dis- 
tinctly understood that Gen. Gordon was the real author and 
instigator of the attack on my wife in the Macon Telegraph 
and Messenger. He was the man who commenced the search 
for the letter in the city of Washington and expressed great 
solicitude to be placed in the possession of its contents ; and 
knowing these things my wife dealt with him rather than 
Reese, the nominal author. When Gen. Gordon instituted the 
search for my wife's letter, the fact was soon made known to 
me. He went in person to Senator Ferry and applied for her 
letter. He begged to know its contents and gave as a reason 
for this meddlesome interference that 'Felton was his bitterest 
foe.' He states in the letter before me he did not go into the 
seventh district of his own choice, but went at the call of 'his 
party.' Did his party send him on this errand likewise? 

"About as soon as his pliant tool could send a letter to the 
paper in Macon, my wife's name was emblazoned all over 
Georgia charging that she plead in 'piteously, pathetic terms' 
for radical money to help my election. When Gen. Gordon 
talks about slanders on his good name, it will be well for him 
to recollect who dragged my wife's name into the public 
prints ! Yielding to her earnest request and satisfied that no 
mind in the State was more thoroughly competent, I as her 
protector, acceded to her wishes when she proposed to meas- 
ure foils with a United States Senator, who was too prudent 
to appear in the assault, which he engaged A. W. Reese to 
make. With a soul filled with righteous indignation, she re- 
pelled the charge in a way that these maligners and revengeful 
slanderers of a noble wife will never forget. 

Gen. Gordon had no personal interest in her letter that he 
sought. It did not allude to him directly or indirectly. His 
search for it was born of malice actuated by hatred. I have 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 493 

her original letter. Others have seen it. Not one dollar was 
asked for; no pecuniary aid was requested, and the false alle- 
gation recoils on the heads of those who promulgated the slan- 
der. When the howling political dervishes of the seventh 
congressional district had slandered every member of my fam- 
ily and when their foul tongues and filthy pens were insuffi- 
cient for this occasion, there was no other man in the State 
outside our district whose proclivities for falsehood promised 
so much "aid and comfort" as did Gen. Gordon. He rushed to 
the rescue and became the leader of these caluminators of a 
wife who was struggling for the success of her hubsand. Not 
satisfied with this warfare in Georgia he has carried into 
congressional circles. From the capitol of the United States 
he continues the dirty work begun in the seventh district last 
fall. A woman's quick intellect and deep sense of wrong made 
her punish her assailant with merited severity. 

General Gordon said in a public speech he "had met Blaine, 
Morton and Conkling — the meanest and blackest Republicans of 
that body, but that Felton was meaner than all ! " He also said, 
"one more success would make Felton and his friends 
respectable," implying by that expression that they had not 
yet attained respectability. He also said "Independents must 
be crushed to the wall, and crushed eternally." He wound 
up a speech in Atlanta by saying "my success was by repeat- 
ing negro votes." He knew this assertion to be utterly false. 
When I spoke in Atlanta, less than a week before his re- 
election to the senate, I was urged by friends to retaliate upon 
him for his repeated and slanderous assaults on my character 
and good name, and denounce publicly one of the most vulner- 
able political records ever made by a United States senator. 
I steadily refrained in the interest of harmony and good will, 
and because my heart craved peace. 

W^hen this final attack on my wife constrains her to turn 
like the worm, and sting the foot that aims to crush it — what 
does he say? Does he deny the charges? No. He explains — 
he prevaricates— he apologizes! ^^ ^ ^.y J j^uHM. ^Jh C^^ft^ 

She charged that Gen. Gordon bor r ow ed ttlB- ^canty o o r wng a 
e ^.n L ft . l i &l y-' f uau o f God , and«-4©ptjstted ^th him as -sexjurity 
it jsfalgfijb--- -NfT He says "the law was passed by the chosen 



494 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

legislature, without his knowledge or agency ! " If we are cor- 
rectly informed, the Yazoo Frauds were passed by a similar 
body, manipulated by a United States senator, and like some 
of the statesmen of that time, it seems that General Gordon 
stands ready to reap the profits of such favorable legislation. 

She charged that General Gordon borrowed the scanty 
savings of a holy man of God, deposited with him a security 
certain worthless collaterals. Does he deny it? No. He says 
he stands ready to "make good every cent of the loss." Ah! 
the good man is gone, and does not need the generous proposal 
to become an honest man! If he had but applied a pittance 
of his large income from insurance companies to the liquida- 
tion of this debt during the life time of the good bishop, he 
might stand up and say to the world, " 'Tis false!" She 
charged that he could manipulate a Southern Insurance Com- 
pany, and a Southern University Publishing Company, in 
which the money of the subscribers disappeared forever. Does 
he deny the charge? No. In the insurance company, he says 
"every death policy was paid." Ah! It was the money of 
the living policy holders, she asserted, had gone forever! He 
persuaded hundreds, by his oily tongue and deceptive pen, to 
invest their money in this company, from which he drew an 
immense salary while these unfortunate policy-holders know 
their money is gone forever. 

As for the University Publishing Company, he attempts to 
plaster over the fraud by saying he desired to give the country 
"Southern books, that did not slander our people." Soon 
after the war this distinguished general ascertained that an 
appeal to Southern pride and sectional honor was the short 
road to the pockets of Southern men, and he has traveled 
that road in pursuit of his own emoluments until it is worn 
smooth. The charge about Southern books was not as to their 
value or quality. It was not whether General Lee had ap- 
proved or disapproved of the enterprise; but that the money 
invested in the concern through General Gordon's influence 
had left the pockets of the survivors and had never returned. 
I heard a distinguished member of congress from Georgia say 
some days ago that he had several Yimdred dollars of this 



My' Memoirs of Georgia Politics 495 

worthless university scrip, which he had advised his wife to 
burn as waste paper. 

All the way down South from Baltimore, we hear of men 
who invested in this South Sea Bubble, and up to the present 
time General Gordon admits it has made no money for the 
stockholders. Did he get no percentage? No profits? 

Again, my wife reported the fact that his name, in connec- 
tion with Jay Gould and Huntington, was the street talk of 
"Washington City and some of this talk astonished and morti- 
fied two Georgians, then visiting the city. He replies "that it 
was the mere gabble of the friends and advocates of two op- 
posing railroad companies," and goes off into an extended 
explanation of his vote, which he seems to think gave rise to 
the gabble. Since General Gordon, by his humble tool, Reese, 
did not hesitate to publish my wife's name to the general 
public in connection with "Radical money," she decided to 
give him the benefit of a general criticism on the money of 
Jay Gould and Huntington. In a spirit of fairness and candor 
she referred him to the distinguished Georgians, who heard 
from strangers these damaging charges. 

When he gives as satisfactory proof of his innocence as she 
has furnished of hers, he may congratulate himself, but it is 
my opinion that his vindication will be a work of much greater 
magnitude. 

Allow me to say just here, it would be a novel sight in any 
other State to see a lady of the highest social standing, thus 
openly and by name attacked and then to be lectured by a 
venal press for allowing her name to appear in print in reply. 

General Gordon, in his peroration, says: "I was false to 
my people in war, begrimed in a wicked and corrupt alliance 
with the enemies of my party, my section and people." He 
knows that after uttering these foul slanders at every cross 
roads and county precinct in the Seventh Congressional dis- 
trict last fall, the purest and best citizens of that district, with 
a unanimity and zeal unparalleled in the history of Georgia 
politics, placed the seal of falsehood and condemnation upon 
his statements. 

Now, having shown in the outset of this letter that he was 
guilty of a base falsehood against my innocent and noble 



496 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

wife, and after a succinct review of all the facts involved in 
the controversy, I close with the conviction that the country 
will award a just and impartial verdict. 

Like the great Duke of Marlborough, he has besmirched a 
brilliant war record with financial official complications, until 
Georgians blush that the grand old State is represented in 
the highest councils of the nation by such a man. 

Respectfully, W. H. FELTON. 

As I have written elsewhere, the assassination of Col. Bob 
Alston occurred while the newspapers were circulating this 
very letter of Dr. Felton in reply to General Gordon's attack 
on myself. There was never such a trial known to Georgia 
criminal courts before. Senator Gordon and Governor Col- 
quitt were subpeoned as witnesses for the State, the two men 
of all others most interested, because the victim appealed to 
Governor Colquitt, not half an hour before he was killed in 
the State Capitol, and told his excellency that Cox was pur- 
suing him to kill and it was about Senator Gordon's business 
— the sub-renting of Gordon's convicts — that Cox was pur- 
suing Alston to his death. It spoke loudly for political 
domination by these two high officials — that the State excused 
the witnesses. An attorney declared it to be incomprehensible 
— and the prisoner on trial for murder excused also these two 
dignitaries — and it was generally understood that Cox would 
have a sheltering hand as soon as these two gentlemen could 
work the trick. And they did work the trick by inducing 
Governor Stephens to pardon Cox two or three years later. 

Dr. Felton alludes to a speech made in Atlanta a short time 
before General Gordon was re-elected to the United States 
senate. I had begged him to give the General a reminder 
that night that people who lived in glass houses should not 
throw stones. He was worn down physically and disinclined 
to further strife, but he should have done so — that was the 
time and the opportunity. Hon. Henry Carlton, of Athens, 
stopped our carriage before the State House door and plead 
with him to ignore General Gordon and not discuss his doings 
that night. He said General Gordon had made a mistake in 
going to the Seventh district and he would not do so again, 
and as a friend to both parties, he implored Dr. Felton to 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 497 

pass him by. I heard it all ; I felt in my bones that it was the 
time to stand, erect and hurl defiance at a public official who 
had not only traversed the Seventh district with atrocious 
charges against Dr. Felton's character, but who had in- 
troduced a bill in congress that had caused town talk in 
Washington City, as being influenced by the Pacific Railroad 
magnates, and who kept a well known lobby under the very 
shadow of the dome of the nation's capitol. But I said no 
more, and with his forbearing spirit (which I did not possess, 
worth a cent on that occasion), Dr. Felton made a speech 
that night which was as free from animosity or unkindness 
as any I ever heard anywhere under the most favorable and 
benign influences. That a severe arraignment of Senator Gor- 
don was looked for, the mission of Dr. Henry Carlton ex- 
plained, to my mind. That it was naturally expected, I had 
no reason to doubt as an immense crowd was present, and I 
shall ever believe that every man who is unjustly assailed in 
political or social life owes it to himself to make the people 
who do it, apologize or prove their statements, and if they 
will do neither, give them what they deserve and the "best 
in your shop. ' ' 

The killing of Mr. Alston in the State Capitol not only 
stopped further censures from General Gordon, but it con- 
vinced me that Dr. Felton would be unwise to attempt a Con- 
gressional canvass in 1880 with little money and confronted 
with the famous trio — Brown, Colquitt and Gordon — in con- 
trol of the politics of the State, but he thought somebody ought 
to stand up for right and truth, etc. 

Senator Hill wrote to Dr. Felton, asking him to come to 
Atlanta, that he had a proposition to make to him in regard 
to his race for congress that year. I pondered this matter all 
day, during his absence. As I remember, I met Dr. Felton at 
the depot, late in the afternoon, and he told me what the 
proposition was that Senator Hill had authority to offer him. 
Said he, ''Simply that I shall agree to forever quit the field 
if opposition is silenced against me this year." I did not need 
to be told that he had rejected the proposition that day. If 
he had accepted the proposed terms of the leaders of Democ- 
racy, then he would be expected to silently concur with them 



498 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

in the existing race between Colquitt, Brown, Gordon, on 
one side and ex-Senator Norwood on the other, and support 
the triumvirate who were fighting for the highest offices of 
the State of Georgia — after he (Felton) had denounced the 
"bargain and sale" in public and private times without men- 
tion. As he did reject, and he went his way to his congres- 
sional race, it is unnecessary to say that his defeat might be 
predicted. From that time on I continued to plead with him 
that it was folly to attempt a race for congress with so much 
money staked out against him. But he resisted my appeal 
three times — until he was convinced of its uselessness in a 
State where both United States senators and a governor were 
championing the infamous convict lease system. 

In a published communication printed in the Working Man's 
World, an authorized interview, General Gordon positively 
denied any connection with the convict lease system. This 
denial was made in the year 1886. I searched the records and 
found he was hiring convicts, the contract reaching to the 
year 1889. 

ABSOLUTE PROOF. 



II 



JOHN B. GORDON'S STATEMENT TO THE WORKING 
WORLD UNTRUE. 



"For years I have considered the convict lease system a 
great evil, and I am in favor of doing all I can to break it up. 
Yes, sir, if I am elected I will recommend such action as will 
enable us to abolish this evil. 

"I am not interested in any convict lease, directly or in- 
directly. I was interested for a short time, but I got clear 
of that as soon as I could. 

"Some of my friends desired me to aid them in securing 
convicts, and after a great deal of persuasion, I consented to 
go on their bonds, which you can see by referring to the 
records, which I would like for you to publish. You will find 
I am not mentioned in the partnership." — Extract from the 
Workingman World's interview. 



CONTRACT 
Between John B. Gordon and Edward Cox. 
State of Georgia — County of Fulton : Whereas, John B. 
Gordon, of the county of DeKalb, State aforesaid, is one of the 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 499 

lessees of the State Penitentiary No. 2, and whereas, the said 
John B. Gordon is the owner of a plantation on Flint river, in 
Taylor county, State aforesaid, which plantation constitutes a 
branch of Penitentiary No. 2, and whereas, the said John B. 
Gordon believes that Edward Cox, of the county of Taylor, 
is a careful manager and would humanely treat the convicts 
entrusted to his care ; therefore know all men by these presents, 
that the said John B. Gordon and Edward Cox have this 
thirteenth (13th) day of August, 1878, made and entered into 
the folio v/ing agreement : The said John B. Gordon con- 
stitutes and appoints the said Edward Cox his agent to manage 
and work his plantation in the said county of Taylor and sixty 
convicts to be placed thereon, which number shall be main- 
tained during the continuance of this agency, if possible, from 
the number of hands under Gordon's control after April 1, 
1879. 

In consideration whereof the said Edward Cox agrees to 
furnish all the means necessary for the working of said plan- 
tation and for keeping the said convicts in a proper manner, 
to keep the plantation in good repair, and to treat the convicts 
humanely and kindly and to accept for his services all that 
remains of all the crops of whatever nature soever raised on 
the said plantation, after paying to the said Gordon yearly 
the amount due by the said Gordon to the State of Georgia for 
the said sixty convicts, and after turning fifty bales of cotton 
over to said Gordon, which cotton is to be an average crop lot, 
and twenty-five bales are to be turned over on the 15th day 
of November, and twenty-five on the 15th day of December 
of each year during the continuance of this agency. 

It is expressly understood that the said Gordon is to be held 
in no way liable for the money used in making said crop. The 
said Cox further agrees to indemnify the said Gordon for any 
loss he may sustain by reason of the negligence of said Cox 
in allowing convicts to escape. 

It is further agreed that this agency shall begin to run from 
the 1st day of January, 1879, and shall continue eight years 
therefrom, provided the said Cox complies in every way with 
his agreement and further complies in every way with the act 
of the legislature, 1876, leasing the convicts. 

In testimony whereof we have hereunto affixed our hands 
and seals the day and date first above mentioned. 

J. B. GORDON, (Seal.) 
EDWARD COX, (Seal.) 

Witness: R. A. Alston, W. M. Ragsdale. 

(The above is on file in the clerk's office. Supreme Court, 
Atlanta. ) 



500 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

MORE MONEY FOR GORDON. 



Another Contract for the Hire of Convicts Set Out in Full. 

State of Georgia — Fulton County : This agreement, entered 
into between John B. Gordon, of the county of DeKalb, State 
aforesaid, and Chess B. Howard, of the county of Crawford, 
State aforesaid, witnesses that for and in consideration of the 
sum of ($4,000) four thousand dollars cash in hand paid, the 
receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, and in further con- 
sideration of fifty bales of cotton, each weighing four hundred 
and fifty pounds of an average crop lot, twenty-five bales to 
be delivered on the 15th of November, and twenty-five bales 
on the 15th of December of each year, for eight years, count- 
ing the present as the first of the eight years, and in further 
consideration of the assumption of the debts incurred by the 
firm of Gordon & Cox, in running the plantation of the said 
Gordon, in Taylor county, for which said Gordon may be 
liable on the terms, and to the amount of hereinafter set forth, 
and the further consideration, that the said Howard will as- 
sume and pay whatever may hereafter become due or may now 
be due the said State of Georgia, for the use of said convicts, 
the said John B. Gordon has bargained, sold, assigned and 
transferred, and doth by these presents bargain, sell and 
transfer unto the said Chess B. Howard, his heirs and assigns, 
all his right, title and interest of whatsoever nature or kind 
in the convict lease, known as Penitentiary No. 2, and all his 
control over the convicts, by reason of his interest in the Pen- 
itentiary No. 2, and his right to enter and take possession of 
his plantation in Taylor county, and the sixty convicts there- 
on, or that were to be placed thereon by reason of any for- 
feiture of Edward Cox, his agent and manager, from a failure 
on the part of said Cox to comply with the contract made 
between the said Gordon and the said Cox, in August of the 
year last passed. The said Chess B. Howard covenants and 
agrees to pay promptly to the said Gordon the fifty bales of 
cotton a year for the next eight years, of the weight and kind 
and at the dates above mentioned, counting the present as the 
first of the eight. 

The said Howard covenants and agrees to assume the debts 
of Gordon & Cox, for which the said Gordon is liable to the 
amount of $3,000. After the property of Edward Cox, of the 
firm of Gordon & Cox, which is liable for the debts of the firm, 
has been exhausted or made to pay said debts as far as pos- 
sible — that is, the said Howard holds himself liable to pay 
$3,000 of the debts of Gordon & Cox out of his own pocket. 
If after the property of the said Edward Cox, which is liable 
for the debts of Gordon & Cox, has been applied to the pay- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 501 

ment of the same, a balance should still be due on said debts, 
it is distinctly understood and agreed that Howard shall pay 
said balance, provided it does not exceed $3,000. If the 
balance due on the debts of said firm, after the property of 
said Cox, which is liable for the debts, has been applied to- 
wards the payment of the same, should exceed $3,000 of said 
balances, the said Howard covenants and agrees to give the 
said John B. Gordon bond with good security in the sum of 
$3,000 for the faithful compliance of that part of this contract 
which relates to the payment of the debts of the firm of Gor- 
don & Cox. Said Howard further agrees to give to said John 
B. Gordon good bond and security in the sum of $18,000 to 
indemnify him for his liability to the State of Georgia, and 
Howard assumes to pay whatever is now due or may here- 
after become due to the State of Georgia for the use of said 
convicts. It is further understood and agreed between the 
parties to this agreement that should the said Chess B. 
Howard fail to comply with this agreement to pay the debts 
of the firm of Gordon & Cox and to deliver the fifty bales of 
cotton yearly to the said Gordon, then in addition to bond 
and security above mentioned, the said Howard shall forfeit 
all right to the sixty convicts for the balance of the eight 
years unexpired at the time of his failure to comply with his 
agreement, and the said Gordon shall have the right to enter 
immediately upon his plantation, to take possession of it and 
take charge of the sixty convicts and dispose of them for the 
unexpired time of eight years in any manner he lawfully can. 
At the expiration of the eight years from the 7th of January, 
1879, the convicts shall go back into the possession of the said 
Gordon. The said Howard further agrees to keep the planta- 
tion of the said Gordon in Taylor county in good repair, to 
keep up the fences and return said plantation on the 1st day 
of January, 1887, in good cultivatable condition. It is further 
distinctly understood that the said Gordon warranteth nothing 
herein conveyed except as against himself and his heirs and 
assigns. In testimony whereof we have hereunto affixed our 
hands and seals. Executed by John B. Gordon in the City of 
Washington, D. C, the 1st day of April, 1879, and executed 
by Chess B. Howard in the county and State aforesaid, April 
1879. JOHN B. GORDON, (L. S.) 

C. B. HOWARD, (L. S.) 
Howard Fincher, Jas. N. Fitzpatrick, Geo. W. Maddox, J. 
P. ; John F. Troutman. 

I charged Senator Gordon with duping the poor Confederate 
soldiers all over the South in that South Sea Bubble — the 
University Publishing scheme — and it was a Georgia congress- 



502 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

man from the county of Bibb who told us his university scrip 
was waste paper. I am also told that the General was the 
only "book agent" who ever "sharped" ex-Governor Brown 
successfully on the same line. The thing was a fraud, a fake, 
set up to catch the unwary. 

General Toombs, in the presence of others as well as myself, 
told about being visited at White Sulphur Springs, Va., by 
the General, who desired he (Toombs) should take a thousand 
dollars worth of the scrip and General Toombs told him he did 
not have the thousand dollars to spare. Whereupon the 
Georgia book agent told him he only wanted his name — he 
"needn't pay any money." What General Toombs told to us 
and what he said to General Gordon would not do to set down 
in my book of recollections. It was too crowded with ex- 
pletives ! 

The Southern Insurance Company was a more daring 
venture still, and the dupes were scattered from Baltimore to 
Texas. I have in my possession a letter-head of the insurance 
company — with the names of General Gordon as president, and 
General Colquitt, vice-president, in which the assets of the 
insurance company were printed, namely "one million five 
hundred thousand dollars." It was a genuine advertisement, 
and this sheet of office paper contained a note to myself, from 
the General, then United States senator, and signed by J. B. 
Gordon himself. When the scheme exploded, in 1876, these 
gentlemen were drawing salaries, as I was informed by Col- 
onel Alston, anywhere from $6,000 to $12,000 per annum. 

A Georgia editor who had been duped said these people 
were taking in money for policies in the forenoon and the 
newsboys were crying the extra of the explosion in the after- 
noon of the same day. But an editorial in a South Carolina 
paper, called the "Barnwell People," thus states the case: 
"The State of Georgia is now being exercised considerably by 
accusations and counter-accusations between Senator Gordon 
and Dr. Felton and wife. Gordon accuses the Feltons of 
coqueting with Radicalism — in other words, 'a black line of 
battle, officered by white faces.' The Feltons accuse Gordon 
of participating in various swindles since the war, and par- 
ticularly with that gigantic swindle called 'The Southern Life 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 503 

Insurance Company,' with which so many of our Barnwell 
citizens are, to their sorrow, too well acquainted. With regard 
to Gordon's charge against the Feltons' we have this much 
to say, that Georgia is now a battle field of warring Democ- 
racy, in which the blacks are slipped in by both factions for 
ambitious purposes, and without passing an opinion on the 
Feltons, male or female, we can only say, so far as Gordon's 
charge is concerned they are 'doing at Rome, only as Rome 
does.' 

As to the counter-charge against General Gordon, we are 
very much afraid he has got the worst of it, for we do know 
that at the very time that he and the weak-minded governor 
of Georgia, Colquitt, were lending their hitherto honored 
names to bolster up this wretched, infamous bubble, which 
impoverished so many of our people, they were well aware that 
the Augusta branch was in the hands of the notorious, un- 
scrupulous adventurer, J. H. Miller — that the officer was a 
defaulter for a year or two before the explosion, to the amount 
of $40,000 ; that the Atlanta branch held a mortgage and other 
liens upon all the assets of the Augusta branch and its renewal 
premiums : that the carriage and horses of this forger. Miller, 
by which he dazzled the eyes of the community with a fictitious 
property, were mortgaged to the Atlanta branch — and that at 
any moment the whole affair was subject to disaster. 

If General Gordon or Governor Colquitt deny this knowl- 
edge, we then charge them with a crime almost equal in moral, 
if not in legal turpitude, a crime, alas ! too common amongst 
our people, that of assuming for filthy lucre, position of grave 
trust and responsibility for which they are not rendered com- 
petent either by previous training or natural ability. On the 
other horn of the dilemma, we gore them. It is a hopeless 
task to inquire, as the News and Courier does, for a satis- 
factory explanation of this detestable crime. It will ever stand 
against them and their children as a blot upon their fair 
escutcheon. ' ' 

I will append an open letter addressed to General Gordon 
which he also saw in the public prints, and in my collection of 
clippings I could make a fair sized volume, if time or space 
permitted : 



504 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

An Open Letter to General Gordon. 

Morris Station, Ga., May 25, 1886. 

Hon. John B. Gordon: A few months ago your post office 
was New York. Your letter announcing your candidacy was 
headed "DeKalb County." This is hardly the name of a post- 
office, hence I know not where to address you, unless it be in 
care of the Constitution or of Joseph E. Brown. 

I am informed that you stated in Cuthbert that you would 
repay any man who would say that you were the cause of his 
losing money by the Southern Life Insurance Company, and 
who thought you ought to do so, all the losses he sustained by 
the company. I assure you that but for the fact that your 
name and that of Alfred H. Colquitt appeared as the managers 
or officers of that branch in which I took a policy, and that I 
deemed you entirely competent to, and that you would, pro- 
tect the interests of those whom your influence led to invest 
in the concern, I would now be better off the amount paid 
into it. My confidence in the ability and integrity of you two 
alone induced me to invest in it. Certain it is that I lost 
$1,536 in the Southern Life Insurance Company, for which I 
still hold a policy, and equally certain is it that but for my 
confidence in you and Colquitt I would not have lost it. 

About one year before the final collapse of the company I 
made an effort to get my money out of it, offering to take, 
first, 75 per cent, of the amount paid in, afterward 66 2-3 per 
cent., and finally 50 per cent. To all of these offers I received 
a positive negative reply. In connection with this request I 
forwarded a written agreement from my wife and children, 
the latter then of age, releasing all claims upon the company 
upon the refunding of one-half the money I had paid in. The 
only thing I could get was a paid-up policy for the above 
amount, I thought, as the sequel proved that the thing was 
rotten to the core, and my confidence in you was shaken. I 
have never received one cent on that policy. I am old and 
poor and need it. You are said to be rich. Whether you 
reaped any benefit from my money, I can not say. That you 
were the cause of my losing it, is certain. But for my con- 
fidence in you I would not have lost it. I took you as surety 
for the debt and feel that you owe me the money and that 
out of your abundance you ought to repay me at least a part 
of it. I do not include fifteen years interest on this amount. 
I will be more than satisfied with the principal — if I can get 
it, and will publicly acknowledge its receipt as I have publicly 
demanded it. I must say, however, that should you see fit to 
return my money it will not buy my support for you. Prac- 
tical experience and ordinary observation of your career have 
fullv convinced me that you are wholly impractical, not fitted 



il 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 505 

in any particular to look after the interests of the great State 
of Georgia. My demand is one of simple justice and not an 
offer of sale of my support for the place you seek at the hands 
of the people. , Respectfully, 

JOHN S. CALLAWAY. 

I made mention of money borrowed from a Bishop and 
General Gordon named the amount as $300. My information 
came from Hon. A. H. Stephens and his recollection made it 
many thousands. But I copy here from the letter of Mr. 
Stephens, a letter written to me from Culpepper, Va., in the 
year 1880 : 

''Culpepper C. H., Va., 26 June, 1880. 

"Dear Mrs. Felton: I have just reached here. It is now 
about 4 p. m. ; the air cool and pleasant after a great fall of 
rain at 3 p. m. I found your letter of 22d, and am much sur- 
prised at the information you give as to the Newcomb-Gordon 
arrangement. I never heard anything of the sort before, but 
murder will out, and the truth will get out after awhile I 
expect. I always thought there was a very big pile of money 
at the bottom of it somewhere, but did not know where. Be- 
fore receiving your letter I discovered in looking through my 
scrap books that I had copies of the papers referred to, and 
from what I understand to be the bottom facts — I confess I 
am utterly amazed at rereading General Gordon's statement 
in denial of what you said about his use or misuse of Bishop 
Wilmer's money. I do wish that Dr. Felton had probed into 
the matter and brought out the truth of the case. As I under- 
stand from one who ought to know, but one whose name I am 
not authorized to use in connection with this subject, General 
Gordon solicited and obtained from Bishop Wilmer, soon after 
the war, between $5,000 and $10,000 — the exact amount be- 
lieved to be six thousand dollars. This sum was lent to him 
on no security whatever but his own individual note. It was 
put in the Brunswick speculation" (The saw-mills, where Gen- 
eral Gordon, as I was told and published the fact, had soaked 
up somewhere about $100,000 for George Shorter, who, in 
despair, took his own life). "Subsequently General Gordon 
secured it, as was represented, by perfectly good stocks in a 
coal mine, but on which the legal representative of the Bishop 
received about 1 cent on the dollar. These, I think, are the 



506 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

bottom facts, or substantially so. Gordon's words, as you see, 
are peculiar. He is positively explicit in saying that he never 
owed or borrowed from any Bishop, North or South, except 
from a holy man, then dead, and then goes on to say that the 
holy man loaned him or handed him, unsolicited, about $300, 
which he had either secured at par stock, or was ready to do 
it. You will notice that he does not say that he did not 
borrow other moneys than that $300 from that holy man. He 
is very positive he did not borrow from any Bishop except this 
holy man — and states that he received about $300 from him. 
If he received other funds from him, he does not say he repaid 
that, or was ready to pay, etc. This thing should be probed 
and brought out as a matter of veracity. He is now going 
about in the State defending his character, and the papers are 
lauding him as spotless and pure, when if the facts in this 
ease, as I understand them, his statement is nothing but an 
unmitigated falsehood," etc., etc. 

(Signed) "A. H. S." 

I might have a good deal to say about a sheep ranch that 
Mr. Stephens jollied him about, in Washington and in the 
newspapers, where somebody adventured $8,000 and as usual 
it went glimmering, but I am now going to prove the Jay 
Gould and Huntington matter, and I shall say nothing and 
use no publication save those that General Gordon saw in 
print, during the Bacon-Gordon campaign, and which he 
failed to deny as any honest, patriotic senator would stand 
up to deny and hurl "falsehood" in the face of the "defamer. " 
"When Senator Gordon went into print to charge me with 
getting Radical money from the Republican campaign com- 
mittee to elect my husband, the story of Huntington's tell tale 
letters had not been published, but I was reliably informed 
that he was working for Huntington in the senate, and I 
charged him with it in an article written for the Columbus 
Enquirer-Sun, in the mid-summer of 1878, while the Lester 
campaign was going on. He came into our own county to 
defame Dr. Felton, and "the boys" pelted him with squibs 
about Huntington. It was known that he was antagonizing 
the Thurman funding bill, with a bill that no Southern Demo- 
crat with clean hands could understand. Hon. Allen Thurman 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 507 

complained to a Georgia congressman, and said he had about 
lost faith in some Southern senators. I hunted up the bill 
and read it aloud to Mr. Stephens, and he lost faith in some 
Southern men — because Senator John B. Gordon introduced 
for the Pacific Railroads, on the 12th of January, 1877, this 
bill which would have forever robbed the government of a 
very large portion of their legal obligations to the people of 
the United States. If you will examine a previous chapter on 
the Pacific Lobby you will see that Mr. Huntington claims 
Senator Gordon as "his man," and this bill as "his bill." 
Five days after, on January 17th, Huntington writes to Colton, 
he thinks he "can pass our sinking fund bill," with $200,000. 
That amount was to be applied to senators first, and congress- 
men next. How applied, it is unnecessary to explain. On 
March 7th Huntington writes to Colton, "My bill did not pass 
($200,000 being insufficient), but it is in better shape than ever 
before." Why? Because this corrupter of public men says 
he "spent two whole days in fixing up the railroad committee 
of the senate." Who did he place on the senate committee, 
among others? Simply the Georgia senator who introduced 
"his bill." The most natural thing to happen. I have not 
time to discuss the ethics of this corruption in that era of our 
history. These railroad magnates not only elected their men 
at home, but placed them on committees when they served as 
legislators in the National Capitol. In the face of this fearful 
statement made by Huntington to his partner, Colton, General 
Gordon went into print, in Georgia, to say "there were no 
insinuations against myself." Of course, plain facts were not 
to be ranked with insinuations. They were the thing itself, 
not the shell to it. The facts were the cream, and insinuations 
were only the froth, or sour whey. To clinch it harder, Hunt- 
ington said his committee had been tampered with after he 
fixed it, and Gordon, his man, was "taken off" and Bogy, of 
Missouri, put on. The evidence is indisputable. Huntington 
owned his man, Gordon, and the presumption is he paid out 
lobby money to get him! Huntington writes again to "Friend 
Colton," he is "urging Senator Gordon to get up a party of 
Southern men to go over his road to California," and such a 
trip "will cost the railroad company $10,000, but it will be 



508 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

money well expended. ' ' Not content with buying this Georgia 
"soldier, always to let," he was to be used as a decoy duck 
to snare other Southern men into the toils of Huntington and 
company. Friend Colton is also applauded for his zeal in 
getting so many names signed to the request for Senator Gor- 
don and friends to go to California in so short a time. What 
an easy and plausible scheme ! How smooth on the outside ; 
how devilish on the inside ! But somewhere the alarm had 
been whispered around. Gordon had ticketed his trade on his 
back when he introduced Huntington's bill, and Huntington 
further states, "Gordon and others were not afraid to go, but 
some dislike to go on an invitation from the railroad." Is 
there no word of insinuation in this statement? The senator's 
newspaper down in Georgia made free to declare that a 
"dozen corporations were ready to employ the General," but 
the intimation given by Huntington in this correspondence is 
that "the longest pole knocked down the persimmon." 

That General Gordon was Huntington's man is proven be- 
yond the shadow of a doubt, and Huntington's words em- 
phatically prove the truth of the charge I made. Not only did 
the General, also ex-Senator Gordon, deny this charge, as he 
did his interest in the convict lease, but he pronounced it 
"slander." 

In the year 1886 he made a public speech at Dublin, Laurens 
county, Georgia, in which he charged my husband with the 
same crime of bribery as a congressman from Georgia. I will 
copy here my husband's reply to General Gordon, written from 

"Near Cartersville, Ga., June 25, 1886. 
"Editors of Telegraph: I read this morning The Telegraph's 
report of General Gordon's speech at Dublin, Laurens county, 
after my return from Dalton. If he is correctly reported, he 
has told the people of Dublin a falsehood, equal in cupidity 
and cowardice to his denial of his connection with the con- 
vict lease, which has been proven to be a wilful, knowing false- 
hood by the records of the supreme court and his own signed 
and witnessed contracts, both with Edward Cox and C. B. 
Howard, already printed in The Telegraph. I ask you to copy 
your report of that part of his speech in which he used my 
name, although the falsehood here set forth degrades him even 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 509 

below decent respect. "Huntington and Scott wanted the 
right of way to build the Pacific road. Scott wanted that and 
more. He wanted the government to endorse $50,000,000 of 

his private corporation bonds. One proposed to build the road 
for nothing — the other asked a possible tax and the certain 
guarantees of interest by the government on fifty millions of 
his private company's bonds. The man who has been uttering 
slanders about me in this matter is W. H. Felton, who, in that 
contest, was on Scott's side and I was fighting it. W. H. 
Felton was the defendant of that fifty million dollar lobby 
scheme, and I led the attacks on it that the road might h& 
built without a dollar of tax. ' ' 

If General Gordon used those words, as here copied from 
your paper, he is not only "hollow-headed, deceitful, unprin- 
cipled, dishonorable and unreliable in every way," to use Mr. 
Stephens' language of General Gordon, but he is also a 
gigantic liar and the truth is not in him." (I will here in- 
terrupt to say that Hon. A. H. Stephens thus expressed him- 
self in a letter written to me from "Liberty Hall," and dated 
September 14, 1880." The letter lies before me today (Feb. 
20, 1911) as I write these lines.) 

"I defy him to show a single line in the Congressional 
Record, or any other document of congress, where I defended 
any scheme of Tom Scott or any other lobby scheme whatever. 
I defy him to show a speech or a vote to prove I was on Tom 
Scott's side, or Huntington's side, or Jay Gould's side, or 
any other corruptionist 's side. I defy him to show any 
'contest' where I defended, by speech or vote, any lobby 
scheme, where he led an 'attack' on it. I did vote for the 
Thurman funding bill, in company with every member of the 
house of representatives from Georgia and every voting mem- 
ber of the whole house but two ; one of those was Ben Butler, 
of Massachusetts, and the other Mr. Lynde, of Wisconsin, both 
said to be attorneys of the road. I did vote with the tax- 
payers in the house, while J. B. Gordon voted with Hunting- 
ton and the railroads in the senate, but that vote in the house 
and senate had nothing whatever to do with building a rail- 
road for Scott, or with endorsing fifty millions of bonds to 
help Scott. I did not have an opportunity to vote on the bill 



510 IMy Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

introduced by General Gordon in the senate, which Hunting- 
ton called his ' ' bill, ' ' and which he thought he could pass with 
$200,000. It was killed in the senate, slaughtered before the 
eyes of Huntington's "man," alias John B. Gordon, by the 
patriotism of Senators Cockrell and Wallace, Democrats, and 
Senator Sherman, Republican. If it had lived long enough to 
reach the house, I would have voted against it as I have no 
doubt would have been done by every other member from 
Georgia. It was a despicable bill, born of monopoly and 
pressed by the "infernal force" of Huntington's gold. I 
should have defended the tax-payers to the best of my ability 
from that $200,000 used by Huntington to press General Gor- 
don's bill through the senate and house, and that bill had 
no more to do with building Tom Scott's railroad or Tom 
Scott's lobby scheme, than Gladstone's present bill before the 
people of Great Britain now has with General Gordon's can- 
didacy. General Gordon was obliged to know that this false 
hood would be exposed. He was obliged to know he would be 
proven a liar, from the official records, yet he brazenly at- 
tempts this filthy falsehood among a people who were not 
prepared with official records to show the desperation and 
shameless efforts. General Gordon is gifted in such men- 
dacious exploits. He can tell the most unwarrantable false- 
hoods in face of the evidence that I have ever known as 
human being to concoct and propagate. 

The only speech I ever listened to in congress on the Texas 
Pacific Railroad was made by Congressman Otho Singleton, of 
Mississippi ; the only congressional speech I ever read on the 
subject was made by L. Q. C. Lamar in the senate. Does 
General Gordon pretend to say these gentlemen were defend- 
ing "Tom Scott's lobby scheme, while he was attacking it?" 
To their honor be it said, both these gentlemen voted against 
General Gordon on the Thurman funding bill, and they hon- 
ored Mississippi by their vote. 

Hon. A. H. Stephens was pronounced in favor of the Texas 
Pacific Railroad. He affirmed, time and again, that the South 
should have a competing road with those giant monopolies 
built up in the North and West, built by government money 
lavished upon them without stint. Had this bill advocated by 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 511 

Lamar, Stephens, Randall Gibson, and Garland ever reached 
the house of representatives, where I had a vote, I should 
certainly have been more inclined to help the war-devastated 
South, rather than continue to pour into Huntington's cotfers 
the bounty of the government, which had been heaped upon 
him without measure. So would any other Southern man who 
had an eye to the prosperity of the South, rather than to 
Huntington's corrupting gold. Huntington says he paid men 
to go through the South to defeat this Southern railroad, just 
as Huntington paid men in the senate to defeat it. Today that 
railroad which should have been a Southern road, controlled 
by Southern men (of which Gov. J. E. Brown was elected a 
director in Philadelphia) is now only a branch of Huntington's 
great California monopoly and John B. Gordon now says he 
did it. The profits rightfully belonging to the South have been 
directed into the coffers of a railroad magnate who used his 
money on congressmen and senators to prevent any com- 
petition with his railroad system. I ask the readers of the 
Telegraph which of these men was most trustworthy? I ask 
them to consider this matter before Gordon is placed in control 
of Georgia's finances. 

I authorize the Telegraph to say to General Gordon that I 
bring proof to establish every charge made by myself against 
him — proof from official documents and Huntington's letters, 
the truth of which he does not deny. 

In reviewing General Gordon's course and his utterances 
since he was imported from Wall Street, New York, to be- 
come the candidate of a clique for the governorship of Georgia, 
it is the bounden duty of the citizens of the State to examine 
into his qualifications for this position. 

Governor Brown found an enormous weight of political 
guilt resting on his shoulders when he traded with Foster and 
Stanley Matthews, to do something not yet fully revealed. 
I find an enormous weight of political infamy resting on his 
shoulders when he became Huntington's "man" in the United 
States senate to betray the tax-payers of this country. I find 
an enormous weight of political trickery and infamy resting 
on his shoulders, when sworn testimony develops the methods 
by which he secured control of Georgia's convicts for twenty 



512 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

years to the injury of the tax-payers and the free labor of this 
State. I shall tell the people of Georgia he is unsafe, un- 
worthy and unreliable, so long as these attested facts stand 
out as they do to his shame and discredit. His success at this 
time would lower the standard of political rectitude, and place 
a premium on political treachery and official unfaithfulness, 
which, in my opinion, would do more to debauch the young 
men of the State than anything which has occurred in history. 
His brilliant war record, -like that of Marlborough, has been 
trailed in the dust to fill his pockets with gold. 

Respectfully, W. H. FELTON. 

FELTON'S FACTS. 



A VIGOROUS REPLY TO THE CONSTITUTION'S CHARGE 

OF SLANDER. 



The Doctor Reiterates His Charge Against General Gordon and 

Forcibly Reminds the Ring Organ That Telling 

"Truth Is Not Slander." 



Near Cartersville, Ga., June 7. 

Editors Constitution: I was surprised on reading yester- 
day 's Constitution to find you had resolved to attack me before 
you even allowed your readers to examine into my statements, 
which you denominate slander. 

You make an unqualified charge, and if you are correct I 
should be punishable under the law. If you are not correct, 
you have slandered me. I demand a hearing in the same 
columns in which the attack appeared. The issue is now 
between you and myself. General Gordon has deliberately 
ignored the plain, unvarnished charges against his political 
character. He endeavors to silence criticism by calling them 
slanders, although he knows he cannot answer and confesses 
guilt by silence. But it is different with you. You and I are 
responsible to the public, and if you have spoken the truth, I 
deserve condemnation. If I have spoken the truth, you 
owe me proper amends. I have no fear of the result, and you 
cannot deprive me of a hearing in your columns without plac- 
ing yourself in the attitude of a malicious and unjust partisan, 
upon whose head such injustice must recoil. 

I would remind you that Mr. Hill is dead. You and 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 513 

General Gordon have dragged his name into this canvass when 
he is not alive to reply for himself. My newspaper controversy 
with Mr. Hill was settled up in his lifetime ; I suppose satis- 
factorily to himself, as he made no reply to my last letter on 
the subject. You are incorrect in saying I assaulted him when 
he was sick. I have Mr. Grady's interview with Mr. Hill be- 
fore me, in which he is authorized to say for ]\Ir. Hill that he 
was in the finest health and spirits, and determined to attack 
me all over Georgia as endeavoring to "Africanize the State." 
I defended myself promptly from the assult which Hon. A. H. 
Stephens denominated as a most unwise and unjust charge. 
These are facts, and it is late in the day for you to rise up and 
defend Mr. Hill, where he declined to defend himself either in 
person or by proxy. 

You are incorrect in saying I pursued his good name with 
hatred or revenge. When his son, Charles Hill, was a candi- 
date before the legislature for his present office, my vote and 
influence would have defeated him, yet I cast it for him. His 
brother thanked me on the spot, and gave expression to some 
kind feelings unnecessary to mention. 

Remember Mr. Hill is dead. General Gordon used his monu- 
ment and the exercises at which Mr. Davis was present for an 
unholy purpose, and I am well enough acquainted with Mr. 
Hill's opinion of General Gordon, in years gone by, to say he 
would have been indignant at the efi'ort of General Gordon as 
was Mr. Davis when he became fully acquainted with the 
methods employed by General Gordon's friends in this cam- 
paign, when he was informed of their extent and the purpose 
for which his visit to Georgia was used by them. Nothing 
escapes General Gordon, however. He appeared as chief 
mourner at Mr. Stephens' funeral, when the latter wrote as 
late as September, 1880, that General Gordon was "hollow- 
headed, deceitful, unprincipled, dishonorable and unreliable in 
every way." I have the letter. 

He appeared at General Grant's funeral as chief mourner, 
with the infamous Belmont coal mine swindle still hanging 
over him and a matter of open discussion in the courts of New 
York City. You cannot wonder, then, that he is now ready to 
ride into some office on Mr. Hill's fame, although Mr. Hill 
himself informed me of the slanderous letters on his private 
character written by General Gordon to members of the 
legislature to defeat Mr. Hill for the senate. Mr. Grady ha*s 
not forgotten his own denunciation of General Gordon upon 
this matter, which occurred in "Washington directly after Mr. 
Hill's election, and which words were noted at the time by 
other persons as well as myself. 

When you go behind dead men to attack me, I can give you 
a Roland for every Oliver, but you shall always be the first 



514 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

to inaugurate such a fight, and I charge you again to remem- 
ber that Mr. Hill is dead. 

Now for General Gordon. 

As to General Gordon, I have made no statement without 
the proof. That you may be able to defend him if you can, 
since he fails to defend himself, I will restate the charges here, 
and unless you can successfully refute them, you will stand 
convicted before the people of the offense charged by you upon 
myself. 

I have charged, and shall continue to charge, that General 
Gordon introduced a bill into the forty-fourth congress on the 
13th of January, 1877, to antagonize the Thurman funding bill, 
which bill he advocated in a speech before the senate. 

I charge that C. P. Huntington, president of the Central 
Pacific Railroad, called that bill introduced by Gordon "our 
bill," and Avrote to Colton, his California partner, that he could 
pass that bill with $200,000. He did not pass it, thank God! 

He wrote to Colton two days after the forty-fifth congress 
convened, on March 7, 1877, that his bill was in better shape 
to pass than ever before, as he stayed two days in Washington 
fixing up the senate committee on railroads. On the 10th of 
March he wrote to Colton that "Tom Scott had succeeded in 
putting one of his men off and in putting one of Scott's men 
on. Gordon, of Georgia, was put oft' and Bogy, of Missouri, 
was put on." 

I charge General Gordon with being Huntington's "man," 
because he introduced Huntington's bill, and because Hunt- 
ington calls him "his man" — and General Gordon does not 
deny it. 

Truth is not slander, Mr. Editor, and the truth has been 
told if the Congressional Record and C. P. Huntington are to 
be believed. 

I charge General Gordon with endeavoring to decoy thirty 
Southern congressmen into the toils of Huntington, Avho said 
that trip would cost the railroad $10,000. 

I charge General Gordon with voting against the Thurman 
funding bill, when every member of the house of representa- 
tives voted for it, but Ben Butler and Mr. Lynde, of Wiscon- 
sin. S. S. Cox, in a speech that day, said the railroad kings 
boasted "out best senators have their price." 

Colonel Printup and Judge Underwood told me General 
Gordon was denounced in a hotel dining-room as a man who 
had been bought by the railroads, with the price stated, while 
they were visiting Washington in the spring of 3878. Ask 
them if these things were not so discussed in their hearing at 
that time. 

I charge General Gordon with endeavoring to trade with 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 515 

Stanley Mathews and Charles Foster after Hayes and Tilden's 
canvass for the presidency was closed. The letters written by 
those gentlemen to General Gordon and John Young Brown 
were published in the Constitution by authority of Senator 
Joseph E. Brown in the year 1877. Governor Brown derided 
General Gordon ; he held him up to public scorn, and he proved 
as true what General Gordon then called a slander, just as I 
have proved to be true, what you now call slander. 

I charge General Gordon with being a convict lessee, on the 
original contract bond, responsible now to the State, and as 
the man who signed a contract with Edward Cox, Gordon to 
furnish sixty convicts for eight years, for which he was to 
receive fifty bales of cotton as rental. I refer to supreme court 
records for the proof. His statement to the Working World 
that his name was "never mentioned in the partnership," I 
prove to be unqualifiedly false, by the same authority. 

Truth is not slander, Mr. Editor. 

I charge General Gordon with having left the United States 
Senate, as he has said, to accept $14,000 annually, as general 
counsel for Victor Newcomb, who, at that time, was ordering 
Governor Brown to charge every man who received goods that 
were transported by the Western and Atlantic Railroad three 
cents per hundred pounds extra, if those goods were shipped 
from Cincinnati, I charge General Gordon with being in the 
employ of Victor Newcomb, whose effort was to control the 
lease shares of the State road, in his own interest, in open de- 
fiance of the lease law — and while Victor Newcomb was thus 
seeking to defeat the will of the people of Georgia, and to con- 
trol the State road, John B. Gordon was doing some work for 
Victor Newcomb, for which Gordon was to receive twice the 
salary that the lessees of the State road pay to Governor 
Brown. Now I demand proof in refutation of these charges, 
from the Constitution, which has entered the fight, and de- 
nounced me as a slanderer. Respectfully, 

W. H. FELTON. 



How Did Gen. Gordon Get the 
Convicts? 



Let me go back and review this convict lease matter — a 
system that became an intolerable stench in the public nostrils, 
and which was 'narated" in London journals as the darkest 
blot on the civilization of the nineteenth century. The lease 
under which Gen. Gordon and his associates acquired posses- 
sion of these miserable slaves was made on June 21, 1876, by 
an executive order signed by Gov. J. M. Smith. Gordon's 
Company (and the general was the active spokesman of his 
company if Smith spoke truly), offered $425,000 for them all 
about 1,200 at that time. The number runs high into the 
thousands now. They were to pay for these slaves in instal- 
ments annually during twenty years. Gov. Smith did not ac- 
cept the bid, but divided out the convicts between three com- 
panies; and they were to pay a total of $25,000 per year with 
all expenses of guarding, delivering, chaplains, etc., to be paid 
by the State. The old lease had three years to run when this 
new lease was made. The old lessees had absolute control 
until April 1, 1879. Gen. Gordon's Company could not get a 
single negro slave alias convict until the old lease expired. 
Then the trickery came into play. All at once it appeared 
that the new lease law was in force, and Gordon & Co. were 
in possession of a large number of the convicts. How did they 
trick the law? Listen: Mr. Lockett and Mr. Lowe, of Gor- 
don's Company, put pressure on Gov. Smith, whose term as 
governor expired January, 1877, and who was a candidate for 
the United States Senate at the same time. Governor Smith 
wanted "influence," and the lessees wanted the convicts. 
Unless some convict camps were abolished by reason of ill 
doing or illegality there was no chance to get one legally for 
Senator Gordon, Colquitt & Co. But General Phillips, who 
had been the political pet of Gov. Brown from time immemo- 
rial, was a holder of State convicts which convicts he was 
given to build the Marietta and North Georgia road (in de- 
fiance of Constitutional law, which forbade State aid to rail- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 517 

roads and who hired out these convicts to anybody who would 
pay him for them), was persuaded to throw up some convicts, 
and the governor would then turn them over to the new com- 
pany — Gordon's Company and then would have what they 
wanted. 

Gen. Phillips resisted. He wanted all these slaves — all he 
could get — but the lessees gave Phillips a written obligation 
that if he would perform in the secret trick, and allow Gor 
don's Company to come in along with the Dade Coal Company 
in 1876 instead of waiting to 1879, then he should "not be 
hurt." Gen. Phillips consented to perform as trick manager, 
and accordingly he refused to accept four of these miserable 
creatures then incarcerated in Fulton county jail, and which 
were never in his possession. "Whereupon Gov. James Milton 
Smith, himself privy and party to the trick, issued an execu- 
tive order dated December 21, 1876, and by this order he turn- 
ed over all the State's convicts to the new lessees that Gordon's 
Company might get in immediately and begin to draw immense 
profits for which they paid not one penny as a starter. Ex- 
Gov. Brown was guaranteed 300 long-term, able-bodied slaves 
not only for twenty years, but twenty-three years. Gen. Gor- 
don's Company and the State House Company, headed by the 
all-powerful "Clerk Murphy," composed the other two lease 
companies a close co-operation. 

Remember the ' ' trick was performed in secret, and the secret 
did not leak until the tricksters fell out among themselves, 
and while honest men did not get their rights," according to 
the old saw, honest men were ashamed and mortified to know 
that United States Senator Gordon and the acting Governor 
Smith and the Governor-elect Colquitt and an Ex-Gov. Brown 
were caught juggling in Fulton county jail over four misera- 
ble, degraded convicts, to enter into and manipulate a convict 
lease which run for twenty-three years instead of twenty, and 
every year was an added disgrace to the good name of the 
State and the prison camps were "epitomized hells" of cruelty 
and inhumanity. 

I could fill a volume of 600 pages with the enormities of 
this crime and its perpetrators. It poured in millions of clean 
profit to the bank accounts of these men entrenched in the 



518 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

highest offices in the State of Georgia, and they were so full 
and saucy that they named the successful politicians all over 
the State. Every few years these convict lessees were com- 
pelled to pay out big money when legislative investigations 
were ordered, and despite the fact that the atrocities were 
proven, the worst things complained of were found to be 
mildly presented, these all-powerful convict lessees (like Hunt- 
ington; paid their "kept organs," their corrupt legislators, 
their subservient judges and obedient solicitors with either 
political positions or plain cash until the evil was well-nigh 
impregnable. 

Alston lost his life because he prepared a report in which 
some of the prison camp atrocities were set down after the 
penitentiary committee had examined these places of torture 
as well as indecency, and because his committee reported 
twenty-five little bastard children, under three years of age, 
born of prisoned convict women and lustful guards in the win- 
ter of 1878-79. 

I will copy here an editorial from a North Georgia paper, 
printed in 1880 (at a time when Gordon was kind enough to 
turn over his seat in the Senate obligingly to Gov. Brown, and 
both were convict lessees, and Governor Colquitt made the 
appointment to cover the exchange) concerning the State's 
profit from its immense number of State's convicts. 

"Gordon, Brown & Co., penitentiary lessees, only paid the 
State this year $22,061.40 for the hire of 1,200 convicts, really 
slaves. Of this amount it took all but two thousand dollars 
to pay for guards — the keeper, the chaplain and physicians. 
We have not heard what went with the left-over $2,000. One 
escape only was paid for. "We hear that all escapes are report- 
ed as dead to escape the fine of $500 per escape. No. 1. Gov. 
Brown's Company turned in $6,464.28; Gordon's Company, 
Lowe, Lockett, et al., turned in $7,991.81, and the State House 
crowd; Renfro and Murphy, turned in $7,593.96. The State 
of Georgia furnished slaves to its political masters, who get 
them cheap as dirt, and yet the whole amount has been ab- 
sorbed by Nelms & Co., except $2,000, and the taxpayers sweat 
in the corn field to raise the money to pay judges, solicitors 
and other officials who convict these slaves and provide mil- 
lions for the lessees." 

The inhumanity was so dark and degrading that it beggars 
description. As I stated that the Democratic Congressional 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 519 

Committee paid money to Holtzelaw's campaign in the seventh 
congressional district to aid Lester and defeat Felton, I like 
to furnish my proof in small undertakings as well as greater 
ones. 

There was sent to me during the Lester-Felton campaign a 
copy of the Indianapolis Journal bearing date October 24, 
1878. The marked article was headed thus: The Democrats 
buying up cheap Republicans in Northern Georgia to oppose 
Felton for Congress. 

"It has leaked out that the Congressional Campaign Com- 
mittee of the National Democracy has been furnishing money 
to certain obscure Republicans in Northern Georgia to aid 
them in making a diversion in opposition to the re-election of 
Congressman Felton, Independent Democrat. 

"Perhaps it is the first time on record when Democrats have 
furnished money to aid the canvass of a Republican, but as 
Felton has always received the Republican vote in his district, 
they hope to defeat his re-election by furnishing means to os- 
tensibly aid the election of one Iloltzclaw, a self-appointed 
candidate, who is thus aiding the election of Lester, the regu- 
lar Democratic nominee in the seventh district." 

It was not the "first time" by many! 

And Iloltzclaw 's party delivered the goods as per contract 
and in fourteen large populous counties composing the seventh 
district, this candidate who carried the pirate flag of the Re- 
publican party and was drawing pay from the National Demo- 
cratic Congressional Committee, actually received two votes in 
the election, the balance voted for George N. Lester and John 
B. Gordon was the leader of this movement. In the general's 
reply to my letter in 1879, he said Dr. Felton had been elected 
by "repeating negro votes." I have the proof written by his 
henchman, Henry W. Grady, in the Atlanta Constitution that 
John B. Gordon, in a speech made for Lester in our own town 
of Cartersville, called on the negroes in the audience to rise 
up and pledge their votes then and there for Lester. He blew 
hot and cold from the same mouth, this "man" of Hunting- 
ton! 

The entire campaign, organized by Gen. Gordon to aid Judge 
Lester, was set forth on the very lowest plane of ward Democ- 
racy, a condition in Georgia that made self-government a 
crime. The weak were brought to the front, and the strong 



520 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

sent to the rear. There was no principle, no progress, nothing 
but a rebel war cry and the shaking of Judge Lester's empty 
sleeve by Gordon, by this "Swiss soldier always to let." W. 
H, Barnum, the head of the National Democratic Committee, 
has been quoted as saying he kept peace in national congres- 
sional campaigns in his own peculiar way. "The way to keep 
a happy family," said he, "and put the snake on good terms 
with the dove, and the cat with the mouse in the same cage, 
is to keep them well fed." The money disbursed by the Na- 
tional Congressional Committee was applied to this base pur- 
pose in the seventh congressional campaign of 1878, to defeat 
an honest Independent Democrat, led by a man who was em- 
ployed by Huntington, owned by Huntington, and who voted 
in the same year (1878) to defeat the taxpayers of these United 
States, and to swell his employer's profits from his unholy 
Pacific Railroad monopoly ! 

Judge Lester was employed as a lobbyist by Ex-Gov. Joseph 
E. Brown to prevent an investigation of the State road lease 
I^ in the year 1872, and Ex-Gov. Brown paid him one thousand 
dollars for this service, and furnished Judge Lester's receipt 
for the money, and Ex-Gov. Brown used the word, "lobbying." 
Senator John B. Gordon became the "man" of Collis P. Hunt- 
ington previous to January 12, 1877, at which time Hunting- 
ton thought $200,000 would be sufficient to pass Gordon's bill, 
which was Huntington's "bill," through Congress. Hunting- 
ton, himself being witness to his ownership of Gordon, and 
the uses to which he aimed to apply him ! 

"Why should not such worthies all flock together? The dove 
and the snake, the mouse and the cat "all in the same cage!" 

In the year 1879 an investigation was ordered by the Na- 
tional House of Representatives and $10,000 appropriated to 
to pay for it, to examine into the cipher of dispatches, which 
passed and repassed in the Hayes-Tilden campaign. Manton 
Marble was put on the stand February 7th in New York City. 
He went to Florida to look after the electoral vote. He did 
not go at the request of anyone. He received a cipher from 
Nephew Pelton at the Everett House, and addressed all his 
own telegrams to Pelton. He was very obscure in his testi- 
mony about the telegrams he sent to Senator Gordon, and 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 521 

Gordon, as usual, denied the whole business. Marble said he 
did not buy the Florida electoral vote, "but it was for sale." 
A number of ciphers were used with Gordon's cipher name at 
the bottom, but he knew nothing about any of them. These 
cipher telegrams were captured from a Senate committee 
room, and there were nearly 30,000 of them. They lay in Sena- 
tor Morton's committee room and under lock and key, but 
Gen. Gordon's faithful servitor in the Macon Telegraph said 
it was a trick by which the "dirty Radicals profited." But 
there was no explanation given of the trick in South Caro- 
lina, where two Democrats "profited," namely. Gen. Wade 
Hampton for governor, elected along with Hayes, and M. C. 
Butler, who went into the United States Senate, along with 
William C. Kellogg, who won his seat with Democratic Gov- 
ernor Nicholls in the State of Louisiana. A neater trick was 
never turned by any professional gambler in Monte Carlo. 
Superserviceable Reese, in the Macon Telegraph, informed 
his readers at home that Senator Gordon felt alarmed, 
"not understanding the usages of telegraph companies, lest 
some damaging plot has been laid to injure him." The ciphers 
sent to Pelton from South Carolina were closely traced to 
General Gordon. He was, as I was told, known as "Pope," 
and the last frantic telegram sent to Nephew Pelton, in Balti- 
more, where $5,000 was ordered "to be sent to Haskell" (who 
was Wade Hampton's son-in-law), was signed "Pope." 

General Mart Gary, of Edgefield, S. C, in an interview 
given to the New York Herald, bearing date of December 5, 
1879, declares most positively that Governor Tilden was be- 
trayed by Southern leaders. He declared that Hampton told 
him (Gary) that he desired to withdraw the Tilden electors 
in the campaign of 1876. Hampton also said to Cooke and 
Mackay, Radicals, "if you elect me governor, I don't care who 
you elect for President." It was nothing more or less than 
an offer to surrender the electoral vote of South Carolina to 
Hayes, to secure the governorship to Wade Hampton. There 
can be no doubt that the trade with Hampton was made at 
the time that Hayes was given the electoral vote of South 
Carolina in November, 1876. When John Young Brown, of 
Kentucky, and John B. Gordon, of Georgia, dickered with 



522 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Chas. Foster and Stanley Matthews after the election and 
after Hayes was inaugurated it was only "feeding time with 
the snake and the dove and the cat and the mouse, for all were 
in the same cage." They had been in alliance for several 
months and were only finding an outlet or a clever pretense 
to notify the public. 

At the time that Stanley Matthews was fighting Hunting- 
ton's battles in the Senate and John B. Gordon was intro- 
ducing Huntington's sinking fund bill January 12, 1877, the 
transfer of Tilden's electoral vote in South Carolina had al- 
ready been accomplished, so testifies Gen. Mart Gary. Mat- 
thews and Gordon were not strangers to one another in the 
winter of 1876-77. Both belonged to the same monopolist, and 
nothing could be easier than an after dinner arrangement, 
where Matthews and Gordon could appear before President 
Hayes and issue a notice that the President had agreed with 
these worthies about removing troops from South Carolina! 
It was the political crime of the century! It will ever stand 
as a crime, an outrage on the principles of free government 
and against a free people. 

This outrage induced Ex-Gov. J. E. Brown to appear in 
the Atlanta Constitution on April 15, 1877, and he did there 
and then excoriate the Senator from Georgia in these words: 
"They would see Tilden, the Democratic candidate, who was 
fairly elected and whose first official act would have been the 
removal of the troops from the two States mentioned (South 
Carolina and Louisiana), fraudulently counted out, and see 
Hayes, who was not elected, fraudulently counted in and the 
administration of the government taken out of the hands of 
the Democracy and placed in the hands of the Republicans 
for four years, rather than risk revolution. But they virtually 
declared that they were ready to take the chances of revolu- 
tion if they failed to get a pledge for the removal of the troops. 
This is the clear purport of the case if it means anything and 
upon this basis the bargain was consummated and Tilden was 
sold out." * * * Gov. Brown quoted at length from the 
published letters of John Young Brown to show who were the 
people who were trading and combining on the question of 
getting troops removed from South Carolina and Louisiana. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 523 

He said "these quotations show conclusively that while Brown 
did most of the talking, Gordon was present by previous ar- 
rangement, and a party to the whole transaction." Hon. John 
Young Brown wrote to an old friend in Cartersville, a former 
neighbor of Brown's in Kentucky, and I saw the letter and Dr. 
Felton used it time and again on the stump, in which Brown, 
of Kentucky, expressed great surprise that Gen. Gordon had 
denied his participation as to the visits and correspondence be- 
tween Foster and Matthews and reiterated the statement that 
Gordon was there and assenting to every word he (Brown) 
had said of the whole matter. But the Senator from Georgia 
wrote to Hon. Joel Abbott Billups, of Madison, Ga., the fol- 
lowing open letter dated April 14, 1877 : 

"The charge that I made any bargain of any sort, or had 
any understanding of any character with Foster whom I saw 
or with Matthews, whom I did not see until after the inaugu- 
ration, looking either to the presidential count, or to the ac- 
tion of any Democrat in reference to future organization of 
house or parties, is basely false in every syllable and in every 
sense. I did not then have, nor have I since had, one word of 
conversation with either of these gentlemen, nor with anybody 
else looking to any political compromise with either of these 
gentlemen, nor with anybody else looking to any political ar- 
rangements of any description whatever." 

John Young Brown as emphatically declared that he went 
with Gen. Gordon in search of Hon. Charles Foster and found 
him and no one else was present but Foster, Brown and Gor- 
don. "His reply was satisfactory to my friend. Gen. (Jordon, 
and myself." John Young Brown produced and published a 
letter addressed to "Hon. J. Y. Brown and J. B. Gordon," 
dated February 26, 1877, in which Charles Foster wrote: 

"Referring to the conversation had with you yesterday, in 
which Gov. Hayes' policy as to the status of certain Southern 
States was discussed, we desire to say in reply that we can 
assure you in the strongest possible manner of our great desire 
to have adopted such a policy as will give to the people of 
South Carolina and Louisiana the right to control their own 
affairs in their own way and to say further that we feel au- 
thorized froTxi an acquaintance with and knowledge of Gov. 



524 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Hayes and his views on the question to pledge ourselves to 
you for him that such will be his policy." 

CHARLES FOSTER. 

On the next day Stanley Matthews and Charles Foster 
signed another letter dated February 27, 1877, to same effect. 
Gov. Hayes was not inaugurated until March 4, 1877, and 
Brown with Gordon were threatening to break up the count 
of the electoral vote, and such threatening was understood 
by these two friends of Hayes. Gen. Gordon's absolute, un- 
qualified denial, written to Col. Joel Abbott Billups is astound- 
ingly astonishing in view of these facts. Ex-Gov. Joseph E. 
Brown winds up by saying: 

"You can neither acquit your friend by attempting to sup- 
press the evidence against him, nor can you divert popular 
attention by raising collateral issues. Is he guilty? That's 
the question. I have shown by incontrovertible evidence that 
in this transaction an enormous weight of political guilt rests 
upon his shoulders." 

(Signed) JOSEPH E. BROWN. 

This denial letter, written to Hon. Mr. Billups, was the sec- 
ond one of a series of unqualified falsehoods with which I be- 
came acquainted with in Gen. Gordon's history. The first was 
his lie by indirection, when he wrote to me in 1874, that he 
was then starting to South Georgia to fill engagements of long 
standing and could not tell when he would be in Atlanta again, 
and the very next Saturday he was in the seventh district aid- 
ing Col. Dabney and abusing Dr. Felton. This second false- 
hood did not astonish me any more than his statement to the 
Working World newspaper that he "had no connection with 
the convict lease, directly or indirectly,'' or that his alliance 
with C. P. Huntington had no basis in fact, as it was only 
"gabble." 

Before I pass along to his resignation of the senatorial seat 
to Gov. BrowTi, I desire to call attention to the indisputable 
fact that Gen. Gordon was in South Carolina when the electoral 
vote of Tilden was withdrawn and Hayes' electoral vote was 
set up. Smith Weed, of New York, went to Baltimore to meet 
Nephew Pelton, and expected to get $80,000 or $90,000 from 
Mr. Tilden, but Mr. Tilden recalled his nephew and "Pope" 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 525 

(Gen. Gordon), made the last call for $5,000 to be sent to Has- 
kell, Wade Hampton's son-in-law. It is the logic of succeed- 
ing events that somebody made a larger offer and a better 
trade and there was enough in the trade to satisfy the traders. 
On March 6th, Stanley Matthews wrote a consoling letter to 
Governor Chamberlain, of South Carolina, and to this letter 
was appended a postscript signed W. M. Evarts, secretary of 
State. "Dear Sir: I have read this letter (Matthews' letter 
to Chamberlain), and conversed with Col. Haskell and Senator 
Gordon on this subject so interesting to us all. I should be 
very glad to aid in solution of the difficulties of the situation, 
and especially to hear from you speedily. With my compli- 
ments to Mrs. Chamberlain. Yours very truly, 

W. M. EVARTS." 

Read this and tell us if Mr. Evarts had not been consulting 
with Hampton's son-in-law and John B. Gordon, of Georgia! 
How does this tally with the denial to Hon. J. A. Billups? 

In November, 1876, Smith Weed, of New York, appeared in 
Columbia, S. C, and begun to telegraph to Mr. Tilden's con- 
fidential friend Havemyer. As soon as Havemyer received 
the dispatches they were sent on to Mr. Tilden's house, and 
Nephew Pelton did the work of replying. November 13, Weed 
asks: **If a few dollars can be placed in returning board. 
What say you ? ' ' Later in the day he asks : ' ' If returning 
board can be procured absolutely, will you deposit $30,000?" 
November 14: "Shall I increase to $40,000 if required to 
make sure ? " To this the answer came : ' ' You can go' to fifty 
if necessary." November 18 Weed sends a dispatch: "Ma- 
jority of board can be secured — cost is- $80,000. " Later in 
the day he says: "You must have the money at Barnum's 
in Baltimore early Monday morning. I go at ten tonight." 
He registered at Barnum's on Monday, 20th of November. 
Pelton was in Baltimore that morning, and went to Barnum's 
hotel. That day, Weed telegraphed in cipher to Gordon, in 
Columbia : * ' Matters arranged by returning board agent. In- 
form Haskell and telegraph news!" To make it plain, these 
people were going to bleed Uncle Sammy Tilden of $80,000, 
and count him in as President and Wade Hampton as gover- 
nor. Later in the day, Weed telegraphed from Baltimore to 



526 ^Iy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Gordon: "Have the court hold on to the electoral vote until 
fixed or failure. May be a little delay." The same day 
"Pope," who was Gordon, telegraphed to Weed, who had 
gone on to New York : ' ' Send $5,000 immediately to Haskell ; 
this will make court all right." On 22d, Pope thus tele- 
graphed Weed: "Have Democratic friends in New York in- 
form their friends by telegraph in New Orleans, that court 
is firm and prospects of electoral vote all right. Answer about 
the $5,000 telegram." On 23d, he again telegraphed Weed: 
"Expense too heavy for electoral ticket, unless money is sent 
to Haskell. Telegraph Haskell to draw immediately!" All 
this took place in November, 1876, The dickering with Foster 
and Matthews was only a blind to throw sand in somebody's 
eyes in April, 1877. 

While Gen. Gordon was figuring in Columbia, S. C, a friend 
of mine, a distinguished Republican, Hon. Amos T. Akerman, 
was requested to go over to South Carolina and see that Hayes 
and Chamberlain had a square deal. At my request he wrote 
me what he learned in South Carolina. There has never 
been a question in my mind, but that Tilden's election would 
have been secured, as he needed only one vote, if Mr. Tilden 
had sent the large amount demanded by those trading Demo- 
crats in South Carolina. 

Hon. Cyrus W. Field had a newspaper controversy with Mr. 
Tilden and said Mr. Cooper was in Mr. Tilden's house the night 
Nephew Pelton started to Baltimore to meet Smith Weed as 
per agreement. The conclusion is irresistible that somebody, 
not Tilden (who recalled Pelton from Baltimore), bid higher 
for the electoral vote of South Carolina and by this hocus- 
pocus Hampton was seated along with R. B. Hayes ! 

When Senator Gordon gave up his seat in the Senate to 
Ex-Gov. Brown, the New Orleans Times openly declared that 
Senator Gordon's advocacy of Kellogg would ruin him. when 
the facts were known, and the National Republican, Gorham's 
paper, when he was secretary of the Senate, and hand in glove 
with the Pacific slope railroad magnates very coolly declared 
there was a mine under Gordon's feet, which might explode 
on short notice, and therefore he "beat a hasty retreat" from 
the Senate. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 527 

The Kellogg case was considered a very mysterious one, 
and without sworn testimony to clinch the matter, I shall al- 
ways believe there was a combination made up of trading 
Democrats and Republicans by which Mr. Tilden was sold out 
in Columbia, S. C, and New Orleans, La., and that Mr. Tilden 
might have held the presidency if he had traded with the con- 
spirators in Columbia. "What use had they for $80,000 or $90, 
000, except to grease their own machine? The election was 
over, and Wade Hampton had been quite ready, according to 
Gen. Gary to put aside the electoral vote of Tilden, preferring 
to take his chances with Hayes. In a published speech made 
by Hampton at the time, he admitted his obligation to negro 
voters — "without them" he would have been defeated. Til- 
den's barrel was not tapped, so the other crowd "got 'em." 

The next and closing paragraphs on the subject of Senator 
Gordon's politics will be a brief mention of his resignation 
from the Senate, and his tender of the position to his ancient 
enemy, Ex-Gov. Brown, through Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt. In 
this connection I will say here what I have said before. I 
do not believe it was Gov. Brown's money which induced this 
money-loving General Gordon to vacate the seat in the Sen- 
ate. Ex-Gov. Brown could buy men when they were willing 
to sell their influence for money or the offer of political posi- 
tions, but this was one time when the figures were steep 
for Gov. Brown ; and it was never the ex-governor 's habit to 
sell his own influence for money. He left such money trading 
to smaller men, and weaker natures. He knew a great deal 
of what other Georgia politicians had done and were doing, 
and he always kept people about him, who could be useful 
in ferreting out the invisible, if not the unknown. He took 
what was offered him by weak Gov. Colquitt, and most likely 
he did not afterwards make known what he knew of Gen. 
Gordon's politics, or financial movements, after the seat in the 
Senate was made easy to him. He was an able man in intel- 
lect, either at Home or in Washington City. This is my opin- 
ion, based upon my close and long continued attention to Gov. 
Brown's political movements. He was a dictator in Georgia 
politics, even while he v/as being roundly abused by the ma- 
jority of Georgia's Democratic politicians. 



528 . My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

I think it is well to copy here a very plain statement made 
by Maj. J. F. Hanson, lately deceased, and printed over his 
own initials in his own paper (the Macon Telegraph), and 
bearing date of June 5, 1886, and written from New York 
City. Said he : " General Gordon has earned an unenviable 
notoriety by reason of the many wild-cat schemes with which 
his name has been connected. His dupes are scattered all over 
the Southern and many of the Northern States. For a time 
personal pride in some instances, and in others the hope of 
recovering back a portion of the money invested at his solici- 
tation, and which so far as can be learned has proven without 
exception in every case a total loss, induced men who had 
been deceived to remain silent. * * * Times have changed 
in this respect, men can be found here and there as everywhere 
else in the country to discuss the methods through which Gen. 
eral Gordon has been operating. They are also furnishing facts 
touching many of his performances which bid fair in time to 
blast what little he has left of a once brilliant and spotless 
reputation. 

As an evidence of this, it has recently come out that General 
Gordon's stories about the attorneyship for the Louisville 
and Nashville Railroad are in direct conflict with well-known 
facts with reference to Mr. Newcomb 's purpooses in giving him 
employment. General Gordon's many statements of the reasons 
influencing his resignation are so conflicting that he has no 
right to complain if the truth is told, even if it places him in 
a position from which he cannot escape and sweeps away the 
last doubt as to the disreputable work as was his to perform. 
Newcomb thought at one time he had secured control of the 
State Road. He proposed to reorganize by making General 
Alexander the president and another prominent railroad man 
in Georgia vice-president. He laid his plans before a gentle- 
man whose word will be taken as sufficient evidence on this 
point. He had other designs on Georgia and contiguous States 
beyond the control and reorganization of the W. & A. Railroad, 
and to carry them out he consulted with the same person, with 
reference to employing a man of "influence" to assist in the 
work. As he proposed to supersede Governor Brown as presi- 
dent of the State Road, he investigated his standing in the 
State with reference to his employment. Governor Brown was 
at that time very unpopular with the People of Georgia, and 
for this reason it was determined he was not the man for the 
place. Newcomb then asked about General Gordon's "in- 
fluence." * * * Shortly after this conference a party of 
Georgians, by engagement, met Newcomb at a dinner in New 
York. Much to their surprise, after reaching the place where 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 529" 

the dinner was given, General Gordon appeared, and as it also 
appeared, had come over from Washington on a special invita- 
tion to be present. He was received by Newcomb with the 
utmost familiarity and cordiality. The plan for reorganizing 
the State Road was discussed at the dinner. As Newcomb 
thought he had control, it did not occur to him that failure 
in carrying out the scheme was at all probable. * * * 
Governor Brown was summoned to New York, and this matter 
was laid before him. It then transpired that Newcomb was 
not in possession of all the facts with reference to the lease 
law, but Governor Brown acquainted him with them, however, 
and informed him no matter who owned the lease, the original 
lessees were bound to retain the control, etc. In short, they 
refused to step down and out. This unexpected turn in affairs 
upset Newcomb 's plan for the reorganization of the road. 
This statement of cold facts, which cannot be denied, puts 
at rest the question of General Gordon's expectation that he 
was to be made president of the State Road. The original 
lessees never entertained the idea, and it is now clear that 
Newcomb had no such intention. When Gordon resigned his 
seat in the senate, he stated among other things, that he had 
been offered the "attorneyship of the L. & N. Railroad." It 
was well known in Georgia that he was no lawyer. No man 
of any intelligence in the State ever believed for a moment 
that he had been employed as an attornej^. Besides the salary 
which his friend Grady said he was to receive was such as 
to have commanded the best legal talent in the land. When 
Gordon, at Eatonton, was pressed on this point, he admitted 
he was not to be employed "as a lawyer, but as counsellor 
and adviser to the president, Newcomb. As General Gordon 
knew the purpose for which he was employed, as indicated by 
Newcomb, when investigating the question of his influence in 
Georgia, it was but natural he should have sought to hide his 
mission as lobbyist under the name of attorney. These lobbyists 
usually call themselves attorneys. It is not strange that he 
failed to openly advertise himself, or the real character of the 
position. * * * "We have not said that General Gordon 
knew the nature of the service he was to perform. There was 
no doubt of its character in view of Mr. Newcomb 's action 
from frank statements made when he canvassed the case of 
General Gordon, but we do have the right to hold him to the 
logical results of the abandonment of his position as alleged 
attorney. It is a painful fact that he did not throw off the 
deception until it was plain to him that he could not longer 
conceal his true position. There is no doubt of the truth of the 
statements here made with reference to Newcomb 's plans, 
when he canvassed General Gordon's influence in the State of 



530 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Georgia. It is not necessary now to follow the general in his 
career while connected with the L. & N. Railroad. As a sug- 
gestion as to what is to come, it may not be amiss to say that 
his claim of having built the Georgia Pacific is as preposterous 
as the claim that he saved South Carolina and Louisiana. 
J. F. H. 

In this connection it is proper to say that Judge Wm. M. 
Reese told me that Gen. Alexander, then vice-president of the 
L. & N. Railroad, told him: "Gen. Gordon's name had never 
appeared on the railroad's books, for a dollar of salary." This 
statement was published time and again during Judge Reese's 
liloiime and also in Gen. Alexander's lifetime with no question 
or denial. 

The first public notice of the intended resignation came to 
a crowd of young men belonging to the Pioneer Fire Company 
of Athens, en route to Rome on May 10, 1880, and told to 
them by Mr. Grady, who was known to be Gen. Gordon's in- 
timate friend in public and in private, and it was supposed 
that Mr. Grady had made considerable money out of his ad- 
vocacy of Gen. Gordon. The resignation did not occur until 
nearly ten days later, and Gen. Gordon was sharply brought 
to task by Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, because the general 
occupied his seat in the Senate six days after the governor of 
Georgia had accepted the resignation. It was a novel sight 
to see Gen. Gordon present Gov. Brown's credentials in a 
body where he had no legal or official business whatever, be- 
cause the resignation bore date of May 18, and Gov. Brown 
took the seat on May 26. The correspondent of the Macon 
Telegraph thus informed his paper: 

''Ex-Governor Brown, of Georgia, was today qualified as 
United States Senator in place of General Gordon. The new 
senator's credentials were presented by General Gordon, who 
in a few words, formally announced to the senate he had 
resigned and his successor had been appointed by the gov- 
ernor of Georgia. When the credentials were read, the next 
graceful step would have been to swear in the new senator, 
but Mr. Edmunds, who never fails to pick flaws in any and 
everything that comes up, called attention to the fact that 
while Brown's credentials were dated May 21, Senator Gordon 
was still in his seat today. Under the circumstances he said 
there had been no vacancy, and Mr. Brown should not be 
sworn in, or else "Senator Gordon had occupied his seat and 
voted after he had ceased to be a senator." 



]\Iy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 531 

There was considerable stir about it, but it ended when 
Senator Ben Hill took Gov. Brown's arm and went up to the 
vice-president's desk and Brown was sworn in. Knowing as 
I did the fight that Senator Thurman, of the Democratic party, 
and Senator Edmunds, of the Republican party, had encount- 
ered with Pacific lobby money, and of the bill introduced by 
Gen. Gordon to aid Huntington and defeat Thurman and Ed- 
munds, I just set it down that the Senator from Vermont could 
not resist the very human inclination to lift Huntington's 
"man" out of the Senate with a well-deserved kick at the 
very last minute ! 

Then the press was filled with reasons for the exchange 
of seats, and what Gen. Gordon really proposed to do. He 
told the reporter of the Baltimore American he was "too poor 
to stay in the Senate," but that is too thin, for he plead in 
piteously pathetic terms" before certain Georgia legislators 
in 1890 to be allowed to go back to the Senate or he was a 
ruined man." I have excellent authority for the last state- 
ment whenever it is called for. Senator Brown was visiting 
in Nashville, Tenn., when he received his appointment, and 
when interviewed in Atlanta said he did not intend to resign 
the presidency of the W. & A. Railroad. On May 20, Gen. 
Gordon told a reporter of the Savannah Morning News that 
he would become counsel for the Louisville and Nashville 
Railroad "and all its branches" and "would act in Newcomb's 
place, while Newcomb was absent in Europe at an early date." 

A special to the Philadelphia Press May 20 said : ' ' Gordon, 
it is said stood in momentary dread of a threatened exposure 
which would summarily close his public career and ring the 
curtain down in darkness. ' ' The Chronicle says : ' ' Our 
Washington correspondent throws some light upon the subject 
today. It is barely possible he resigned because he could not 
help himself. It seems to be a case of necessity and sharp ne- 
cessity at that." On the same day, there was a startling arti- 
cle reprinted in Washington City from the Irish World, because 
of a letter addressed to Chairman McLane of the Pacific Rail- 
road Committee, written by one J. A. George, of the census 
bureau, who said he had letters and documents to prove the 
bribery of three Senators and that $100,000 land grant bonds 



532 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

were placed with a member of the House, and were distributed 
to purchase votes for a scheme. The Irish World then dis- 
cussed the matter further by saying: "The Texas Pacific 
Corporation, the arm of this vast Pacific Railroad monster of 
plunder, is now before Congress for the purpose of extending 
this land grant. (The railroad now is called the Southem 
Pacific). "That men sent to Washington to represent and 
protect the people can have the hardihood to entertain its 
schemes would be incredible, but for the enormous bribes held 
out to them. For the sake of maintaining a show of decency, 
it is possible the farce of an investigating committee may be 
gone through with but that will be the only response a de- 
frauded people will hear of it. Meanwhile it is a provoking 
piece of impudence that on the same day the House Committee 
of Pacific Railroads secured a letter from Gen. Sherman, who 
advocates legislation for the extension of the Northern Pacific 
Railroad claiming it would give homes to two or three mil- 
lion people. ' ' The New York World said : ' ' The very fact 
that there is no immediate necessity for establishing a new 
status between the Pacific roads and the government and at 
the same time an investigation is opposed strenuously, is prima 
facie proof that there is something wrong in the extension 
bill which speculators and lobbyists are endeavoring to force 
through Congress. * * * * The dishonest Congressmen 
who think they can afford to vote for this bill must have indeed 
extraordinary inducements." 

But to return to Gen. Gordon's reasons for resignation. In 
a public speech in Leesburg, Ga., he told the audience he "did 
intend to carry the real secret to his grave." In the next 
speech he declared he was moved to it by a "flattering offer 
from a man named Hogg to go into a big railroad enterprise in 
Oregon." 

On May 12, 1886, in a public speech, he said: "I left the 
Senate for other fields. I built the Georgia Pacific Railroad 
when I had not one dollar of money, and after it had wrecked 
three powerful corporations of the State." Gen. Gordon told 
Maj. Houston, of DeKalb county, he resigned from the Senate 
to build the Georgia Pacific Railroad, and he could not be 
Senator and railroad capitalist at the same time. Maj. Hous- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 533 

ton made this statement in most apparent simplicity, and pub- 
lished it in the Atlanta Journal. And says Maj. Houston-. 
"The demand for his services in behalf of the Georgia Pacific 
came from Northern capitalists, who controlled lines antagon- 
istic to those in which Gov. Brown was interested." 

Gen. Gordon had an interview in Atlanta June 6, 1880, and 
it was published under headlines called "Gordon's Defense," 
in which he said : ' ' Some months ago I met a Confederate 
friend, T. Edenton Hogg, formerly of Louisiana, who had ac- 
quired a large fortune on the Pacific Coast and was engaged 
in important enterprises in Oregon. He made me such offers 
as induced me to consent to go and join him. It was my pur- 
pose to continue in public life until the legislature should meet 
but the letter which I hand the reporter will show why it be- 
came necessary for me to decide at once." The letter was 
published and Gen. Gordon adds : "To accept this proposition 
and one I was arranging for my sons, I sent my resignation to 
the governor." 

On May 19, 1880, Henry Grady, from Washington, sent the 
following to the Atlanta Constitution: "Gen. Gordon himself 
says the first thing he wants is a few weeks of rest. He has 
had several flattering offers, but will do nothing for some 
time." C. H. Williams, the regular correspondent of the At- 
lanta Constitution, sent that paper an interview on May 25, 
1880, in which the following appeared: "But general," I 
asked, "why did you not hold on until the end of the session 
and draw your salary as Senator until the legislature met?" 
General Gordon quickly answered: "Because I could not 
postpone my business arrangements that long. Gov. Colquitt 
begged me to do so, but I could not." Have you any objec- 
tion to stating the nature of the business arrangements alluded 
to? "Certainly not," said Gen. Gordon. "It is that of gen- 
eral counsel to the Louisville and Nashville Railroad Co." 

In Dublin, Laurens county, where Gen. Gordon spoke (and 
Maj. Hanson followed him) he said: "I resigned my seat 
because I was in debt, I was heavily in debt. I declared more 
than a year before I intended to resign and rebuild my for- 
tunes. The opportunity did come. It came, when it compelled 
me at once to embrace it or lose it. I resigned and I embraced 



534 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

it. I would do it again under the same circumstances. " (That 
was the day and the hour when he falsely declared that my 
husband, W. H. Felton, was working for a fifty million lobby 
scheme, and he (Gordon) fought him in Congress on it). 

I remember a short sentence found in the Atlanta Consti- 
tution after Huntington's letters came out, which letters trans- 
fixed their friend, Gen. Gordon, for all time to come. Speak- 
ing of Huntington, the editorial ran along as follows: 
' ' Huntington was a more accomplished corruptionist than ever 
Oakes Ames was. Huntington is an elegant rascal, who couples 
sentiment to observation, and a lack of morality to both with 
an abandon which is not wholly unattractive." I leave it to 
the readers of this book to decide upon the elegant unattrac- 
tiveness or lack of morality in the many reasons given by 
Gen. Gordon for slipping out of the Senate in the year 1880. 
But I have something additional still to add to the long cata- 
logue of resignation reasons before I leave the subject with 
you. There was a Mr. Bowker up in Boston, who made a 
fertilizer proposition to our resigning Georgia Senator, which 
he accepted and he was happy that it would give his sons 
also fine positions in the "Southern branch of Mr. Bowker 's 
plant." This Bowker proposition is so refreshing and so 
cheeky that I desire to embalm his memory in this book of 
recollections : It is taken from the Boston Daily Advertiser, 
and it dilates on Gen. Gordon's resignation (and was also 
published in the Atlanta Constitution), and bears date of May 
30th: "Gen. Gordon left here this morning for Atlanta, Ga 
Before his depature he was visited by your correspondent, and 
from the following conversation, it will be seen that the gen- 
eral has associated himself with the Bowker fertilizer Com 
pany of your city." I should like to inquire as to the truth 
of it? I asked: "Yes. I was induced to resign in a large 
measure by the proposition submitted to me by the Bowker 
Fertilizer Company, of Boston and New York. * * * This 
led to a correspondence between the fertilizer company of your 
city and New York, which has developed into an arrangement 
between us. They have offices in both cities, but the principal 
man-ufaeturing is now done in Boston. They propose to in- 
crease their capital stock very largely. I myself becoming a 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 535 

subscriber, as far as I can commaud funds to pay for the stock 
and to locate their largest manufacturing establishment some- 
where near the city of New York. ' ' 

What relation will you sustain to the company, general? 

"I shall be the president of the Southern department, with 
my headquarters at my home in Atlanta, Ga. My sons, who 
are young men just beginning- life, will take charge of the 
agency of course under my general supervision." 

The conviction is irresistible. The effort to dodge the real 
reason for his resignation made this much-honored citizen of 
Georgia twist and turn and whiffle about until it becomes 
actually painful to contemplate. Why did he not name "the 
friend on the Pacific, ' ' and be done with it ? Did the Bowker 
plant ever show up? Was it not like the sawmills, the swind- 
ling insurance company, the Georgia Pacific, the Oregon Hogg, 
and the rest of the bogus reasons all cut from the same piece 
of cloth ! 

His fertile-brained friend and apologist Henry Grady in- 
terviewed the general, and he said he was going to develop 
the large coal mines in Alabama belonging to his brothers and 
himself. (I presume these were not the coal stocks he gave to 
Bishop Wilmer, which were sold at 1 cent on the dollar). He 
had great hopes of his Clinch county sheep ranch. It was 
said that Congressman Whitehouse sunk $8,000 that was ad- 
ventured along with Gen. Gordon in a Taylor county sheep 
ranch with 40,000 acres of Gen. Gordon's land, enclosed by 
the work of his large force of convicts, which the State turned 
over to him to work as he pleased. And Henry Grady also 
said the general was going into the law along with Judge 
Bleckly, and the scribe made particular mention of a grand 
and tempting offer, that of being the railroad president of a 
great Southern railroad in Florida, of which I will have soqae- 
thing to copy later, published by the Engineer of the Florida 
Railroad himself. Par parenthesis. I must not forget to men- 
tion that General Gordon testified before a congressional in- 
vestigating committee in 1871 that he was the Grand Cyclops 
of the Ku-Klux Klan in the Southern States and that he and 
the general afterwards Governor Colquitt, were the highest 
officials of the organization. He testified under oath that the 



536 ^Iy Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

organization was composed principally of Confederate sol- 
diers (and with "elegant" audacity) he said they voted ne- 
groes in great numbers, "in some counties the large majority. 
In Houston county, where there are 2,300 negroes, we voted 
nearly 2,000 when I (Gordon) was a candidate." They were 
hired to vote the Democratic ticket. "Yes, sir. A great many 
were hired, if you call it hiring." This veritable history of 
this era of Gen. Gordon's life is a fair sample of his methods 
used in Georgia elections. He could with impunity swear 
that he voted all the negroes in Houston county, except a 
few, when he "was a candidate." Yet he tiptoed with indig- 
nation at the idea that negroes might be voted for other can- 
didates in the State of Georgia. 

Before I introduce the engineer of the Great Florida Rail- 
road and Steamship Company, I will narrate a story that was 
told to me by a person intimately connected with Gen. Gor- 
don at the time when he Avas supposed to be in Victor New- 
comb 's employ. But for the fact that it might be harmful 
to the good children of one of Dr. Felton's strongest political 
friends, in a large Georgia city, I would give the names, and 
it would then be all convincing to others as it was to myself. 
Mr. Victor Newcomb was only a blind, after that gentleman 
found he had been deceived as to his control of the State road 
lease. It was evened off by giving Gen. Gordon some sort of 
showing in what was called at the time the Georgia Western 
Railroad. The general admitted in print that he bought it "by 
giving his note for $50,000, but he did not pay a dollar for it. ' ' 
It was the Pacific Railroad magnate that was in evidence some 
time later, and as I have always believed this "elegant rascal" 
intended to make a connecting line through Georgia, as he 
made the Southern Pacific Railroad the South arm ; now begin- 
ning at New Orleans of his great system of Pacific railroads 
going towards Los Angeles in California. Put that down in 
your book and remember it ! In the year 1880, there was a 
gigantic political battle between the Grant and Blaine men. 
It was supposed that Grant would get the Republican vote in 
Georgia, all that Secretary Sherman did not get, with the 
officeholders. It would be a formidable vote in the convention. 
Mr. Tilden was set aside. Our great Senator Gordon could 



My INIemoirs of Georgia Politics 537 

not think of the electoral vote hiatus in South Carolina and 
Louisiana and then shout for Tilden. So it was decided to 
run Stephen J. Field, a friend to Pacific railroads, notably 
from California. The meeting of the Field Democrats from 
Georgia in New York City, and the conference there with 
Blaine Republicans was something for me to remember also 
and every item of the trade was perfected down here in Geor- 
gia, as narrated to me. As Mr. Blaine had the first call in the 
battle, and defeated Gen. Grant with Gen. Garfield, the boom 
of Gen. Field went to pieces and Gen. Hancock was led out as 
the man to be sacrificed. Mr. Blaine was the ablest and most 
powerful Senator for Huntington in the fight on the Thurman 
funding bill and in this gigantic struggle backed with Pacific 
Railroad "influence," IMr. Blaine was marching along in the 
campaign of 1880 all over the country, and which elected 
Gen. Garfield to the pfesidency. 

In 1884. Mr. Blaine made the campaign for himself, and 
failed in a neck and neck race with Grover Cleveland. In 
1886, Gen. Gordon suddenly appeared in Georgia with "oodles" 
of money after an absence of four years and the campaign 
that followed for governor was recognized as a triumph of 
money. In 1890 he went to the Farmers' Alliance on his knees 
seeking their votes to be able to go to the Senate with his fam- 
ily, a position which he had solemnly declared would not sup- 
port him. He went out of the Senate to serve Victor Newcomb 
as he said (to get a handsome salary) and he went back to 
the Senate in 1890 when Georgia's political bosses were de- 
ceiving the farmers to get office. 

In the subsequent contest over the State road, it so hap- 
pened that Dr. Felton was sent to the Georgia legislature to 
lead in the lease movement. A sale was decreed and the whole 
business for a time seemed to be hung up in the air, the deter- 
mination to sell had grown to such proportions. Eternity 
alone can reveal the inside and outside maneuvers of that era 
in Georgia's history. I now give place to Engineer Jones, of 
the Great International and Steamship Railroad Company. 



538 My IMemoirs of Georgia Politics 

NUTS FOR GORDON. 

He is Deliberately Charged with Swindling His Employees. 

The true Inwardness of His Florida Scheme — How He Tried 

to Get Railroad Property Away From Where it Could be 

Attached. 

Tampa, Fla., July 23. — Editor Telegraph: A few years ago 
the people of Florida were startled at the announcement of a 
gigantic railroad scheme, which was intended to open up the 
resources of the State from north to south, and call to her 
shores the great trade of South America, Mexico and Cuba. 
Lines of steamships were to be established connecting this 
road with Europe and the various ports in the countries men- 
tioned, and the State of Florida was to be made by this enter- 
prise the great commercial center of the Western World. 

Influenced by the high sounding statements of the company 
who undertook to carry this scheme to its completion and the 
bombastic utterances of its president (the so called "Hero of 
Appomatox) the legislature granted a charter giving privileges 
and land grants greater than have ever before or since been 
conferred upon a syndicate by any legislature in the Union, 
actually going so far, that, should this company fulfill this 
contract, the State would have to pay them in cash, if not 
able to do so in land. 

Thus did "The International Railroad and Steamship Com- 
pany" come with a great flourish of trumpets before the peo- 
ple. Pamphlets by the thousand were circulated, advertising 
the scheme, asserting its solidity, and offering wonderful in- 
ducements to purchasers of stock. Its supporters would ex- 
press surprise if anyone should doubt the success of the com- 
pany, for was not General John B. Gordon (whose name alone 
was enough to make the "world turn pale") at the head, cen- 
ter and foot of the enterprise. This latter fact was promi- 
nently put before the public, and every advantage sought to 
be obtained from it. The general's picture was taken, repre- 
senting him with the proud bearing and eagle eye, as when 
he faced the Yankees at Appomatox. It appeared in a full 
page illustration upon many of the advertising papers. It 
was Gordon first, last and all the time, and the people cheered 
and were happy. 

But, how are the mighty fallen? A splurge was made and 
then the enterprise ended. The few thousand dollars raise 
to begin on (magnified to millions in the eyes of the general) 
were thrown into a sand bed, much to the grief of some promi- 
nent citizens connected with the line. The work done was 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 539 

worse than useless, and remains a standing monument of the 
general's unfitness as a railroad manager or a business man. 
On the picturesque banks of the Hillsborough river, a dock of 
logs was constructed that should be left to go down to pos- 
terity as a specimen of engineering never surpassed in the 
record of the country. This was intended to receive the many 
ship loads of iron that were then said to be on their way ; 
but they must have been phantom ships of the nature of the 
flying Dutchman, and they never showed up in Tampa Bay, 
wherever else they may have gone. 

Having shaken the confidence of the people of Tampa and 
Hillsborough county, the next move was to Sumterville. There 
another dash was made. Sumterville was to be ''the junction" 
of the various branches of the line, and consequently would 
become a great city. The people there became excited, their 
enthusiasm rose to fever heat. The credit of the county went 
up, supplies were liberally furnished by the various merchants 
for provisioning the corps ; but alas, for their hopes, a few 
miles of grading were completed and the extensive work came 
again to a standstill ; but it would not do to stop altogether — 
the charter must be saved at all hazards, so some of the engi- 
neers were retained in the service of the company, and a few 
colored hands were employed to grade. So month after month 
went by, with no prospect of reward. The pay of the corps 
was not forthcoming, and all hands, merchants included, lived 
on the strength of telegrams, letters, promises, etc., from the 
general and those at headquarters, that heavy Avork would 
soon begin with everything paid up. 

At last the general announced himself ready. Arrange- 
ments had been completed with certain capitalists to go ahead 
with the line. Engineers were sent out to set side tracks, etc., 
for car loads of rails, and hopes rose again ; but from informa- 
tion received these capitalists refused to submit to the exorbi- 
tant claims of General Gordon in regard to management, etc. 
The motto with him has always been aut Gordon, aut nullus — 
either Gordon or nobody, and up went that prospect for the 
completion of the road. 

Things now looked serious. Gordon still announced his 
invincibility, but faith in him had departed. The merchants 
began to refuse credit. It was a case of semi-starvation in 
the engineers' camp, and no money came to their relief. T* 
make matters worse, this "honorable man" (for does he not 
claim to be an honorable man, who now offers himself for 
the governorship of Georgia?) wrote to the assistant engineer 
and endeavored to get the best of the railroad property ship- 
ped to him at Atlanta, evidently to lay his hands upon it and 
avoid an attachment. He did not write and ask permission 



540 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

of the chief engineer, who was in Jacksonville, (and whose 
advice in regard to the construction of the road it \yould have 
been well to have followed long ago.) He evidently did not 
want him to know anything of this dodging, but the merchants 
of Sumterville found it out, and were a little too quick for 
him. The property was attached for the debts of the com- 
pany, and some of the money due was by this action recovered. 
But General Gordon left his engineer corps, (those who stood 
by him and his charter), without the money for which they 
honestly labored, and some of them were men with families 
who could ill afford to lose it. His assurances and promises 
amounted to nothing. He has not even paid up some of the 
colored hands, who did what colored men very seldom do, 
viz. : work on the strength of a man 's word. 

General Gordon appears today as a man in whom no confi- 
dence can be placed — notwithstanding the announcement that 
he has sold out his railroad interests in Florida and received 
cash in hand $200,000. The people of Florida would just like 
to know what interests he has here to sell out. He has broken 
his word to the public, he has forfeited every pledge he made 
the State, and yet in the face of this he has the assurance to 
ask the people of Georgia to elect him their governor, simply 
because he is or was General Gordon and fought in the South- 
ern cause. 

Such a man is no credit to any country or any people. He 
has bulldozed the Floridians on the railroad question, and he 
now seeks to bulldoze the Georgians on the governorship. As 
to his action in keeping men employed on the strength of what 
turned out to be a false representation, his admirers may call 
it what they please, but all truly honest men will put it down 
as nothing more nor less than a bare-faced swindle? I am, 
sir, truly yours, JOHN R. JONES, 

Formerly of the Engineer Corps International Railroad and 

Steamship Company. 

WHO APPEARED TO INAUGURATE GORDON. 

THE TELEGRAPH, 

Published every day in the year and weekly by the 
Telegraph and Messenger Publishing Co., 27 Mulberry street, 

Macon, Ga. 
A Political Cyclorama. 

Old Confederates who went to look at the battle of Gettys- 
burg, as exhibited at our fair last week, were somewhat disap- 
pointed at the prominence given to the Federal forces in the 
picture. This was natural. The Confederates did some hot 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 541 

work at Gettysburg, but the truth of history will demand that 
the Federals have the most conspicuous places. It was our 
misfortune and not our fault that this must be. We are com- 
pelled to take things as we find them, and not as we would 
have them. 

The State capitol of Georgia represented a political cyclo- 
rama on Tuesday last, if not worthy of the painter's brush, at 
least calculated to arrest the pen of the historian. 

General Gordon was being inaugurated governor of Geor- 
gia with all "the pomp and glorious circumstance of war." 

Seated near him was Rutherford B. Hayes, who once en- 
joyed the presidency of the United States without having re- 
ceived a majority of the popular vote. Near Hayes were 
sitting two sable statesmen. The senior senator from Georgia 
who, ten years ago, was fiercely assailing General Gordon for 
an alleged trade with Mr. Hayes, by which the South was sac- 
rificed, was in a prominent position. The chief justice, who 
administered the oath of office and who at the time referred to 
was greatly perturbed in spirit, occupied a distinguished po- 
sition. Ex-Gov. Bullock, once a refugee from the State of Geor- 
gia, and in whose reign the present convict system was es- 
tablished, sat well to the front, while in the main gallery were 
gathered members of the Prison Congress, in which the con- 
vict system of Georgia had just been denounced. 

We have called this a cyclorama. Considering the changes 
in the positions of the men present, it might be more properly 
called a moving political panorama. 

As Mr. Hidell, the Editor, Saw the Struggle Between Hunting- 
ton and the Texas Pacific Railroad. 

(Rome Courier). 
W. H. Hidell, Proprietor. Wednesday Morning, June 2, 1886. 

GENERAL GORDON AND THE PACIFIC RAILROADS. 

"Scott's Southern Pacific scheme" is the way in which 
General Gordon, at Ringgold, spoke of Scott's Texas Pacific 
Railroad, intended as a competing line to the Huntington 
system, and to defeat which Huntington used and expended 
so lavishly large sums of money in and from Washington 
City(?). 

Well, let us see what this "scheme" was and whether there 
was any corruption fund connected with it ! The United States 
government, before the war, had appointed a commission to 
survey several routes for a Pacific railroad and recommend 
the one most eligible and best suited. This work they thor- 
oughly performed under direction of the war department and 



542 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

during Pierce's administration, while Hon. Jeff Davis was 
secretary of war, several large volumes were published recom- 
mending the route near the 35th parallel of latitude as the 
best and most desirable one, the line which Colonel Scott 
afterwards got control of, in 1872-3, and undertook to con- 
struct a Southern road to the Pacific. In 1873, Colonel Scott, 
having secured all the charters and land grants pertaining to 
this line, and constructed the road from Texarkana through 
Paris and Bonham to some point farther westward, Fort 
Worth, we believe, went to Europe to sell bonds of the road 
to complete it. Arriving there, he invited certain capitalists 
and bankers to meet him to whom he explained his business, 
and who promptly agreed to take all his Texas Pacific bonds, 
but it being then late in the day, and all present more or less 
fatigued, Colonel Scott suggested the morrow for finishing 
the business, which was assented to. Just here it may be 
remarked that Colonel Scott's reception in Europe and liis 
success, thus far, were very different from General Gordon's 
on a similar mission about four years ago. 

The morrow came and with it the crushing news from the 
United States of the failure of Jay Cooke and the consequent 
financial panic prevading the whole country, which knocked 
the very bottom out of all American securities, except govern- 
ments, and even shook these. The result was none of the 
European capitalists or bankers would touch an American 
security, except governments, then or for some time after- 
wards, with a forty foot pole. Had Colonel Scott completed 
the business the evening before he could have returned with 
the money for his bonds. As it was, he returned, as General 
Gordon did, but not for the same reason, without having dis- 
posed of a single bond he carried over. 

After Colonel Scott's return and upon consultation with his 
associates interested in the Texas Pacific, they properly de- 
cided that they might, under all the circumstances, justly 
request the federal government (which had built the Union 
Pacific, of Huntington's system, and was then, and had been, 
as it is now still, paying the interest on their bonded debt, 
and liable ultimately for the principal) to aid them to the 
limited extent they had agreed upon to ask. Colonel Scott and 
a friend came to Washington from Philadelphia in 1874 with 
a bill they had prepared for presentation to congress. They 
called upon the writer and requested him, as a friend, to 
introduce them to Hon. Alex. H. Stephens. The writer plainly 
informed them what manner of man Mr. Stephens was, that 
he would read their bill, and if his judgment and conscience 
approved it, he would favor and urge it; otherwise, not. 
Colonel Scott answered he so regarded him, and hence desired 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 543 

the introduction, at the same time explaining his bill. 

Next day they were presented to Mr. Stephens, who read 
the bill, amended it with pen in some particulars as he read it, 
and handing it back to Colonel Scott, said: "I have always 
favored the building of this road, believing the South should 
have it, and I will support that bill" (as amended by him). 
Colonel Scott heartily accepted and adopted the amended bill 
and asked Mr. Stephens to champion it in the house, which 
he agreed to do, and did so, as well as his health permitted. 

Now, what was this measure which Mr. Stephens agreed to 
champion, this "scheme" which General Gordon, by his own 
admission, nay, boast, assisted to defeat in the interest of 
Huntington's "schemes?" Colonel Scott, Mr. Stephens, Mr. 
Lamar and the friends of the Texas Pacific simply asked the 
United States government to guarantee the payment of the 
interest on the company's bonds for a limited number of years. 
It was not asked, expected or intended that the government 
should even pay the interest, but simply by its guaranty to 
make the bonds marketable again, in the then financial panic 
that the country was passing through. The whole object and 
purpose was to restore the marketability of the bonds so as 
to dispose of them ; and to indemnify the government against 
any loss in any contingency, the company proposed to give it 
a first mortgage on the road and lands and everything as 
security. Was not this fair and just, and particularly so when 
compared with the status of Huntington's roads? Answer, 
honest, intelligent Georgians, and decide for yourselves on 
which side the "millions of profit were at stake" General 
Gordon spoke of in his Ringgold speech ! It is and was a 
notorious fact, which smelled to High Heaven in Washington, 
that Huntington freely used and lavishly expended money to 
corrupt Southern newspapers and politicians, as well as con- 
gress, to defeat the Texas Pacific bill and consequently the 
completion of the competing line to his system. Yes, indeed, 
"millions of profit were at stake," to the Huntington gang! 
It was the defeat of this measure and the action of certain 
men on the Thurman bill which caused honest Allen G. Thur- 
man to declare he had lost confidence in some Southern men. 

And yet the old Bullock gang in a new shape, the "Atlanta 
Ring," has the brazen audacity to present to intelligent Geor- 
gians who know these facts this supporter of Huntington's 
schemes, as pax excellence, the candidate of the anti-monopo- 
lists and of the people ! God save the mark ! 

Our readers may look for more and worse ahead when we 
come to explain Huntington's scheme "in which millions of 
profit were at stake" to him and his gang. Huntington was 
not buying "silence" or "absence," but votes and the "in- 



544 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

fluence" of venal newspapers and politicians, particularly at 
the South, because the Texas Pacific was being pressed by its 
friends as a Southern measure that was due the South, and 
at first the South was practically solid upon the question until 
the fumes of Huntington's gold blunted the moral sensibilities 
of some. 

General Gordon's Political Methods and Spontaneous Com- 
bustion, 

(Macon Telegraph, May 10, 1886.) 

Editor Telegraph: In the Atlanta Constitution's report of 
General Gordon's candidacy, as announced by himself at 
Savannah, the people are told that the General "does not see 
how he can resist the pressure from all parts of the State," 
that he should make the race. This statement provoked a smile 
among the knowing ones who are apprised as to the peculiar 
way in which the General manufactures public opinion, or 
"pressure," which is his latest term for it. To be correct in 
diagnosing his case, your correspondent will give an illustra 
tion — susceptible of proof from headquarters. 

In the year 1875, the Democratic house of representatives 
met in Washington — the first after the Civil War. A certain 
Mr. Fitzhugh, "a bigger man than Grant," was made door- 
keeper. Fitzhugh hailed from Texas. To secure his election, 
he made a promise to certain Texas representatives that he 
would appoint Jennings, another Texan, to assistant door- 
keeper's place. Just then Senator Gordon interfered. He 
wrote a letter to Fitzhugh to come over to Georgetown (his 
residence), "to make no promises" to any one "for any 
specified place" and to "avoid everybody" — except the Gen- 
eral. "Come over," wrote the General, "this p. m. and get 
out of the way until we can look over the ground and see 
what is best for you." Signed J. i^. Gordon. 

Fitzhugh Went. Gordon wined atid dined him. After the 
General thought he was mellow, he lasked the door-keeper to 
appoint his son, Hugh Gordon, to assMant door-keeper's place, 
or more properly, tender it to Hugh. Said Fitzhugh, "I 
can't do it. General; I have already Uade the appointment of 
Jennings, to please my own delegation. I would like to oblige 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 545 

you by appointing your son, but my hands are tied. I had 
to appoint Jennings to get the Texas support." 

General Gordon blandly remarked: "I know that, but if 
you will only write a letter tendering the position to my son, 
I'll see you are not embarrassed. My son will not accept it." 
With this understanding, Fitzhugh wrote the letter and Hugh 
Gordon replied in these words : 

"Georgetown, December 8, 1875. 

"Colonel Fitzhugh, Doorkeeper, etc. — My Dear Colonel: 
Your note of the 6th instant did not reach me until this 
morning. I appreciate the offer you make me most highly, 
and would most gladly avail myself of your kindness and ac- 
cept the position tendered but for several reasons. Father 
thinks it best I should not accept any position, and in defer- 
ence to his wishes I have decided to decline your kind offer. 
Again thanking you for your consideration, I am yours truly, 
what is best for you. ' ' Signed J^M. Gordon. 

A few days later the writer saw published in all the North- 
ern papers, and industriously copied in the South, an article 
headed — 

"The Roman Senator — General Gordon," 
and it was stated that the assistant door-keeper's place had 
been tendered to General Gordon's noble son, Hugh, but Gen- 
eral Gordon objected so seriously to nepotism, and was such a 
pure and honorable statesman he could not allow his son to 
accept, although the General was a poor man and needed the 
money to complete his son's education. 

Now, i*f anybody can beat this for cheap advertising, trot 
him out! If the "pressure" that is now affecting the "Roman 
Senator" should pan out to be a manufactured article, won't 
it be the joke of the season? The door-keeper "pressure" is 
literal and exact — one of the many contrivances for cheap 
notoriety set on foot by this willing candidate for governor. 

PLAIN TALK. 

"When the above was written, in 1886, copies of this cor- 
respondence were in my hands. I had liberty to use them, 
after General Gordon made his foray against me in the year 
1879. I took the opportunity when I saw how "pressure" 
was manufactured, in 1886. 



w> 



546 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 



In my opinion, the General was actively in the service of 
Huntington and the L. & N. road when he came to Georgia, 
in 1886, and his former connection with Huntington's railroad 
schetnes before congress are a sufficient warrant for the belief 
or opinion — and the consequent failure to break down the 
railroad commission or to sell the Western & Atlantic Rail- 
road convinced those great railroad authorities that the Gen- 
eral should be returned to the senate. I propose to compile 
another volume of my individual reminiscences or personal 
recollections, where "Plain Talks" articles will appear in 
regular sequence and preparedness. The resignation from the 
senate may be more fully explained by that time. 



Dr. Felton Elected to Legfislature 



Through the earnest entreaty of friends all over the Seventh 
district, and particularly in Bartow county, where he resided. 
Dr. Felton was chosen as a candidate for the house of repre- 
sentatives and elected in October, 1884, to that responsible 
place. The railroad commission was under fire and there was 
a strong faction urging the sale of the State's railroad, when 
the existing lease expired, which would happen early in 1890. 

I remember when a crowd of some of the best men in our 
county drove up unexpectedly to our gate and made him a 
formal tender of the position, if he could be induced to accept. 
They told him that a crisis was upon the State right then, and 
the need of safe and honest leadership in the legislature was 
apparent. The lessees of the W. & A. Railroad were clamor- 
ing for betterments. The same lessees were moving their 
agents in the legislature towards the emasculation of the rail- 
road commission. These friends told him that the prominent 
newspapers were flopping to the side of money. That money 
had procured the ratification of the existing lease in 1872. 
That he (Felton) had exposed the use of money in the Lester 
campaign, and they had sufficient evidence to understand that 
the State Road lessees and the convict lessees would expend 
money in large sums to break down the commission, sell the 
State road and make themselves absolute masters of the situa- 
tion in Georgia. "Would he consent to go to the legislature 
and defend the people of the State and protect the tax-payers 
in these particular matters?" Dr. Felton understood what it 
meant to antagonize the State Road lessees and the convict 
lessees. He knew they had counted him out in 1880. In 1882, 
they had prevailed upon the senile ambition of Alex. H. 
Stephens until the aged man was induced to enter their service 
to reach the executive chair. They were coining millions out 
of these leases, revenues belonging to the State, and could 
easily spend a hundred thousand on corrupt men in the general 
assembly to remove the railroads in Georgia from under the 
authority of the railroad commission. They were moving 



548 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

heaven and earth to secure the sale of the W. & A. Railroad 
for eight millions of dollars. Ex-Governor Smith, then a rail- 
road commissioner, made "no bones" of his opinion that 
Governor McDaniel was the "railroad's man," in a high office. 
Senator Brown came out in a letter denying that the W. & A. 
Railroad was subject to the railroad commission. If these 
people had their way and could carry out their will, railroad 
syndicates as well as State road lessees and convict lessees 
would be absolute masters of the State of Georgia. The visitors 
reminded Dr. Felton of his wide experience in congressional 
legislation — of his remarkable gifts in oratory — of their 
absolute faith in his integrity, and they asked for his assist- 
ance in the crisis. 

We talked it over after they left and decided that he could 
not refuse this appeal. We understood that he would be a 
target for venom, that they could pay purchasable men to 
write newspaper articles over other signatures than their own, 
as had been done in his congressional campaigns, to injure him 
in the State. We knew that corrupt politicians would raise 
the "Rebel yell" to cover their schemes of public plunder, 
and that Bullock Democrats and Bullock Republicans would 
do Senator Brown's bidding, because they were enlisted 
in his service. His "man" on the railroad commission 
and several supreme court judges were accused (perhaps 
falsely) of wearing his collar. He and Senator Colquitt were 
absolute masters of federal patronage, and if Cleveland was 
elected in November they would hold our greedy office-seeking 
contingent in the ' ' hollow of the hand. ' ' 

To enter into a political furnace, already heated seven times 
seven, was a daring deed for even such a courageous man as 
Dr. Felton, and we were prepared to expect trouble at the 
hands of men who had made a business of paying for lobby 
work, before the State legislature, and who did not scruple 
at buying and bartering for even a seat in the United States 
senate. We had information that Huntington was seeking 
to find a Southern outlet, through Georgia, in the direction 
of New Orleans, and that the Louisville & Nashville syndicate 
had designs upon the ownership of the W. & A. Railroad. All 
of which came to pass, because the L. & N. Railroad placed 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 549 

its vice-president, E. B. Stahlman, into the receivership 
of the W. & A. Railroad lease, to effectually account for his 
activity in the State Capitol at Atlanta. Huntington and the 
L. & N. authorities were in pursuit of their schemes; (Ex- 
Senator Gordon, from Wall Street and Washington City, came 
to Georgia to fill the executive chair, in 1886, and pushed his 
campaign by floods of money, and the control of a venal press, 
using the same old "Rebel yell," and the "drum and fife" 
to hide their monumental schemes for public plunder). 

Under date of January 10, 1884, the Chicago Tribune made 
the bold statement that Georgia railroads kept a senator in 
the United States senate, and Haxper's Weekly copied the 
statement editorially to prove the use of money in politics. 
Huntington kept more than one senator for his use, according 
to the same authority. 

(While I am writing this down (April, 1911), the State of 
Illinois and United States senators are working together, might 
and main, to keep out William Lorimer, who was elected by 
bribe money to the high position of United States senator). 
We were aware that Huntington's money and L. & N. Rail- 
road money would do all that bribe money could do to in- 
fluence the breaking down of the Georgia railroad commission, 
and we felt the use of such money in more than two Seventh 
district congressional campaigns ; but the appeal made to 
Dr. Felton touched his patriotism in such a way that he could 
not refuse, and for six years he held on, until he "saved the 
railroad commission," if Railroad Commissioners Wallace and 
Smith were candid in their declarations to Dr. Felton, and he 
saved the State Road from a mammoth railroad syndicate and 
kept it for the use and profit of the tax-payers of Georgia. 
He laid the bottom sills for a reformatory prison system, pro- 
tected the Lunatic Asylum from its avowed enemies, aroused 
the people of Georgia to the horrors of the convict lease system, 
moved the temperance forces into line towards State-wide 
prohibition, and did more to protect the University of Georgia 
from well-planned schemes of emasculation and destruction 
than any man in Georgia — no matter what may be his title 
or his political assumption of leadership in advocacy of the 
movements here named. 



550 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

In discussing the reformatory system Dr. Felton collided 
with the Representative of Sumter county, Hon. Edgar Sim- 
mons, and I was an eye-witness and a listener to Mr. Simmons' 
attack on myself — and also Dr. Felton 's speech in defense of 
his wife. Both occurred in the old Capitol building and it 
would have been a terrible trial to me if I had not experienced 
and met an attempted defamation of character, originated by 
a senator of the United States, in the year 1879. I had been 
able to meet the first attack most successfully. The picture in 
my memory of my aged husband's noble bearing as he flung 
defiance in Simmons' face, and actually withered his op- 
ponent by the force of his righteous indignation, has never 
faded or been dimmed by time. It was a privilege to suffer 
to receive the public tribute that Dr. Felton gave his comrade 
in politics. 

Dr. Felton 's Argument in Favor of Railroad Commission. 

(Reported by Atlanta Constitution). 

Speaking before the legislature, he said in his opinion a 
great majority of the people of Georgia did not want the com- 
mission modified in the least. The railroads in Georgia ought 
to be satisfied with the commission. The present law was 
drafted by State Senator McDaniel, now our executive, and 
was approved by Governor Brown, General A. R. Lawton and 
other railroad authorities." Mr. Gordon, of Savannah, speak- 
ing for General Lawton, said the statement was entirely un- 
true. "Very well," said Dr. Felton, "I had good authority 
for making the statement, but I wish to be corrected if I am 
wrong. The board of trade of Atlanta approved, but three of 
them opposed — Mr. J. C. Kimball, ex-Governor Bullock and 
an employee of the Georgia Pacific Railroad." The present 
question is the most important one before the legislature since 
the war, possibly at any period of our history. It is not a 
question of who shall regulate — it is not a question of ar- 
bitrary power; but the question is, who shall govern Georgia? 
Who shall make her laws — who shall reap and enjoy the fruits 
of the labor of the country — the honest toiler or a few rail- 
road magnates ? You all know who have watched this question 
that the oppression by the railroads is like starving the ox 
that treadeth out the grain, while a few favored men fatten 
on the products of the threshing floor. Will you supply the 
people with the lees of the wine press, while you give the 
favored few the spiced wine of the vintage? 

The tendency of wealth is to organize into railroad corpora- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 551 

tions. What is wealth? It is not the gold or silver of the 
banker. It is the product of labor. 

The friends of the bill say there are $70,000,000 invested in 
railroads in Georgia. Why, then, do these railroad officials 
return their property to the comptroller general at only 
$52,000,000? It is said that in the United States there are 
seven billions of dollars invested in railroads — that they dis- 
burse annually $250,000,000, and that over a million of men 
are connected with them. This chartered, aggregated, organ- 
ized and concentrated wealth rivals the federal government in 
its power and patronage. 

Never before had there been such a desire in Georgia to 
build railroads. What stands in the way of their building? 

Mr. Gordon: "All that stands in their way is the passage of 
this bill. Pass it, and they may be built." 

Mr. Felton : ' ' The gentleman has said just what I wanted 
him to say. If the commission has made the Central Railroad 
too poor to pay for the tallow to grease the wheels of its roll- 
ing stock, why such a spirit to invest in corporations that lead 
to poverty? (Laughter and applause). The railroads are the 
modern colossus. They differ with the ancient colossus in this, 
that while it only straddled the harbor of Rhodes, they straddle 
the United States of America, and all commerce, all law, all 
labor and all government must slavishly and humbly pass 
under its straddle. (Laughter and applause). Wealth and 
patronage is power. I assert that these chartered companies 
are dangerous to public liberty — their very existence is a 
threat to constitutional government. What is their watch- 
word ? Consolidation. 

The friends of this bill say they want consolidation. The 
great syndicate of which Mr. Gordon is an honored, valuable 
and highly esteemed member, the Central Railroad, does not 
desire competition. The very apprehension or suggestion of 
competition acts upon them just like a red flag acts in the 
arena upon a Spanish bull fight. You just mention com- 
petition — do you just suggest competition, and the Central, 
with lowered head, tail up in the air, and with a bellow that 
would shake the woods of Bashan, rushes to the contest. (Ap- 
plause). 

Their object is to swallow up the shorter lines. I charge 
here that the trunk lines of Georgia do not desire the building 
of new roads in Georgia, except as feeders. They wish to sup- 
press them to prevent competition. 

Holding a paper in his hand, Dr. Felton remarked that it 
was the most striking document it had ever been his mis- 
fortune to read. It was a circular, issued by the Railway 
Shareholders' Association of Wall Street, New York, of which 



552 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Gen. E. P. Alexander was president. There are $100,000 of 
capital stock in the association. They received daily, monthly 
or annual contributions from railroad men, for the object of 
preventing unfriendly legislation against their interests. They 
say in this circular they intend to have the press and lawyers 
to defeat unfriendly legislation and precent the building of 
competitive lines. May not this account for the wonderful 
newspaper flop in Georgia? 

**I imagine the Central Railroad is a component part of this 
very association." (Applause). "They consider everything 
unfriendly that restricts them from their chartered privileges. 
They have done more to suppress railroad building than all 
other causes combined. 

"An attorney of the Central Railroad takes the position that 
the pool is right and competition is wrong. The East Tennes- 
see, Virginia & Georgia Railroad finds united opposition from 
this railroad because they fear competition. 

"Mr. Speaker, your own town has the reputation of being 
bottled up." (Laugher). "It is hermetically sealed. Your 
senator says they have not only sealed you up, but they have 
stolen the only river that God has given to Columbus." 
(Laughter). "Bottled up! Who bottled you up, ]\Ir. Speaker? 
Will you just tell me who killed Cock Robin?" (Laughter). 
"The president of the Central Railroad bought the Georgia 
Railroad, leased it for 99 years, which is equivalent to a sale, 
for $600,000 per annum ; 14 per cent on the capital stock of the 
road. The Louisville & Nashville offered the Central $25,000 
for its bargain and the Central took it. Am I not telling the 
truth? Is this not driving out foreign capital? 

"Foreign capital controls the lease of the Western & Atlantic 
Railroad ; foreign capital is largely invested in the East Ten- 
nessee, Virginia & Georgia — all since the creation of the com- 
mission. 

"Wall Street, which is ever seeking to humiliate labor, to 
make money dear, and the products of labor cheap — Wall 
Street, the headquarters of the Railway Shareholders' Associa- 
tion, never invests in a Georgia railroad without expecting to 
make Georgia farmers foot the bill." (Applause). "1 love 
the Central Railroad ; I am its friend. If it was oppressed I 
would go to its relief. 

"The Central has purchased the Mobile & Girard, the Rome 
& Columbus, the Montgomery & Eufaula, the Elberton & 
Madison, the Savannah, Griffin & North Alabama, the Savan- 
nah & Memphis, the Augusta & Knoxville, the Port Royal, the 
Georgia, the Brunswick, the Atlanta & West Point, the St. 
Mary's & Western, the Macon & Augusta, the Western of 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 553 

Alabama, the Gainesville & Jug Tavern, the Walton, and the 
Macon & Western Railroads. It strangled them. 

"Port Royal was one of the most promising towns in South 
Carolina with a magnificent harbor. Where is Port Royal 
today? The Central found it necessary to bottle up Port 
Royal. The compresses are there, but no cotton. The rail- 
road is there, and I am told that occasionally, a lazy train 
drags its slow length along over that once magnificent stretch 
of road. The harbor is there, but I am told that only now 
and then the sail of a second-class ship flaps upon the lazy 
bosom of that once magnificent harbor. I am told the bats are 
there, the owls are there, and that the lone fisherman spreads 
his net where once proud ships ploughed the waters. I am 
told that the olive and the vine have ceased their production 
and why? Because the Central had found it necessary to 
bottle up Port Royal! (Laughter.) 

"I predict there will be some sort of strangulation before the 
Georgia Midland reaches its destination. 

"When I think about these strangulations, I try to imagine 
how the midwives employed by Old Pharoah looked. You will 
recollect Pharoah ! He ordered all the male children born 
into the world strangled at their birth. I have attempted 
to imagine how those old hags, sitting around the couch of 
suffering, must have watched anxiously for this opportunity 
for obedience to the despot who had issued the cruel order. 
I have attempted to imagine sometimes how these Central 
railroad authorities, most clever and excellent gentlemen they 
are, would look, spectacles on nose, and down to the very 
end of the nose, as they sit around the labor couch of some 
new-born railroad project, and I have attempted to imagine 
my friend (Mr. Gordon, of Savannah), as he would sit there 
in this grave and dignified. (Here the laughter drowned the 
speaker's voice, and the most uproarious cheers and shouts 
rent the air. It was a full minute before order was restored. 
Mr. Gordon joining in the laugh.) The doctor proceeded. 
"Watching the favorable opportunity, and just before the 
cries announcing a man-child is born into the world, these 
modern accouchers have done their work ; and the railroad 
project is strangled at its birth. There is one opportunity for 
you, Mr. Speaker! (Laughter.) 

"The Good Book tells us that Pharoah got in a terrible rage 
one d'ly and called up two of these celebrated accouchers, and 
was abou^ to execule them forthwith, and they would have 
been executed because of a refusael to obey his command, but 
they replied : ' We cannot carry out your command because 
Hebrew women are not like Egyptian women ; they are 
L-i-v-e-1-y. ' (Great cheering and laughter.) "I hope Colum- 



554 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

bus will be lively. (Repeated laughter and cheer.) "Take 
a look at the newspapers, at Vie advertisements of patent- 
medicine men. You see a picture of the patient before taking 
and of the same man after taking. Take a view of the rail- 
roads, before the establishment of the Railroad Commission 
and of them since. Photograph them and I do not fear the 
result. 

Put no trust in a deposed despot ! The commission has 
saved the people of Georgia a million dollars in freights alone! 
The Central Railroad, before the commission was created, 
charged on one car load for ten miles, where there was no 
competition, $130, and where there was competition, $60. 
Since the commission the charge went down to $32. 

The Central Railroad will carry grain and bacon from Cin- 
cinnati or Louisville to Savannah for less than to Atlanta, or 
for less than from Atlanta to Decatur, Stone Mountain, Madi- 
son, Griffin or Macon. Is it a matter of surprise that Georgia 
is poor? 

The Central Railroad taps 67 counties in Georgia. Dur- 
ing ten years they increased in population 179,560; in cotton 
bales, 340,977 ; in bushels of corn, 1,740,136 bushels, while they 
decreased in taxable values $3,338,277. 

The Savannah, Florida and Western taps 14 counties. The 
net decrease in ten years was $32,000. The East Tennessee- 
Virginia and Georgia Railroad,. 18 counties; increase, $6,547,- 
875. 

The Brunswick & Albany, six counties, increase, $2,375,000. 
Western & Atlantic, nine counties, increase, $9,200,000. 
The Atlanta and Charlotte Air Line, ten counties, increase, 
$3,894,948. 

The Marietta and North Georgia, five counties, increase, 
$838,000. 

The Georgia Pacific, two counties, increase, $481,547. 
Chatham county (Savannah), in the same period, a decrease 
of $6,397,879. In 1872, the Central Railroad property was 
valued at $584,000. In 1882 at $5,000,000. It is now the rich- 
est corporation in the South. 

The Central Railroad swallowed up the wealth of 67 coun- 
ties and yet Savannah merchants are not benefited. 

Let us draw two pictures: Take an humble cottage in one 
of these counties that the Central runs through. It is humble 
though sacred and consecrated. Father, mother and children 
are dedicated to toil. It is a little home, but sweet to the 
heart and pleasant in every association. It may be a log cabin, 
but consecrated to virtue and toil. See that family in early 
dawn, by the light of the tallow dip, breakfasting on the 
coarsest diet, and immediately after father and the children 



556 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

boys and girls, hurry to the fields, the workshops and factory 
to labor until night, even then they scarcely food and raiment. 

No schools ! No church ! No luxury ! 

Take that other home ! It is magnificent in its surroundings, 
luxurious in its apartments ! Take its flashing receptions, its 
magnificent entertainments that drive away ennui. Look at 
its rich wardrobes, crowded with silk and laces ! In easy in- 
dulgence the men roll in wealth. His eyes stick out with fat- 
ness and no fear of the future. The question today is, which 
will you vote to help? You have got to meet it. You have 
got to vote for one or the other. God being my helper I will 
stand today and forever by the humble home of the laborer. 
(Applause). He alluded to a cartoon in the Georgia Cracker. 

THE PEOPLE'S VICTORY. 

Atlanta Journal. 

The great struggle is over the anti-commission bill in the 
legislature, which has for weeks engrossed the attention of 
the State, culminated this morning in the House, and resulted 
in a victory for the people. The Senate bill failed to receive 
the requisite constitutional majority. We rejoice over the 
result, not on our own account, but on account of the people 
whose interests were seriously involved in the matter, and 
which would have suffered great and inevitably injury had 
the desperate attempt of the railroads and the colossal coali- 
iton which they had under their control, succeed in forcing the 
issue in their favor. Every purpose of the bill was disguised. 
Disguise it as they will, was a bold attempt on the part of the 
railroads to be rid of the Railroad Commission, and to regain 
the power they formerly had to make their own rates, without 
the fear of effectual interference on the part of this regulating 
body sworn to perform their duty as the agents of the people 
through the constitution and the legislature. To accomplish 
their purpose to emasculate the commission, every agency 
which unlimited money power and unscrupulous disregard of 
all interests save their own selfish ones could compass and 
control was set in motion, a subsidized or cunningly misled 
press lent its powerful aid to the scheme, and for a long 
time the cause of the people against aggression, rapacity and 
the rule of the "bosses," trembled in the scale, and the pros- 
pect looked ominous. But thanks to the unwavering fidelity 
of the true representatives of the people in the House, the 
masterly eloquence of their speakers, the inherent righteous- 
ness of their cause, and the steadfastness to principle of the 
little phalanx of the press who refused to take sides with mo- 
nopolists and bosses against the people, the scheme of the lat- 
ter has failed and wisdom, justice and moderation have tri- 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 557 

umphed. Let it be distinctly understood that the men who 
fought this iniquitous bill are not "communists," nor that 
they fail to recognize the great value of railroads, their in- 
calculable usefulness and their splendid record as developers 
of Georgia's material interests. This is frankly conceded. 
But the interests of the people are supreme, and while benefits 
are reciprocal, the creature must not presume to be greater 
than the creator. The railroads attempted to change this 
prime relationship and were defeated, as they should have 
been. Let us learn a lesson from this of mutual forbearance, 
comity and patriotism. These crises work for the good of a 
people after all. 

The vote was then had with the following result : 

SACRED 

To the Memory of 

Those Voting in Favor of 

Railroad Monopolies versus 

The People— 82 

Those who voted for the people and against railroad mo- 
nopolies were 73. 

I hold the names, but omit them here. 

Dr. Felton's speech addressed to the legislature produced 
a reply from Gen. E. P. Alexander, who occupied a position 
under the Federal government known as director of Pacific 
railroads. The general and President Grover Cleveland were 
both fishing experts and the president gave his fishing comrade 
a high office, as we were told, just as President Taft, who 
is devoted to golf, found a Supreme Court judge in Augusta, 
Georgia. 

General Alexander addressed a tart letter to Dr. Felton, 
bearing date of October 21, 1885, in which he called upon 
him "to repair the wrong he had done him, and sought 
to do and said the falsity of every single statement and in- 
sinuation which you have made concerning me will suggest 
an equally full and earnest effort in that direction. I am not, 
have never been either the president or a member of any such 
association whatever, and in spite of the evidence of the cir- 
cular. I do not believe there is or ever has been any such an 
association. * * * * Secondly, you speak of me as the 
largest stockholder of the Western and Atlantic Railroad, 
drawing "immense dividends" wrung from its patrons. I 
have never owned but one small fraction of a single share of 
Western and Atlanta stock, and that I have owned but for 
five and a half years. For nearly two years there have been 
no dividends at all, and I will gladly transfer to you the stock 
itself and all the dividends I ever did receive for a large dis- 



553 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

count from the cost of it, and I guarantee you that the divi- 
dends you will receive will never trouble your conscience. 
Thirdly, you intimate that I have bribed, or attempted to 
bribe, a portion of the Georgia legislature. In fact I was 
absent from the State during the greater part of the session, 
and had not the remotest connection with anything that was 
done on either side, etc." Respectfully, 

(Signed) E. P. ALEXANDER. 

This was an emphatic disclaimer, and he herein declared 
he had never been a member of the Railway Shareholders' 
Association, had only a small fraction of a single share in 
the W. & A. lease stock, and had never had any interest in 
the legislative discussion of the commission or railroad inter- 
ests whatever. 

When Dr. Felton came in with the mail, and the newspaper 
containing this public denial, he pointed it out to me. After 
I read it, I said he "cannot be a government director of Pa- 
cific railroads, and hold any shares or stock in any railroad — 
the law forbids it, but you spoke by authority of the circular 
and the lease shares, and you did not charge him with bribing 
the legislature." As Dr. Felton was very busy with crop 
gathering, also with legislative work, he said to me : " Do you 
get the facts in shape for me, and then allow the facts to set- 
tle the question." 

On October 22, 1885, the day that General Alexander's let- 
ter reached us Dr. Felton and myself prepared the following : 
"To Hon. E. P. Alexander, Government Director of Pacific 
Roads : 

* ' My Dear Sir : I have just finished reading your published 
letter in the Atlanta Constitution of this date. As it is courte- 
ous and respectful in tone and words, I shall take pleasure 
in making a reply equally courteous and respectful. You 
request me to explain or retract what I said in the Georgia 
legislature about your connection with the Railway Share- 
holders' Association. If in excitement and heat of debate I 
make statements not authorized by testimony and the facts 
it is my duty and my delight to make an unequivocal retrac- 
tion of the same. If such statements need further explanation, 
it is always my pleasure to explain. If the facts and the testi- 
mony and the statements agree, I shall endeavor to do justice 
to all myself included. If you, as supposed member of this 
association, had ever allowed your name to be used in con- 
nection with its aims and purposes, you cannot complain if 
inquiry should be made into the text of the operations in 
Georgia or elsewhere, and it was legitimate to criticise it. 

The copy of the circular, which I hold, was placed in my 
possession by one of the first railroad men in the Union. (I 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 559 

shall do no harm at this time to say by a member of the Geor- 
gia Railroad Commission). I am confident he had never seen 
any published denial of your connection with it, as I am very 
sorry no such denial ever fell under my eye. 

My speech was made on October 2d, and no friend of yours 
was found to do so for a week afterwards. Such silence is 
hard to understand. 

I have not the slightest objection to any man's joining such 
an association, nor does it concern me or the public as to 
how the money of such an association is distributed, provided 
it is not done in violation of the fundamental law of Georgia 
to the destruction of the productive industries of the State. 

I am not personally familiar with the methods used by such 
associations, for it has been my good or evil fortune to move 
outside of railway associations, as I am unfamiliar with their 
inside workings as with their large salaries or dividends. 
Whatever statements I have made were made upon the printed 
circular, which set forth its aims and purposes, signed by 
John Livingston, of 212 Astor House, Broadway, N. Y., also 
from the extract taken from your letter, written by yourself, 
seeking the position as president, and also a letter written by 
Albert Fink, Trunk Line commissioner, 346 Broadway, N. Y., 
whose kindly ofl&ces in this connection you had heretofore 
solicited. 

Your connection with the lease of the W. & A. Railroad I 
obtain from your own testimony before a legislative committee, 
also the testimony of C. H. Phinizy and C. I. Brown before the 
same body. 

The facts in regard to your dividends from the State road, I 
obtain from a statement setting forth the earnings, the ex- 
penses, and the net profits of that road since the year 1878, 
which statement was verified in the comptroller's office in At- 
lanta. Your connection with the lease you admit and begun 
five and a half years ago, and I think you will retract your 
offer to turn over to me your interest when the figures appear 
in cold type. 

But I will first refer to the objects of the Railway Associa- 
tion as detailed in the circular. They are : 

1. "To minimize and prevent the interference of irrespon- 
sible State officials with the regulation and management of 
railways with the rates fixed by their charters." Now, my 
dear sir, this published declaration was in exact harmony 
with the late attempt to break down the Railroad Commission 
of Georgia. No advocate of the late railroad bill attempted 
less than did this Railway Shareholders' Association. 

2. The imconstitutional repeal of all laws, taxing the in- 
come of railways. 



560 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

3. The change of the present system of assessment in sev- 
eral States. 

4. The alteration of laws relating to compensation for rail- 
way accidents. 

5. The repeal of free railroad laws, so that other roads 
shall not be constructed which shall interfere with or even 
threaten the incomes and profits of the Trunk Line roads of 
the United States. 

Ah, my dear general, when you see how one great railroad 
system has been able to gobble up every road South of At- 
lanta is it not plain that all "free railroad laws" in Georgia 
have now become a nullity? 

6. To oppose all legislation in Congress affecting railroads 
or hampering their "unjust and unreasonable incomes." 

This circular proposes to accumulate information as to the 
events and needs of railway legislation, taxation, investments, 
supervision and management, to publish and disseminate the 
same. It will cause to be prepared arguments and addresses 
against every unfair measure affecting railways and through 
the press and otherwise place the same before executive legis- 
lative and judicial officers, and the public. It will employ 
counsel before legislative bodies and committees to promote 
such legislation as shall be required to protect railway in- 
terests and to defeat inimical measures. 

The scope of its usefulness will be as unlimited as the means 
which shall be placed at its command. The question of meas- 
ures for promoting good legislation and securing just decis- 
ions for their mutual protection, is one upon which all rail- 
roads "should pool their issues." The jealousies naturally 
existing among rival lines should not prevent action for their 
common welfare." 

This circular, my dear sir, was printed and issued on Jan- 
uary 21, 1884, about the time the war opened on "railroad 
commissions" in Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama and other States. 

John Livingston, the acting president of the association, 
says : " It is unnecessary to enlarge upon the advantages and 
co-operation of Gen. E. P. Alexander, of Georgia, who, through 
the kindly co-operation of Mr. Albert Fink, Trunk Line Com- 
missioner, has been selected for the post of president from the 
fifteenth proximo of the Railway Shareholders' Association, 
which will have his earnest assistance towards making it an 
eminent success. It may be readily assumed that he would 
not enter into connection with the undertaking without care- 
ful investigation and a thorough conviction of its merits. 

"General Alexander, who is not now connected with any 
railroad, commended by Commissioner Fink and by prominent 
railroad men in the South and West, having been made fami- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 561 

liar with the workings of this organization under date of 
January 4, 1884, writes: "Should you wish to advance my 
name with any one who does not know me, Mr. Albert Fink, 
I am very sure, would give me such an indorsement as would 
answer as he recominended me two years ago to be his own 
successor. ' 

"Now, my dear general, what is it you wish me to retract? 
If you fell among 'cranks and fellows,' had you not better 
retract that letter? Did he forge your name to your supposed 
letter? Mr. Albert Fink thus wrote to Mr. John Livingston 
under date New York, January 19, 1884: 'Yours of Decem- 
ber 31, was only received this morning and yours of 5th inst., 
two days ago. I herewith return letter from General Alexan- 
der. General Alexander has been connected with railroads 
for many years and stands very high as a railroad manager 
and a gentleman. He was formerly connected with the Louis- 
ville and Nashville Railroad Company. He has written much 
on the railroad problem and very sensibly.' " 

Yours respectfully, 

ALBERT FINK. 

In default of any notice from you as to your retiracy from 
a position sought by yourself and urged by Commissioner 
Fink, what further explanation can you ask at my hands? 

When the "Courant (The Courant was owned by myself 
and edited by Dr. Felton and myself), asked "Where would 
General Alexander try it on?" What question would be more 
natural? When it asked, "Is the money of this Shareholders' 
Association now being used on the Georgia Legislature?" was 
not such an inference to be drawn from such a circular, which 
had unlimited means to control legislation? Was not this 
money devoted to this use? 

It falls to your share, my dear general, to issue another 
circular to meet the eye of every person who has heard of 
your aforetime connection with the Railway Shareholders' 
Association, especially as you now hold so important a posi- 
tion as a government director of Pacific roads? This 'huge 
confidence game," as you term it, has no doubt worked you 
injury and the public use of a letter credited to yourself, was 
calculated to deceive the wisest and the best. This was not 
a secret circular. It was intended to be scattered abroad. 
You admit it was sent to Europe to beguile railroaders and 
contributors out of which contributions your large salary was 
to be paid. You intimate in your letter that you were "at- 
tracted to the scheme by the offer of a large salary, with small 
demands on your time." 

When I found a circular representing such aims and pur- 
poses, chartered by the laws of the State of New York with 



562 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

your name at its head, the sole object of which was to "con- 
trol legislation" by "unlimited means," I felt it a duty to 
this people to denounce it in the strongest terms. Under simi- 
lar circumstances I should do it again. 

Since you repudiate the association in print and denounce 
it as a fraud. I will take pleasure in giving you my humble 
assistance, to so denounce it especially as you now represent 
the United States in the position of government railroad di- 
rector. It was a nefarious scheme to deceive and injure the 
great producing classes of this country, and the attempted 
control of all the departments of the government by corrupt 
money was a threat that neither you nor I can afford to let 
pass without a merited rebuke. 

Now a few words in regard to your dividends from the 
earnings of the Western and Atlantic Railroad. A legislative 
committee a few years ago examined into the ownership of 
these lease shares. A. T. Hackett, chairman on part of the 
Senate, and John W. Maddox, on part of the House. This 
committee also inquired into the validity of the present bond. 
It was shown that you had purchased four and one-half shares 
from the "Wadley pool," besides one-fourth share you had 
purchased from Gov. Joe Brown. C. H. Phinizy also pur- 
chased from the Wadley pool, and you and he controlled the 
largest amount of shares in the lease. You admit you have 
owned an interest for five and one-half years. Your income 
from that source would therefore begin in 1880. The net in- 
come for that year was $406,794.60. Divide this income by 
23, and you get the value per share. The net income in May, 
1881, was $392,976.35. Divide again by 23, and you can count 
it up for yourself. If you desire to part with your investment, 
where could you find a better one in Georgia? The gross re- 
ceipts in May, 1882, were $1,576,905.59, and the net income 
$157,310.87 In May, 1883, the net income was $237,114.80. 
Your shares in the 23 would bring something handsome, that 
is, if you turned them over to me. The net incomes in 1884- 
1885 were somewhat smaller, owing to the drought and pre- 
vailing financial distress in the country, but still worth having 
when you convey it to me. ^.^ 

Of course, my dear general, I cannot tell how this large 
income is distributed or to what it is applied, but a business 
which pays so handsomely puts to shame the struggles of 
thousands, whose produce pays you transportation one way 
and Avhose scarcity of supplies yields the railroads such hand- 
some returns in bringing food and extras within their reach. 

These net incomes to the lessees are small amounts to the 
rich and opulent, but an increase in rates would make ten 
thousand poor homes still poorer if legislation is controlled 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 563 

against them, no matter by what means. 

I have no unfriendly motive to you or to others in thus 
elaborating this subject, and I have no disposition to inquire 
into your private affairs (as to whether you hold these shares 
in trust for your family or otherwise), but since you ques- 
tioned the "truth of the dividends," as explained in the 
Courant, I will give you my information on the subject as 
frankly as possible. 

The legislative report makes Mr. C. H. Phinizy say: "Each 
share is worth about $5,000 per annum." He owns 3 7-8 
shares and he is well prepared to testify. This return is too 
significant to both of you to be regarded in the scale of "bet- 
ter investments," but it looks as big as a "cart wheel" to a 
poor farmer like myself. Your 4 3-4 shares resemble a for- 
tune to me. 

Disclaiming any unkind feeling to you personally and deter- 
mined to retract anything that is untrue, as well as to explain 
anything that may not be clear to your mind in connection 
with either the Railway Shareholders' Association, as well as 
shares in the Western and Atlantic Railroad that lies in my 
power, I remain, Yours most respectfully. W. H. FELTON. 

P. S. The newspapers that copied Gen. Alexander's letter 
will certainly allow this reply to appear in their columns in 
justice to him if not to others. W. H. F. 

General Alexander came back like a tornado and made 
public a long reply (and I again set to work to gather up 
and prepare answering data). He started out by saying: "I 
refuse to bandy words with you," and then went on with the 
"bandy" over two closely printed columns in the Atlanta 
Constitution. He haled the Courant, my newspaper into his 
court, and arraigned the editor (myself) because I proceeded 
to publish the following: 

■'General E. P. Alexander is the president of the association. 
'Henry Jewett, director for 20 railroad companies. 

■'Sam Sloan, director for 23 railroad companies. 

■'Jay Gould, director for 24 railroad companies. 

■'George Roberts, director for 26 railroad companies. 
'Aug. Schell, director for 28 railroad companies. 
'Sidney Dillon, director for 36 railroad companies. 
'T. L. Ames, director for 52 railroad companies. 

■'Seven directors and 209 railroad companies includes 120,- 
000 miles of railroad, 90,000 investors and employs 1,100,000 
persons. Here it is in a nutshell, and E. P. Alexander, of 
Georgia, at the head ! He has also been appointed government 
director on the Pacific roads, which roads also pays him to do 
the things here enumerated!" 

Dr. Felton did not see the Courant until it was printed, but 



564 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

knowing what I do know now in the light of Huntington's tell 
tale letters, it was astonishing that a plain North Georgia wo- 
man, editing a weekly paper, could have hit a nail so squarely 
on the head ! 

General Alexander went for my spouse with Avords that 
impressed us that he was putting up a bluff game on us, be- 
cause he said he had furnished the Atlanta paper with a bona 
fide circular, in which he was to become the president on 
February 15, 1884, whereas Dr. Felton had antedated the de- 
but of this forgetful president on January 21, 1884. He ac- 
cused Dr. Felton of feigning ignorance for an ignoble purpose ; 
but all the same he then suddenly recollected that he had writ- 
ten to Mr. Fink and somehow his memory was stimulated until 
his early denial startles us with its endeavor to deceive some- 
body ! His last letter with its confession of his real acquain- 
tance with a circular and with his acknowledgement of its 
aims and purposes, is humiliating to read, and unexplainable 
as coming from a man, who had been so highly honored in 
public offices. His circular, the one he owned to, he said was 
dated 1883, and the editor, in pity for the gentleman, did not 
publish the circular of 1883. 

General Alexander then explained his possession of the 
shares he bought from the "Wadley pool." He was trustee 
for the Louisville and Nashville Railroad. He concluded his 
lengthy letter in the following words: "I never met Dr. Fel- 
ton and was 3,000 miles away when he sought to pose before 
the people of Georgia as honest and incorruptible by charging 
me with bribery and corruption. I have been forced to exhibit 
him in his true colors. What they are the public can now 
judge for themselves." E. P. ALEXANDER. 

When our mail was brought in and I read this screed aloud 
to Dr. Felton, he said to me: "What do you think of him 
now?" I replied in substance as follows: "He has been 
placed in his position as government director of Pacific roads 
to serve the railroads. He demonstrated his peculiar qualities 
for this service during his brief connection with this mooted 
Railway Association. Nothing you can say to him will dis- 
lodge him from that position, but you can prove to the people 
of Georgia what we have known for a long time, that the 
State road lease is not only without a bond for performance 
of its contract with the State, but that men, Georgians, have 
been hired with big salaries to conceal the ownership of lease 
shares in defiance of the explicit terms of that contract. This 
man did what better men were afraid or unwilling to do, 
namely, carry in his own name what did not belong to him, to 
enable the Louisville and Nashville Railroad to defeat the 
will of the taxpayers of Georgia. What do you think of him? 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 565 

I asked." "Just exactly what I thought when the circular was 

handed to me by , who understood what was going 

on right before the Georgia legislature with Stahlman, the 
vice-president of the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, on the 
ground moving heaven and earth to destroy or emasculate 
the Railroad Commission of Georgia." "But," he continued, 
"he says he has exhibited me in my true colors." God helping 
— with your help also — I will show him up for "good and 
always" this time. Get your writing desk and we will give 
him another hearing before the people of Georgia." 

Near Cartersville, Nov. 24, 1885. 
Gen. E. P. Alexander, Government Director of Pacific Rail- 
roads : 

Sir: Your letter in today's Constitution does not surprise 
me. Men of your caliber always adopt the role of bully when 
no other reply presents itself. Your first letter gave some 
intimations of the gentleman. Your last, effectually removes 
such an impression from my mind. You now deserve words 
suited to your character. 

It is important that the people of this country should know 
the manner of man, who has been able to foist himself into 
the position you hold. If you are a veteran railroad intriguer, 
if you have been culpable in minor matters, and if you were 
attracted to the director's position as you were to the Rail- 
way Shareholders' Association by the "hope of a large salary 
with small demands on your time," the people should under- 
stand it. Your brow-beating demand on me for retraction 
and silence gives me opportunity to throw some light on the 
subject. Your personal quarrels are very small things com- 
pared to the danger which menaces the nation in allowing 
such a man to decide between its interests and the demands 
of monopolies. It was a most fortuitous circumstance that 
brought the Railway Shareholders' Association to the front, 
revealing its avowed aims and purposes. That it had exist- 
ence even you are now ready to admit. If Congress had fallen 
on such a document when Oakes Ames uncovered to public 
scorn James Brooks, of New York, who was also a govern- 
ment director of Pacific Railroads, it would have induced 
more carefulness in future selections. 

It is now understood that the circular, which like Banquo's 
ghost, will not down in your case, was issued by a kind of a 
trades union organization to be understood by initiated rail- 
roaders, but to be kept concealed from the people who were 
to be duped and from their executive judicial and legislative 
servants who were to be corrupted by the "infernal force 
of gold." 

When you telegraphed me last Thursday for the name of 



566 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

the man who handed me the copy in my possession, I treated 
this strange request as it deserved, with silence. If, as I was 
pected you desired to "spot" him, you should get no help 
from me. 

Now, remember. Gen. Alexander, you said in your first let- 
ter to me: "I do not believe there is, or ever has been such 
an Eissociation. " 

Did you state a deliberate untruth, because you felt that 
those circulars were in safe hiding? You may take another 
month's delay for a rejoinder, and you may bluster in every 
newspaper in Georgia, but you shall not track your man 
through me or the distinguished parties who were in posses- 
sion of this circular before I received it. 

You shall not evade. You shall not escape the facts. You 
then, not only knew that you had sought the presidency of the 
Raihvay Shareholders' Association, but you had asked Mr. 
Fink to help you. When you virtually denied the existence 
of the association, did you suppose Mr. Fink or Mr. Livings- 
ton or other interested people would never see such denial? 
V/hy is it that neither Mr. Fink or Mr. Livingston do not now 
support you with some sort of denial? 

A month's search has produced a circular in your own pos- 
session where I suspect it has always been secreted, although 
you informed me and the public, "I do not believe there is or 
ever has been such an association." 

After such unqualified repudiation in your first letter, what 
did I reply to you? Mark it! "Since you repudiate the as- 
sociation in print and denounce it as a fraud, I will take pleas- 
ure in giving you my humble assistance to also denounce it, 
especially as you now represent the United States in the po- 
sition of government director?" 

That circular was a printed document open to public criti- 
cism, justly deserving denunciation, and altliough you said 
in your last letter that you had published a notice of dissolu- 
tion of partnership with Mr. Livingston, that notice, which is 
supposed to be your remedy, has never yet been published 
where I could see it. 

No, sir, you bring nothing forward but your own unsup- 
ported word which may do for some people, but it would not 
do for me, if I was responsible to the people of this Union 
for your behavior in the government directorship. You may 
be trustee for too many railroads! 

In the face of your first denial you now admit you did 
exchange references with Livingston. Why does not his referee 
aid you now ? Too thin, general, too thin ! 

After a month's delay, you summon courage to even indorse 
a circular. You say this in your letter of today. You garbled 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 567 

it of course, but one sentence stands there like a placard on 
a knave's back, viz: "The association will cause to be pre- 
pared arg-uments and addresses against every unfair measure 
affecting railways and through the press and otherwise place 
the same before executive, judicial legislative officers and the 
public. It will employ counsel before legislative bodies and 
committees to promote such proper legislation as shall be re- 
quired to protect railv/ay interests and to defeat immical 
measures. The scope of its usefulness shall be as unlimited as 
the means v/hich shall be placed at its disposal." Money was 
to be used to control legislation. 

When I, as a member of the Georgia legislature, found such 
arguments and addresses against the Railroad Commission 
of the State, daily and hourly poured in upon us when I found 
"Counsel" swarming thick before this legislative body, when 
I saw the press almost solidly arrayed against the commis- 
sion; I could see the scope of the Railway Shareholders' As- 
sociation, and I knew such work meant ' ' unlimited means. ' ' 
Somebody was employed and getting paid without a doubt! 
Your name as president was the prominent recommendation 
to Southern railroads in the shareholders' programme. Mr. 
Fink's recommendation answered for those who did not know 
.you, and in default of any notice of dissolution or partnership 
with Fink or Livingston, you were the only man in the United 
States who was published as controlling "unlimited means" 
to corrupt the various departments of the State government. 

Under similar circumstances, I should do exactly what I 
did then, namely, denounce such organization, a combine 
for the avowed purpose to control with money all the railroad 
legislation of this country. So far as I am able, I shall aid 
the people of these United States to examine into the sort of 
arguments and addresses that are made before the government 
directors of Pacific railroads. 

You now virtually indorse the aims and purposes of Liv- 
ingston's circular. You have not only changed your mind as 
to confessing the existence of such an association, but you 
have the effrontery to negatively approve it in your let- 
ter received today. 

And since you now admit having written a letter from which 
Livingston copied, you can never escape or evade your appli- 
cation to Livingston for the position of president of such an 
association. You admit you exchanged references. You gave 
Fink, but you do not name his referee to the public. 

Livingston published his circular January 21, 1884, and if 
the circular placed in the hands of the Constitution bears date 
of 1883, as you state, it is barely possible that the one I hold 
is a little fuller and more emphatic on your presidency than 



568 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

the one you furnished, particularly as Mr. Livingston an- 
nounces the date of your application to be January 4, 1884. 

You did write to Mr. Livingston on January 4, 1884, in 
these words: "Should you wish to advance my name with 
any one who does not know me, Mr. Albert Fink, I am very 
sure would give me such an indorsement as will answer as he 
recommended me two years ago to be his own successor. 

Mr. Fink's letter endorsing you was dated January 10, 
1884. So you see, Gen. Alexander, your connection would not 
be likely to appear in a circular dated in 1883. How could 
it? (This evasion may astonish some people, but it does not 
astonish me, as you will see when your peculiar relations to 
the Western and Atlantic Railroad are uncovered). 

No matter if the concern had been "bogus" with a "bogus 
secretary," as you state, you were not bogus, and you admit 
you were "in pursuit of a large salary with small demands 
on your time." No matter if the thing turned out to be a 
"fraud" and allured men of means on both sides of the At- 
lantic, your application and Fink's endorsement made you a 
contemptible "stool pigeon" to attract game! 

Let us examine into the bluster you make over the Courant's 
publication of your supposed allies in the association. Mr. 
John Livingston published his prospectus of the association 
on the same sheet that he sets forth the prospectus of the 
Railway Advocate and of his Railway Directory. 

Ordinarily such publication would not be construed into a 
close alliance of the three, but Mr. Livingston publishes this 
directory for a given purpose. He tells in plain English what 
connection that directory is to have with the Alexander presi- 
dency and the Railway Shareholders ' Association. Hear him : 

"The publication and preparation of the railway directory 
has been deemed the first step reuqisite to facilitate the ef- 
forts of the Shareholders' Association. "Why?" To. promote 
such unification of the railway interests as has been secured 
by capital invested in other enterprises and as is essential to 
protect them against further aggression, the primary object 
for which the association is founded." 

The directory was intended to supplement the association. 
The seven directors "pooled" their money and had already 
agreed to advance with locked shields against any adverse 
legislation. The directory was the first step. Where you 
and Mr. Fink were not known, their names would draw more 
money and more influence. The directory pushed the associa- 
tion and the association supplemented the directory. 

History gives the antecedents of several of these directors. 
Jay Gould had no scruples as to pushing his schemes in Con- 
gress. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 569 

It is reported and not denied that he bought an appoint- 
ment of judge for the Supreme bench with money for a cam- 
paign. ("Stanley Matthews for judge, and Garfield's cam- 
paign"). He has long figured in railway legislation. He is 
set down for twenty-four companies. Mr. H. L. Ames, if I 
am correctly informed, inherited the mantle of his father 
Oakes Ames, who was ignominously expelled from Congress 
for bribing Congressmen and a government director of Pacific 
Railroads ! Mr. Sidney Dillon was the president of the ina- 
mous Credit Mobilier Company, when it became necessary to 
expel Brooks, who took his pay through Dillon. These two, 
Ames and Dillon, are set down as controlling ninety compan- 
ies. This is sufficient to see who were to push the association 
into usefulness; to "facilitate its efforts. 

"When men lie down with dogs they get up with fleas," 
says the old adage, and the association was caught in ques- 
tionable company and since the association facilitated itself 
with such directors in 1883 as well as in 1884, and as some- 
body has furnished you with one of the first date, and I hold 
one of the second date, you needn't pose any longer as a help- 
less innocent entrapped without your knowing it. 

The "baby act," I would remind you, does not meet your 
case. The association was legally chartered and Livingston 
declares you examined it "carefully." 

Mr. Livingston, to facilitate your offer, expressly declares 
that you carefully investigated the scheme becoming con- 
vinced of its merits. Now, general, where did you expect the 
large salary to come from if the directors did not pay it? 

Money does not "grow on trees," even in New York, and 
"honor bright," as the children say, did not your 1883 cir- 
cular promise a large salary with such a directory to push the 
association? This was the "first step," and I shall always 
believe the step that facilitated your effort to seek the presi- 
dency. A man of your financial sagacity was not blindfolded 
and dragged into it by force, and you may continue to cry 
"fraud," "bogus," ignorance and even stupidity, but you 
only dropped it as I believe when the "large salary" dropped 
out of the organization." 

(Par parenthesis. The change from the presidency to the 
government directorship of Pacific roads, was easy. After 
Mr. Cleveland became the guest of Gen. Alexander in a fish- 
ing affair, it was more than easy to be recommended by the 
aforesaid directors to the control of Pacific roads. The ser- 
pent found Eve's ear, and the president of the association 
found Mr. Cleveland's ear, and simply went up higher!) 

"When the Courant found your association so intimately 
connected with such a directory, it put the public on notice; 



570 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

that the "first step" had been taken. Nobody has offered 
to defend your connection with it, even the newspapers which 
you say publislied your notice of dissolution of partnership 
do not explain for you, and the association passed for its full 
value until it was proven a forgery, and you have that yet to 
do. 

The public can draw its own conclusions as to your fitness 
for your present position, after even so short an alliance with 
these railroad magnates. In my opinion you always follow 
the "large salary." 

Now a word on your connections with the Western and 
Atlantic Railroad. You complain that your sworn testimony 
was so badly printed it fails to do you justice, we will take 
what the Atlanta Constitution reports of you. All the prin- 
cipal men of that paper were examined at the same time with 
you and we will leave it to them. 

The attorney-general, Clifford Anderson, reported to the 
governor the fact that there was no bond in the lease of the 
Western and Atlantic Railroad. The legislature heard your 
testimony and that of others, and the attorney-general was 
called in. 

He laid great stress upon the law, which said : "No rail- 
road company or express company or companies or combi- 
nations of either shall in any event become lessees of the road." 
It is not possible to misconstrue these words. In your letter 
today, you say you were trustee for the Louisville and Nash- 
ville combination and Mr. Newcomb was wise enough to know 
he could not legally do what you undertook to do, viz. : to 
thwart the expressed will of the people of Georgia and you did 
it covertly. As a director of that road, you were a part of 
the Louisville and Nashville combination. 

When you made that confession did you understand its 
length and breadth? Did you comprehend for a moment your 
present position before the people of this State? It was law- 
ful to be a trustee for your family, but not for this railroad. 
Whenever before was a railroad so impotent that it had to 
conceal its property in this way ? I could not envy your pres- 
ent feelings if you owned every railroad in Georgia! 

The 'Constitution's comment on the attorney-general's 
decision says editorially: "When the Louisville and Nash- 
ville bought the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad, they 
found among its assets seven shares and a half of the State 
road lease. When Col. Cole found himself dispossessed, real- 
izing that the Western and Atlantic Railroad was the cue to 
the situation he at once set to work to prevent a majority of 
the shares from falling into the hands of the men who had 
bought him out. A pool was formed of 11 3-8 shares, one- 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 571 

eighth more than a majority of the shares, by Messrs. Johnson, 
of Macon, Cole, Peters and others. These shares were pooled 
to prevent them from falling into the hands of the Louisville 
and Nashville at high price. These shares were placed in 
New York and Mr. ]\Ioses Taylor advanced the money on them. 
Things remained in this shape for some time, when it is said 
Mr. Wadley sold to General Alexander — he(Wadley) took two 
shares for himself, letting Moses Taylor have two shares and 
Mr. Raoul (his son-in-law) two shares. This is about the 
way the shares stand at present. Colonel Cole owns half a 
share, and a few fractions are owned elsewhere. The 
rumor on the streets that the Louisville and Nashville or 
its friends hold nineteen and three-eighths shares is ex- 
plained as follows : The Louisville and Nashville bought 
with the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad seven and one- 
half shares. Gen. Alexander bought from the Wadley pool 
four and one-half shares. Mr. Phinizy bought one share from 
Col. Grant, which makes thirteen shares. The seven shares 
held by Mr. Wadley and Taylor and Raoul are considered 
friendly to the L. & N. Railroad. 

It was discovered shortly after the friends of the L. & N. 
Railroad commenced buying these shares that the holding of 
a share did not carry the right to vote, that the control re- 
mained with the original lessees ; since that time they are said 
to have sold seven and one-half shares to outsiders, being 
moved to this course by the additional information that the 
law would not permit the control of the State road by parties 
living out of the State. . The highest price paid for a share was 
two years ago — seventy thousand dollars. Shortly after the 
lease was made, the lessees determined to issue $40,000 of in- 
come bonds to each share of stock making the entire issue of 
bonds $880,000. It must be stated that Mr. B. H. Hill's share 
and all subsequent shares were sold after these bonds were 
distributed and that each lessee received $10,000 of bonds in 
addition to the price of his stock. These bonds are ten per 
cent, quarterly bonds, and sell for $113 in the market. These 
bonds are payable out of the earnings of the road." 

Here, Gen. Alexander, you find something of the bonded 
debt, which you assault me upon. Remember I gave you ''net 
income" and your imputation of my veracity is only equalled 
by your deceit. But let us proceed : 

"It will be seen that the lessee who sold his share for fifty 
thousand dollars, the average price, has received something 
like fifty thousand dollars from income bonds besides making 
one hundred thousand dollars in bulk the lease has paid him, 
besides the dividends he drew on the stock and incomes. It 
is known that the dividends have been paid for the last two 




572 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 



years on lease shares, besides the interest on income bonds 
and sinking fund. One dividend amounted to $5,000 per share. 
Last year they paid ten t^'housand dollars a share dividend. 
The last report was in 18l2, when the net earnings were four 
hundred and sixty thousand dollars. Deducting the rental 
would leave one hundred and sixty thousand dollars to the 
lessees. It is said the profits have been doubled since that 
date." This is the published statement made in 1883, as I 
remember. The Constitution can give you the date. 

Messrs. Hemphill, Howell, Finch and Grady were examined 
by the same committee that examined you. They were each 
and all acquainted with facts and with your testimony and 
with the ownership of the lease so you will hardly call them 
"ignorant" or "filled with duplicity." 

Governor Brown testified at the same time and when asked 
if the majority of the lease shares were held and controlled 
by Georgians, he said: "I know nothing to the contrary." 
If you were only a trustee for the Louisville and Nashville 
Railroad when you were a director, who did you represent 
when you purchased four and one-half shares from the "Wad- 
ley pool?" Gov. Brown also told a legislative committee that 
Mr. Wadley paid $600,000 for a controlling majority, and the 
Constitution says the Wadley pool was organized to keep the 
L. & N. Railroad from getting a majority. Here's richness! 

The lease law of Georgia expressly forbade anyA railroad 
from becoming a lessee for obvious reasons. There is a mys- 
tery in this thimble-rigging which places some people in a 
very mysterious light. 

If not too much of a conundrum, I would ask if a man who 
would connive at a fraud in a State matter would not also 
be willing to connive at a fraud in Federal matters? 

N. L. Hutchins swore he bought his share from you, and 
he asked you to place the dividend to his credit on the note 
towards the purchase. C. I. Brown swore he owned two shares 
in his own right. He had given General Alexander "his note" 
for them, and he paid on the note "some money arising from 
dividends on his shares." 

That accounts for three of them. Gumming is said to have 
procured his in the same way. That accounts for four, and 
yet with their holdings of such lease shares, you are set down 
as trustee for four and a half shares and one-fourth share as 
owner in your own right. Did Hutchins and Brown swear 
falsely or did the Constitution, which recites these facts, falsely 
represent them? 

I discard that badly printed testimony and demand that 
you apply at the proper place for a whitewashing, if they can 
afford to stultify themselves to give it to you. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 573 

The State of Georgia sees in you a man who assumed the 
trusteeship for a railroad when that road could not lawfully 
claim lease shares in its own name. 

You say you did not get a cent as trustee, but you can tell 
that to those who do not know how you were attracted to 
Railway Shareholders' Associations. The latge salary was 
no doubt ample to cover such illegal trusts and the question 
arises, if you could thus deceive the State of Georgia, where 
you had character to sustain, what will you do away from 
home as government director? 

I never met you in my life, Gen. Alexander, and until you 
appeared as the published president of an association, mani- 
festly organized to defeat all railroad legislation, that was not 
friendly to railways, by corrupt money, I had a good opinion 
of you. But you have unmasked yourself! You seem to for- 
get that you, with Mr. Fink and Mr. Livingston, are responsi- 
ble for your debut as president of this Railway Shareholders' 
Association. But one of the trio has spoken to the Georgia 
public, and perhaps it will be sensible for you not to forget it. 

You told me a "bogus secretary" referred your letter to 
Fink. Yet Mr. Fink was not "bogus." Mr. Fink would be 
of service in disconnecting you with Mr. Livingston. Had 
you kept aloof from them both until you were attracted by 
more than a large salary, you would not be at this moment 
the victim of misapprehension and suspicion. 

Had you not been found in a supposed position where great 
harm was threatened to every man in Georgia, except rail- 
road owners, I should not have alluded to you there or else- 
where. Instead of commending me for exposing a fraud on 
on you, you attack me. Instead of placing Messrs. Fink and 
Livingston on trial, you condemn me. To show the public how 
successfully you were made to answer their purpose, I will 
copy here Mr. Livingston's announcement of your accepted 
office with them : 

"It is unnecessary to enlarge upon the advantages of the co- 
operation of Gen. E. P. Alexander, of Georgia, who through 
the kindly recommendation of Mr. Albert Fink, the Trunk 
Line Commissioner, has been selected as president from the 
fifteenth proximo of the Railway Shareholders' Association, 
which will have his earnest assistance towards making it a 
success. It may be readily assumed that he would not enter 
into a connection with the undertaking without careful in- 
vestigation and a thorough personal conviction of its merits, 
and that it is so firmly established, has such earnest friends 
and supporters as to insure not only its permanency, but its 
ability to afford early and tangible evidence of results ac- 
complished. Gen. Alexander is not now connected with anv 



574 jNTy Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

railroad. ''-(Why did the Louisville and Nashville give up 
his services?) commended by Commissioner Fink and by 
prominent railroad men in the South and West has been made 
familiar Avith the working of this organization, under date of 
January 4, 1884, writes : ' ' Should you wish to advance my 
name with any one who does not know me, Mr. Albert Fink 
would, I am sure, give me such an indorsement as would an- 
swer, as he recommended me two years ago to be his own suc- 
cessor. " (Successor to what? Was it the presidency of this 
identical association?) "Commissioner Fink responded to our 
further application by a letter which the following is a copy : 
"Trunk Line Commissioner, New York Central and Hudson 
River, New York and Lake Erie, and West Pennsylvania, and 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroads. 

Office Commissioner, No. 346 Broadway, N. Y., Jan. 10, 1884. 

Mr. John Livingston, Secretary — Dear Sir : Yours of De- 
cember 31st was only received today, and yours of 5th instant 
two days ago. I herewith return letter from Gen. Alexander. 
General Alexander has been connected with railroads for many 
years. He stands very high as a railroad man and a gentleman. 
He was formerly vice-president Louisville & Nashville Railroad 
Company. He has written much on the railroad problem and 
sensibly.* Yours respectfully, ALBERT FINK." 

This association was chartered under the lav/s of New 
York and to denounce me for charging you with the presidency 
of the association is the veriest madness. The published cir- 
cular of an association carries with it the existence of such 
organization — until it is disproved, and when I charged you 
with its presidency before the legislature no man in the gen- 
eral assembly or in the State was prepared to say you were 
not its president. You were so mixed in the matter of the 
lease shares of the State Road, that no man was prepared to 
say where you belonged or what yon controlled. My "family 
responsibilities ' ' are neither mixed nor in confusion ; but your 
business matters and business responsibilities, especially with 
railroads, appear to be irretrievably mixed and confused. 
Good bye. General Alexander! W. H. FELTON. 

General Alexander wrote a short card, addressed to Atlanta 
Constitution, in which he said: "Lest silence on the subject 
might be misconstrued, I will say in reference to my having 
held shares of Western & Atlantic Railroad stock, as trustee 
for a road in which I was an officer — that it is probably done 
by others to this day — with the full knowledge of the legisla- 
ture and executive and without objection, legal or moral. And 
so far from having made any secret of it, I had it registered 
as "trustee" stock, expressly to put on inquiry all who had 
any desire to know. He produced likewise a card which ap- 



I 



]\Iy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 575 

peared in the Atlanta Constitution, dated February 3, 1884, 
and was dated at Augusta, February 2, 1884, and reads thus : 
To Atlanta Constitution : The announcement of my name as 
president of Shareholders' Association of New York was with- 
out my knowledge or consent. E. P. ALEXANDER. 

Dr. Pelton addressed a short letter to Atlanta Constitution 
on December 11, 1885: "The card of Gen. E. P. Alexander in 
today's Constitution would not provoke a single word from 
me (for no honorable man would kick a fallen foe), but there 
is one statement which should be investigated by the people 
of the State, namely: "I will say with reference to my having 
held shares of Western & Atlantic stock as trustee for a road 
of which I was an officer, that it is probably being done by 
others in this day, with full knowledge of the legislative and 
executive and without objection, legal or moral. I had it 
registered as trustee stock expressly to put on inquiry all 
who may desire to know. ' ' Now is this true ? Who is it that 
is now holding lease shares in open violation of the statutes 
which expressly forbids any railroad or express company, 
companies or combinations of either, to become lessees of the 
road in any event? 

I do not ask a reply from General Alexander, but I do ask 
a response from the executive of the State. It behooves Gov- 
ernor McDaniel to clear his skirts or be considered particeps 
criminis in this violation of law. As a member of the legisla- 
ture, I deny this "full knowledge," and had this confession 
appeared two months ago there would have been searching 
investigation. 

Hon. A. H. Stephens pronounced the procurance of the lease 
act as "corrupt," and the legislature that ratified it "no 
better than Bullock," throwing up the share presented to him 
because he could not hold it honorably. That leasing to 
private citizens was. done, under color of law, while the law 
is explicit that "railroads shall not be permitted to hold shares 
in any event." 

If these railroads are now violating this statute, it is the 
governor's duty to stop it. If General Alexander has not 
misrepresented him, nothing can excuse his longer negligence. 
The legislature will not meet in nearly twelve months and 
the people of the State will expect and demand prompt action 
from the executive, unless an unqualified repudiation of Gen- 
eral Alexander's very lame effort is had to shift responsibility 
upon the shoulders of the executive. The remedy is some- 
where, and we must look to Governor McDaniel for relief. 
There is nothing to be said in defense of General Alexander's 
position. Being one of a gang of plunderers does not lighten 
the weight of wrongdoing, and a man who pleads guilty in 



576 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

such a way, throwing himself on the mercy of the public, is 
not only cowardly but impudent. 

But what could be expected from one who stubbornly denies 
the existence of an organization — and in the same breath 
makes the thing so tangible that he publishes his withdrawal 
from the presidency, from one who affirmed there was no 
such circular when one turned up in his own possession — from 
one who evidently is afraid to tackle Livingston, the man who 
got it up, printed and distributed it — and one who has spent his 
time in the unexplainable pursuit of the person, who merely 
handed a circular to distinguished gentlemen before it came 
into my possession ; and especially from a man whose sense of 
public and private honor is so dull that he could betray the 
State of Georgia to aid the L. & N. Railroad, "without a cent 
of compensation" except the salary they gave him as vice- 
president. Such a depressed standard of right and wrong 
unfits him for the responsible position of government director 
of Pacific railroads, where his opportunities will be unlimited, 
if he should be disposed to favor railroads. 

The deception in the matter of the lease shares was com- 
plete. The Louisville & Nashville bought seven and a half 
shares from the Nashville & Chattanooga. General Alexander 
then bought four and a half from the Wadley pool — which he 
does not deny — yet he completely hoodwinked that astute 
financier, Governor Brown, who, testifying under oath, was 
asked if the majority of the lease shares were held and con- 
trolled by Georgians, made this answer: "I know nothing to 
the contrary." 

"Oh, what a tangled web we weave. 
When we practice to deceive." 

He deceived the State of Georgia — yet he claims to be a 
Georgian — in his appointment as government director. He 
deceived Governor Brown, who is responsible to the State for 
a lawful compliance with the lease act, and the question forces 
itself on every thinking mind, "Will he not deceive the gov- 
ernment at Washington?" Respectfully, 

W. H. FELTON. 

Dr. Felton made his speech ver}^ early in October of 1885, 
and I sent a copy of The Courant to Judge Reagan of Texas. 
Judge Reagan had been chairman of committee of commerce 
during four years, while Dr. Felton was member of same com- 
mittee in house of representatives. He left congress to go to 
Texas and work and serve on a railroad commission for his 
native State. He wrote thus to Dr. Felton : 

"Palestine, Texas, October 15, 1885. 

"Hon. W. H. Felton, Cartersville, Ga. — Dear Sir: I have 
just received the Cartersville Courant of the 8th instant, for 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 577 

which I suppose I am indebted to your courtesy. I have read 
with great interest and pleasure your masterly speech on 
railroad matters and the accompanying editorials. 

"God grant that you and those who act with you may save 
Georgia from being put in the condition which the railroads 
have imposed on the great States of New York, Pennsylvania 
and Ohio, where it is notorious that they control legislation 
and courts by bribery and other corrupt practices. 

"I am sick with dengue fever and so nervous that, as you 
will see, I can scarcely write, but I was not willing to forego 
the opportunity of thanking you for your pieces in your paper 
and more especially for your brave and noble advocacy of the 
rights and interests of the people. My wife joins me in our 
best wishes for yourself and Mrs. Felton. 

' ' Very respectfully, JOHN H. REAGAN. ' ' 

At the time of writing this letter Judge Reagan was the sole 
survivor of Jefferson Davis' cabinet — being the Confederate 
postmaster general during its brief four years of life. 

Judge Charles G. Janes, of Cedartown, Ga., wrote the fol- 
lowing : 

"Cedartown, Ga., October 15, 1885. 

"Hon. W. H. Felton — Dear Sir: Those people of Georgia 
who are not blinded to their own interest — not hoodwinked or 
bullied by the railroads — will appreciate your efforts in sup- 
port of the railroad commission. In my humble opinion, the 
most important question in State politics today is Vv^hether 
the people shall control the railroads or the railroads the 
people, and I have watched with much interest and anxiety 
the progress of the bill to amend the law creating the com- 
mission. 

"I have been opposed to you in your races for congress in 
this district, always, however, acknowledging your worth as 
a man and a representative, but feeling so strongly /the great 
good you were doing for the people of Georgia in your late 
fight against the railroads, I could not refrain from saying to 
you a word in commendation of your course. 

"Very respectfully, CHAS. G. JANES." 

A letter written to Dr. Felton by Ex-Governor Smith, who 
was removed by Governor McDaniel from the chairmanship of 
the Georgia Railroad Commission, can be found in my review 
of Gov. James Milton Smith, in another chapter. He thor- 
oughly despised Governor McDaniel as a servant of the 
railroad interests, and if ever Governor McDaniel asked 
for an explanation as to the illegal holding of lease 
shares by the L. & N. Railroad or the Nashville & Chat- 
tanooga Railroad, no publication to that effect ever fell under 
my eye. The name "trustee," as used by General Alexander, 



578 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

was understood to be trustee for members of his own family — 
never as trustee for a robust and belligerent railroad com- 
pany. The people of the State were awakened to a serious 
fact, when the investigation was ordered and when General 
Alexander was forced to swear to his ownership of lease shares, 
but it did not transpire that he was wearing a mask to deceive 
the people of Georgia in his service to the Louisville & Nash- 
ville Railroad, until Dr. Felton's correspondence with him 
brought it out into general notice. If he had at any time made 
it known as to the quality of his trusteeship, he would have 
been worse treated than either Dr. Felton or John Livingston 
of New York treated him when he dropped the Railway Share- 
holders' Association and made tracks towards the Pacific Rail- 
roads — under President Cleveland's administration. But the 
railroads could snarl and snap, and to add another sort of spice 
to this controversy I will copy here from the Chattanooga 
Times of October 25, 1885, a short editorial: 

"Dr. Felton, of the Georgia legislature, is the same sensa- 
tional demagogue he was in congress. In his effort to per- 
petuate railroad spoilatian in Georgia, he libeled Gen. E. P. 
Alexander. The General has written the reverend politician 
a rather scathing letter, showing him that he slandered and 
falsified, that there was no such association as he described 
and demanding unconditional retraction of this and other 
charges. Felton is like our Tennessee Agrarians. They like 
he, prove the righteousness of robbing the railroads, by de- 
nouncing every man who asks for justice in that behalf as a 
briber, bribe-taker, public robber, and so on for quality and 
amount. ' ' 

Dr. Felton could not kick at every cur that barked at him, 
but I had liberty to look after the Chattanooga Times and 
reply to this unprovoked and unjust editorial, so I cared for 
the editor in the following terms: 

"Cartersville, Ga., October 28, 1885. 
"A friend has sent me a copy of the Chattanooga Times of 
October 25th, which was received today. The editor of the 
Times takes occasion to call me some names and uses some 
epithets that I shall feel bound to notice, if he is worthy of it. 
Otherwise I shall treat him with the contempt he merits. The 
good opinion of knaves is to be avoided, if possible, and their 
abuse is often the highest praise. Before I notice the Times, 
I would like to inquire if this is the creature that Mr. Colyar, 
of the Nashville paper, 'denounced as a liar,' and of whom 
he said nine-tenths of the Chattanooga people would not be- 
lieve on his oath? Unless it is a different person, I shall have 
nothing to say in reply. Very respectfully, 

"W. H. FELTON." 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 579 

If that gun was not spiked, its explosions were not suf- 
ficiently loud to reach down to this neck of the woods. 

A gentleman from Georgia chanced to meet Hon. Roscoe 
Conkling in the State Capitol at Albany about the same time. 
They were not acquainted but they fell into conversation and 
Georgia was named as the home of this visiting friend of ours. 
At once Mr. Conkling had some good things to say of Georgia 
and asked the following question: "Tell me, what is Felton 
doing these days?" The friend proceeded to give a brief ac- 
count of Dr. Felton 's brave fight to save the railroad com- 
mission before the legislature. When our friend, who lived in 
lower Georgia, returned he wrote us of what Mr. Conkling 
further said, which may be briefly stated, as the great New 
York statesman did not waste words: "I remember Felton 
well, although I was in the senate and he was in the house. 
He impressed me, sir, as the best equipped man in legislation 
that Georgia furnished while he was there. He was able, very 
eloquent and recognized as a man of parts with lofty in- 
tegrity. ' ' 

I wrote a letter to Mr. Conkling at once, signing Dr. Felton 's 
name, of course, and the reply letter lies before me now. It 
is nearly twenty-six years old, but it is written with Mr. 
Conkling 's own hand. 

''New York, December 21, 1885. 

"My Dear Sir: On receipt of your valued letter and en- 
closure it was my purpose promptly to write my thanks, but 
in my many hurried goings and comings and unusual per- 
plexity of work, owing to having been three months absent in 
Europe, I have been belated till now in making answer. I beg 
you to believe no neglect was intended. Without agreeing to 
all you so kindly say — the motive and friendliness of your 
words is highly appreciated. I beg you to receive my warm 
acknowledgments and the sincere wish that many a merry 
Christmas and happy New Years may wait on you and yours. 
"Sincerelv your obedient servant,' ROSCOE CONKLING. 

"Hon. W. H. Felton, Cartersville, Ga." 

In closing this review of State politics in 1885, and the 
correspondence with Gen. E. P. Alexander, it is comforting to 
me now, that Dr. Felton has gone to his eternal reward, that 
he had noble and true acquaintances and friends, whose regard 
and appreciation is ample to make me put aside the unpleasant 
strife that tricksters and venal newspapers forced upon him. 
Major Campbell Wallace said to him, in 1885, "Doctor, you 
certainly saved the railroad commission." 



580 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Brunswick Herald, December 2, 1885. 
Semi-Weekly. 
CORNERED. 

General Alexander has bit off more than he can chew. 
Immediately after the legislature adjourned he said, in his 
published defense, that "he did not believe there is or ever 
was such an association as the Railway Shareholders' Associa- 
tion ; ' ' and now in another defense, he not only admits the 
existence of such association, but that he did desire the presi- 
dency of the same by the "hope of a large salary with small 
demands on his time. ' ' Not only that, but Alexander actually 
endorses the association and its objects. Few public men ever 
put themselves in such an unenviable position as General 
Alexander has done in this matter. 

Felton, in his reply to Alexander's last letter, says : "Money 
was to be used to control legislation. When I, as a member 
of the Georgia legislature, found such 'arguments and ad- 
dresses' against the railroad commission of the State, daily and 
hourly poured in on us ; when I found ' counsel ' swarming 
thick before the legislative body — when I saw 'the press' 
almost solidly arrayed against the commission — I could see 
the scope of the Railway Shareholders' Association, and I 
knew such work meant 'unlimited means.' Somebody was 
employed and getting paid without doubt. Your name as 
president was the prominent recommendation to Southern rail- 
roads in the shareholders' programme. Mr. Fink's indorse- 
ment recommended you to those who did not know you, and 
in default of any notice of dissolution of partnership with 
Fink or Livingston, you were the only man in the United 
States who was published as controlling 'unlimited means' to 
corrupt the various departments of the State government. 
Under similar circumstances, I should do again exactly what 
I did then — denounce any such combination, which avowed its 
purpose to control with money all railroad legislation in this 
country; and so far as I am able, I shall aid the people of 
these United States to examine into the sort of arguments and 
addresses that are made before the government directors of 
Pacific railroads. You now virtually indorse the avowed aims 
and purposes of Livingston's circular. You have not only 
changed your mind as to confessing the existence of such an 
organization, but you have the effrontery to negatively ap- 
prove it in your last letter, received today." 

If Cleveland ever gets to see Felton on Alexander, he will 
ask for Alexander's resignation. He ought to send it in with- 
out the request of the president. 



History of Reformatory Movement 
in Georgia 



In the spring of 1886 I was invited to attend a Woman's 
Christian Temperance Union meeting, which was to assemble 
in the city of Macon. Up to that time I had not joined any 
organization, but there had been so many dreadful publica- 
tions concerning the enormities of chain gang camps, of the 
herding of women and small criminals in the same prison pens 
with men, and the working of convict women under brutal 
overseers who were made to submit to these brutal guards, and 
which resulted in placing infants in these prison pens — born 
on the chain — and the demoralization of juvenile criminals who 
were educated into deeper crimes by association with veterans 
in vice, lust and murder ; that I determined to join the organ- 
ization, to be able to fight these evils with numbers. I had 
been hammering away at the degraded and disgraceful con- 
vict lease system for years, but everybody seemed to be afraid 
to encounter the vengeance of the lessees, entrenched in the 
highest offices of the State. These lessees were likewise the 
political bosses in every county. They named judges and 
solicitors. They elected members to the legislature. They 
were coining large wealth out of these poor convicts — ninety- 
hundredths of whiom were negroes. 

At the time I connected myself with the W. C. T. U. organ- 
ization in Macon, a lessee of convicts was United States sen- 
ator. The other senator was recognized as a ''silent partner," 
and a gubernatorial candidate, himself a lessee, was already 
in Georgia — bringing with him floods of money — to over- 
come the honest voters of the State and to corrupt every 
newspaper that would sell its space to such malign influences. 

Dr. Felton had introduced reformatory bills, from 1884 up 
to that time. He had endeavored to interest Governor Mc- 
Daniel in the year 1884. I hold now a reply made to him, by 
Governor McDaniel, who wrote favorably and promised to in- 
corporate a suggestion to that effect in his forthcoming mes- 



582 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

sage in 1884. But the lessees had so much authority in the 
legislature and were credited with owning a majority of the 
members thereof, that nothing could be enacted into law. 
They even laughed the movement to scorn ! 

I therefore determined to use any small influence I might 
have with the good temperance women of Georgia to compel 
these convict lease authorities to separate the women convicts 
from the men, and to organize a State-wide movement for a 
reformatory prison for juveniles. 

These noble Avomen heard my resolutions and then gave me 
authority' to present a memorial to the legislature when it 
met, in November, 1886. Dr. Felton agreed to champion our 
undertaking in the legislature and we thus made considerable 
headway. I will not incorporate the memorial in this crowded 
volume, as my individual memoirs will embrace my individual 
efforts in philanthrophy, etc. — a volume already in preparation 
for the printer. 

Dr. Felton introduced our resolution — the house gave an 
order for printing 300 copies, and I was delighted to know 
what we really could do on this line. 

My activity angered the lessees. They saw something was 
now doing that meant business. The Forum invited an article 
from my pen and I do not suppose there were ever 3,000 
words, freighted with more meaning or fuller of "ginger," 
than that arraignment of our convict lessees in Georgia, who 
were filling the highest offices in the State. 

The antagonism to me was deadly, and the reformatory 
movement was scotched at every turn. It was understood in 
the summer of 1887 that some legislator would be selected to 
hit at me as hard as he dared to do it.- This eventuated when 
Mr. E. 'G. Simmons made his attack in the following August, 
and he was selected from South Georgia, because any North 
Georgia politicians who might be able to attack, might also 
be handled without gloves. Therefore we collided with the 
"man from Sumter." 

I happened to be sitting in the house gallery when Mr. 
Simmons made his venture. I heard what he said in relation 
to Rider Haggard's new book, "She." From my seat in the 
gallery I had a good view of his face. I noted the delight that 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 583 

was expressed in the faces of the men that I knew favored the 
lease, and were opposing Dr. Felton's reformatory bill. Some 
of the principal lessees were said to be present and listening 
— hoping, no doubt, to get their money's worth out of such 
oratory. Mr. Simmons did the subject justice from their point 
of view. He was hitting at "She"— the "Political She" of 
Georgia with earnest licks. He enjoyed the notoriety, he 
spread himself, and many faces were turned in expectation 
to my seat in the gallery. Nobody that listened was in doubt 
as to what he was aiming to do. He rubbed it in. Every 
allusion was veiled, but the veil was thin. I felt the hot blood 
surge in my veins. I would have given considerable money for 
the privilege of ansAvering him then and there, and nothing 
was plainer than the employment of a willing legislator to 
do wiiat no one of his political owners was willing to under- 
take. 

Dr. Felton had rooms at the Talmage House at the time, 
and I went there for dinner. He usually left home for Atlanta 
on Mondays, and this was Friday, August 7th, as I remember. 
He loved his home so much that my trips to visit liim, when 
the legislature was in session, were like breaths of home air 
and home sunshine for him. 

We were late for our dinner. Hon. William Hamilton Fel- 
ton, of Macon county, was at table with us — only we three. 
Colonel Felton said to me : ' ' Did you get here in time for Sim- 
mons ' speech?" "Yes, sir," I replied. I then asked of Dr. 
Felton, "did you hear it?" "I did," he answered, "and I'll 
take care of him in due time." "That's right. Doctor," said 
Cousin Ham. "If you never make another speech in the 
Georgia legislature, this is one time I shall urge you to make 
a speech in reply to that attack. I heard your speech the other 
day — you never had a word to say of Simmons, directly or 
indirectly. I heard all you said. This speech today was an 
unprovoked assault — the man- was surely demented. ' ' I sus- 
pected he was well stimulated, but Dr. Felton 's reply to Cousin 
Ham Felton, I never Avill forget : ' ' Colonel, I never did that 
man any harm in my life. I have no acquaintance with him, 
and he has been manifestly employed on a 'put-up-job.' I will 
give him until next Wednesday, when the Reformatory bill 



584 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

comes up again, to apologize for this ruffianism. I hope he will 
see his error. I dislike to say to him what that speech of 
today deserves, but I shall say it — unless he recovers himself 
sufficiently to come to me and tell me he regrets the wanton 
things he said under excitement." I did not see Dr. Felton 
again until he reached home late Saturday, but he told me it 
was generally understood that some of the lessees had engaged 
Simmons to make the attack. 

Before he left, on next Monday morning, he asked me this 
question: "What did Macauley say of that scoundrel, Barere, 
the dirty tool of a dirty gang in Paris who was, all things con- 
sidered, the meanest villian that disgraced the bloody con- 
spirators engaged in the French Revolution?" I took down 
Macaulay's essays from the book case and read as much of it 
to him as the time allowed before he left for the train to 
Atlanta. If Dr. Felton made any other preparation for the 
reply speech to Mr. Simmons, I have no knowledge of it. 

I noted that the Atlanta newspapers were expecting Dr. 
J'elton's fusilade on Wednesday, so I took the first train that 
I could reach that morning but we had a delay with the train. 
I hurried to the old Capitol, but I had difficulty in getting into 
the gallery. I could hear Dr. Felton 's fine, clear-trained voice 
as I went up the steps from the street. But for the fact that 
the usher in the gallery knew me by sight I never would have 
reached a seat in that packed place. The jam was something 
to remember. Whether Dr. Felton ever saw my face that 
forenoon during the speech, I cannot tell, but there were 
opera glasses in plenty trained on me while he was speaking. 
When I had time to think of myself I remembered there were 
big, glad tears coursing down my cheeks, and I said to myself, 
"Even a convict lease attack has its compensations." I 
watched Mr. Simmons and the conspirators who had egged 
him on — and I did him the justice to believe he got but little 
for his service to a bloated corporation, which was willing to 
stand in the rear while he was exposed in the front. (Although 
the money perhaps had run into four figures — or the pay might 
have been their influence towards securing his own election). 
That influences were often used or paid for in legislation, I 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 585 

have documentary proof, and am prepared to show if proof 
is demanded. 

In discussing- Mr. Simmons' and Dr. Feiton's speeches, it 
will be well to begin at the beginning, in the year 1885, to 
make connected history. 

The newspapers that printed a synopsis of Dr. Feiton's 
argument in the year 1885 for a reformatory prison, had great 
headlines — 

"AN EPITOMIZED HELL." \ 

That is What Dr. Felton Calls the Georgia Chain Gang-. 

(Reported by Atlanta Constitution.) 

In the house yesterday the special order was Dr. Feiton's 
bill to establish a reformatory prison, or house of correction 
for juveniles and female convicts. The bill was read and Mr. 
Gordon, of Chatham, offered to amend by striking out a pro- 
vision in the fifth section, that the juvenile convicts should be 
taught the elementary branches of an English education. 
With another minor change in the ninth section, Mr. Gordon 
said he approved the bill. Mr. Butt, of Marion, moved to take 
up the bill by sections. At this moment Dr. Felton, the author 
of the bill, arose and said: "Before we proceed to the con- 
sideration of this bill by sections, I would like to address the 
house very briefly in explanation of some portions of the bill. 
I am pleased to knoAV that a majority of the intelligent, right- 
thinking people of Georgia with whom I have come in contact, 
endorse the establishment of such a reformatory prison and 
that many members of this house express a deep interest in 
the objects and purposes of the bill. If it is not perfect, let 
us amend it. Let each member regard it as his bill. Let us 
move to strike out, or to insert or move to amend until we 
perfect it. I introduced it as a nucleus around which the 
patriotism, the wisdom and the humanity of this house could 
construct a bill that would be honorable to Georgia and credit- 
able to her statesmen. I only wish to retain the leading 
features of the bill — a reformatory prison — a house of correc- 
tion for juvenile offenders and female convicts. That strikes 
the keynote of the humanity of Georgia, and it is my experi- 
ence that whenever the humanity of Georgia is properly ap- 
pealed to, Georgia's great heart is ready to respond." Dr. 
Felton then went on at length to give the 

History of Prison Reform, 

and showed that the experiment, while a new one in Georgia, 
is an old one in other States and countries. He referred at 



586 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

considerable length to the reformatory prisons of New York, 
Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. He mentioned the reform 
prison at Elmira as a model. There the offenders may be 
released as soon as they are reformed and the good of society 
would best be subserved by their discharge. In New York, 
of the 1,205 prisoners permanently discharged, 90 per cent, 
become law-abiding citizens, and of the 640 temporarily dis- 
charged, 80 per cent, become law-abiding citizens and indus- 
trious men. The result is most satisfactor3^ 

They say it is cheaper to reform a young criminal than to 
try him again and send him to Auburn, or to some of the five 
or six penitentiaries in New York. They say it is cheaper to 
reform a boy than to hang him when he grows to adult age. 

Look at our court houses and jails — absolutely they are 
crowded with criminals ! Crime is increasing — multiplying a 
hundred fold. Georgia never has had such a flood of crime. 
Our good and worthy governor tells us in his message that 
crime is decreasing — when the facts show there were more 
murders committed last year in the State of Georgia than was 
ever known in her history. There are 1,534 convicts in the 
chain gangs of Georgia. Crime is increasing fearfully. No 
man is safe, no family is safe, no household is safe, no species 
of property is safe. 

I wish I had time to read to you the documents I have to 
prove the benefits of the reformatory prisons. I. wish you 
could hear in detail the wonderful story of their success in 
other States. 

If this was a mere piece of ordinary legislation, I would 
stand here and quibble about the ninth part of a hair, I would 
quibble and haggle and talk and controvert every position 
for the sake of economy. 

I know, sir, we are poor! I know the farmers were never 
more financially embarrassed than they are today. Education 
is a matter that could be postponed — and the glory of Georgia 
would not suffer. JMagnificent public buildings are desirable. 
It is honorable to have marble halls and gilded domes and 
Corinthian columns. When we approach such questions we 
ask, can we afford it? Sir, this general assembly could order 
a suspension of the work on the new Capitol tomorrow and 
Georgia's good name, and Georgia's civilization Avould not 
necessarily suffer. 

But, sir, when you bring up the question of Georgia's honor 
and glory and reputation and Christian civilization and hu- 
manity, then everything requires that she should be rescued 
if it takes the last dollar in the public treasury. It is said and 
repeated that the glory of the State is of supreme importance. 
Take your prison system ! Juveniles and old, hardened crira- 



]My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 587 

inals, men and women, black and white, the obdurate and un- 
conquerable, are all huddled and chained together. You have 
a system that is degrading — that is barbarous — that is devilish. 
You have a system that, it seems to me, if the fiends of hell 
had undertaken to devise a system, devilish, barbarous and 
malignant, they could not have succeeded more fully than 
Georgia has succeeded in her system. 

Georgia's honor, Georgia's glory, Georgia's good name, 
Georgia's kindness and gentleness and charity and Christianity 
and humanity are all involved, and in the name of God, and for 
Georgia's glory, let us rescue this grand old State!" (Question 
asked) : "Is there not a law to keep the men and women 
apart?" Mr. Felton : "I'll come to that. I repeat, where on 
earth can you find a law for the present system in Georgia? 
I pause for a reply. I am in earnest. I am not talking for 
talk's sake. Is there any gentleman here to respond? I pause 
for a reply. There are distinguished lawyers here in this 
house — will they point out the law? 

Mr. Chairman, there is a record that I would to God I could 
blot out — not repeal — but blot from the records of Georgia so 
that it would not be transmitted to coming generations as 
evidence of the shame and humiliation and corruption and 
fraud of their fathers. What was the original act? 

It was to get an island and every convict in Georgia was to 
be sent there and they were to be duly separated. Where do 
you find the law for the present system? Here is a book 
(holding up a small pamphlet). It is called Bill of Exceptions. 
I'll venture there are not a dozen of them in Georgia, for it 
has been wonderfully suppressed. But it is a treasure to every 
body who wants to know the secret history of this chain gang 
system. 

Under the original law, the very old and very young, the 
feeble and idiotic, were to be kept under the supervision of 
good physicians and humane chaplains and keepers, to be 
worked on the Central farm, in a healthful locality, while the 
old and confirmed criminal was to be sent to the mines and 
brick-yards and to build railroads. But by certain and political 
legardemain, and certain personal and individual sorcery — 
that entire system was transmitted into an 

Epitomized Hell, 

just to make a chain gang system, and I will apologize to the 
law and to you if I don't prove it to be an epitomized hell. 
Here is the testimony of a man who swears that there was 
turned over to the Marietta & North Georgia Railroad Com- 
pany, in order to save three years to the lessees, fifty of the 
worst in the penitentiary^ and of that number seven were 



588 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

women and six were children. One was a poor old creature 
between eighty and ninety; one a poor wretch with his arm 
broken and the bone sticking out, one was perfectly blind — 
and such were the convicts turned over to the company to 
build a railroad with." 

Dr. Felton proceeded at some length to discuss the objects 
of prisons. He said the idea was to reform the criminal so 
as to protect society from his viciousness. He accounted for 
the increase of crime by saying that every convict now released 
makes two or more criminals by his teachings." (Adjourn- 
ment. ) 

"Yesterday in the house the discussion of Dr. Felton 's bill 
to establish a reformatory prison for juveniles and female 
convicts was resumed. Dr. Felton held the floor and quite a 
large number of citizens, among them many ladies, gathered in 
the galleries to hear him speak. Very soon after the house 
met a very handsome bouquet was brought and laid on the 
desk of Dr. Felton, a tribute from some admirer. As soon as 
the opening proceedings were over. Dr. Felton arose and said : 

"As I stated yesterday this is a question in which I feel 
great interest as a Georgian. I have no personal interest in 
the matter. I desire the success of this bill not so much for 
the personal benefit to the convict, although I humbly trust 
and believe I have the ordinary instincts of common humanity 
and that I am always moved to sympathy, when I see the 
suffering of a human being. But that, sir, is not the thing 
that moves the friends of this measure. When I closed on 
yesterday I was dwelling upon the point that the object of 
all legal punishment was the protection of society. I had, if 
you remember, illustrated this position by describing (The 
Constitution's report here omitted a great part of the speech) 
how ^ve arrest the Smallpox patient, who is at large, not for 
his own good, but for the good of society. If a negro was 
at large with the smallpox on him, you would not say : ' Oh ! 
he is only a negro! Let him go!' I would like to dwell just a 
few minutes longer on this very prominent thought connected 
with this very important question. 

"I do wish I could impress the members of this house and 
the people of Georgia with this leading thought, this con- 
trolling thought in all this reformatory movement. It is not, 
I repeat, through sympathy with the convict, though of course 
we all sympathize with the poor miserable wretch, degraded 
as he is, criminal as he is, and deserving excruciating retribu- 
tive pains, as he may be. "We sympathize with the agony he 
may thus justly and legally realize in consequence of his crime, 
but, sir, this is not the controlling motive. 

"We seek to protect the people of Georgia. What a long 




Monument to Dr. W. H. Felton, Coukt House Lawn, Cartersville. 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 589 

list of crimes we now have ! When I take up the Atlanta Con- 
stitution, excellent paper as it is, my first business is to glance 
at the telegraphic world. Frequently it is absolutely crowded 
with rapes, murders, with every description of crime known 
to your penal code. 

' ' Gentlemen, if this thing progresses will not the very pillars 
of society be threatened. As I mentioned yesterday every one 
of these ex-convicts 

Becomes a Crime Circle. 

The probability is that the convict will soon return to the 
chain-gang. Ask Col. Towers, the keeper of the penitentiary ; 
ask Mr. Nelms, who has just retired from that position, and [ 
venture they will tell you, assure you, that they carry back 
the men, who have just a few months before been discharged 
f^v pardoned from the same chain-gang. The thief has been 
cdu'-'ated in larceny, the burglar in burglary, the rapist, in 
that infamous crime, and so throughout the entire catalogue 
of crimes. Your chain-gangs are great schools of vice, of im- 
morality and of crime, because the only educators in those 
chain-gangs are thieves, are rapists, are burglars, are mur- 
derers ! Think of it ! You who are surprised at the increase 
in crime ! I sometimes hear a preacher of the gospel from his 
pulpit, lamenting this fearful increase in crime, for the grand 
old State of my birth and of my education and my life, but 
he should remember that Georgia is largely responsible for 
it all! Does he call to mind that the State authorities are 
largely responsible for the increase in criminals? Georgia, by 
perpetuating her present prison system, becomes the propa- 
gator of crime. 

"She stands out in the estimation of the world in the 

Character of Procuress. 

Hard word this, but a true word. Georgia stands out in the 
attitude and character of procuress for the chain-gangs of 
the State. One of her leading duties, judging from her present 
system, is to multiply criminals, to multiply convicts, to swell 
indefinitely these chain-gangs. 

''We can easily remember, Mr. Chairman, when we were 
here last winter the number of convicts in the chain-gangs 
was but little over twelve hundred. Today there are 1,534 
convicts in your chain-gangs. Only six months since we ad- 
journed and yet an increase of nearly 300. Where is this 
thing to stop ? I am talking to you as Georgians. There were 
discharged from your chain-gangs last year 379 convicts. You 
then created 379 crime circles, because none of them went back 
reformed; none of them went back with increased reverence 



590 JMy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

for law. They came back hating law, despising the restraints 
'>f law, enemies of society, the enemies of the white people with 
hatred and malignity in their hearts. 

Determined to Have Revenge 

for what they call unjust punishment of their crimes. In the 
nanie of God, in the name of Georgia, my countrymen, and my 
fellow legislators, let us awake to the future. Have you ever 
considered that punishment with civilization has been modi- 
fied 1 This present S3'stem is cruel ; it is savage, the present 
system is unChristian and uncivilized. Have you ever thought, 
Mr. Chairman, how within the last three or four hundred 
years, legal punishment has been modified and softened under 
the progress of Christian civilization? Do you not understand 
that as society advances, progress in intelligence and civiliza- 
tion that punishment for many crimes is softened? I am glad 
to live in the nineteenth century. There is no phase in our 
old constitution with which I am more pleased than these 
words: 'Excessive bail shall not be required, and excessive 
and unusual and cruel punishment shall not be inflicted.' Thank 
God for those words ! How they show us the progress of 
society ! They sparkle like diamonds on the dark background 
of by gone ages ! They tell of great lumber-rooms of the 
past, filled with rubbish, of disgrace, of excessive cruelty ! 

"Mr. Chairman, in Muscogee county, the other day, three 
white women were convicted, and rather than send those wo- 
men to our system of chain-gangs, where under other circum- 
stances they would have been sent, absolutely they were re- 
turned to jail life for a long period rather than subject them 
to this miserable school of vice, immorality, and crime and 

Shame and Degradation. 

"Take that little white boy, or black boy, I care not which. 
He is a Georgian. You are his guardian. In the sight of God 
and all men you are his keeper if he is sentenced by the courts 
to the chain-gangs of Georgia. "Who is responsible for Doc 
Jackson ? Who ? The owners of that camp ? No. You are, 
sir. The legislature of Georgia is responsible for him. Take 
that boy raised in idleness, he is brought up a vagabond, 
a vagrant; he has had no kind hand to protect him, shield 
liim or guide him. He commits some petty crime and is sen- 
tenced to the chain-gang. You there chain him to a miserable 
convict, who teaches him to hate society and its laws,, and 
thus he becomes a professional and expert criminal. You then 
turn him loose, send him back to Fulton county and what is 
the result? He advances in crime. In a few months he com- 
mits some fearful act. 

"Mr. Chairman, the great cause of crime in Georgia is idle- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 591 

ness and the want of a home. A home ! Home is consecrated 
with the vow of husband and wife, and children are gathered 
there. There industry dwells. There love, affection and vir- 
ture dwell ! Hard toil from morning until dark, occupies 
every hour. I never pass one of those hard-working rural 
homes that I do not mentally exclaim: 'There stands a safe- 
guard of Georgia's future, and America's freedom.' (Ap- 
plause.) God grant they may multiply an hundred fold! It 
is the lack of such homes that fills the chain-gang. Some petty 
offense, and the boy goes to Lockett and Company, or Lowe 
and Company. Candor compels me to say that Gov. Brown 
manages his Dade county camps admirably. As a Georgian 
and a member of this House, I can stand here today and say 
there is at least one humane man in charge of Georgia's miser- 
able convicts or a portion of them. But what do you have such 
a miserable system for? What for? Is it for a valuable 
consideration? There are 1,534 convicts and you receive for 
their hire $25,000 and when you have paid expenses out of 
that you have nothing remaining. Your convicts actually 
work for their victuals and clothes, and what are these convicts 
worth? They had a little rumpus over on the Marietta and 
North Georgia Railroad, and it became necessary to find out 
what a convict was worth. It was testified that Mr. West, of 
Cedartown, was hiring some of them at $180 per annum, some 
at $150 per annum, and for the 200 convicts they said they 
wanted $200,000. Another gentleman testified they were worth 
$150 per annum. In Tennessee they have an average of 1,300 
convicts and the State receives from their hire a hundred and 
one thousand dollars net. For yours you get a mere nothing. 
What do you do it for ? What for ? Oh ! what for ? You are 
simply putting money in the pockets of these lessees — while 
you enjoy the honor of making them rich, and you pay the 
taxes to arrest criminals and convict them and even send them 
off to these chain-gangs. My Heavenly Father, what a cir- 
cumstance is this? What for? I again ask Avhat for? 

"I can endure a great deal if I hope to be compensated. 
Sometimes I go through with great fatigue, toil, self-denial, 
myself and my family, but we can stand it, with the hope of 
pecuniary gain or pleasure, if we can be compensated. But I 
come to you now, and ask you why do you keep up these 
schools of vice, of degradation, of suffering and humiliation, 
just for the privilege of making Lockett, Lowe, Smith, Brown 
and many more indefinitely rich ? Millionaires ! Nearly a mil- 
lion dollars a year are you giving to a few political — no, I 
will not say it, no harsh words now! (Applause.) You actually 
do these things in order to have the 

Honest toilers of the State interferred with by this mis- 



592 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

erable system. Mr. Chairman, I am no demagogue; I am not, 
though there are those who have said so ; I am anxious to 
protect capital and wealth and all that. I am no communist. 
I am no sensationalist. I desire to live in those old channels 
o£ integrity and success that have been tried and demonstrated 
to be right, but I can tell you sir, I am not surprised at the 
murmurings of the coming storm that come up from various 
parts of Georgia, from the honest, hard-working mechanics not 
only in the city of Atlanta, but all over Georgia, murmurings 
of the coming storm, and they do not intend to submit much 
longer to this outrageous discrimination against their labor 
by the convict labor of Georgia. ( Applause.) You have on 
the banks of the Chattahoochee river a vast convict camp. I 
have newspaper authority for the statement that they are 
making 50,000 brick per day to go into your State capitol. T 
would much rather the honest workers here in Atlanta were 
engaged in this work rather than that a few convict bosses 
should be made rich b.y convict labor at the expense of 

Honest mechanics in Atlanta. Do stop. I pray you ! Why 
are you keeping up this camp? For whose benefit? It does 
not pay you in money or in character ! Oh ! character ! ' ' 

Dr. Felton spoke of women's rights and of the way that 
woman was treated in less civilized countries, and then said: 

"But, sir, it has been reserved for Georgia, my own native 
State, for this old land for more than a hundred years, the 
land of ni}^ fathers, to foster the present prison system, and 
if possible to make a deeper, darker and more fearful hell 
for women than for the male criminal. 

"Mr. Chairman pardon me, but I owe an obligation to my 
State, I owe it to the cause I am championing. Mr. Clerk, 
read here, sir. (Dr. Felton sent to the clerk's desk the report 
of the principal keeper of the. penitentiary). Facts, sir, must 
come, though it may bring a blush to every cheek. Kead what 
I have here marked. This is the report of J. R. Towers upon 
the camp of W. B. Lowe, of this state. The clerk read: 'Sep- 
tember 6. Visited W. B. Lowe's camp, part of penitentiary 
No. 2, at Steel's Mills in Dodge county. This camp I found 
in bad condition and many complaints as to the management 
and conduct of the overseer, a Mr. Brj^ant. First. He would 
not allow the sick to stay in the hospital as ordered by the 
physician in charge. Second. The women at this camp, four 
in number, complained that Bryant compelled them all to sub- 
mit to his carnal desires, and he would threaten them with the 
lash if they did not submit. One of these women is now preg- 
nant, and tells me that Bryant is the father of the unknown 
infant. This conduct and report I made to Captain Nelms, the 
principal keeper, and he was discharged which Avas done by 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 593 

Mr. Lowe and another man put in his place. ' The clerk began 
reading in a low tone. Dr. Felton exclaimed: "Read it loud! 
Let it come!' After it was concluded, Dr. Felton said: 'It is a 
shame ! Yes a shame 1 . A disgrace, dishonor to Georgia. In 
the name of humanity and justice to womanhood in the name 
of virtue and all that is good, let us rescue Georgia from this 
foul blot today.' (Applause.) 

"What objection can any Georgian have to this reformatory 
measure? There can be none in the world. Then rise up and 
work for this cause of humanity. Won't you feel happier? 
Won't you die with a brighter sky over your deathbed? Won't 
you breathe your last with more composure, and surrender 
life's duties with a consciousness that you have given a vote 
to rescue Georgia from the foulest blot that ever rested upon 
her escutcheon?" 

Mr. Harrison, of Quitman, opposed the bill and answered 
Dr. Felton in a red-hot speech. He said if there was a fault, 
it was with the officials and not the system. In speaking of 
female convicts, he denounced them as the veriest fiends that 
walked the earth. He said when a negro got out of the chain 
gang he was made a hero and a martyr, and bears no disgrace 
in the eyes of his people. 

Mr. Harrell, of Webster, opposed the bill. Mr. Arnheim, of 
Dougherty, attacked the bill and said the present law was suf- 
ficient. Mr. Butt, of Marion, said it was contrary to law to pass 
such a bill, as the lessees have a vested right in all the convicts. 
Mr. Russell, of Harris, spoke against the bill. 

(I have here noticed the members who rose up to protect 
the lessees and defraud the State of Georgia of her lawful 
revenues and to put millions in the pockets of these lessees. 
The allusion to "vested rights" was a parallel to Nero's lib- 
erty to kill the Christian martyrs. Poor Georgia was truly 
in bondage!) 

As I was greatly interested in the reform movement, I ques- 
tioned Dr. Felton as to the chances of the bill every time T 
saw him. While he hoped against hope, he often said to me : 
"The convict lessees have filled the legislature with their men. 
They have millions at stake and they are active in every 
county of the State. We are denounced in Europe. The 
Northern people are rabid in criticism of Georgia's Democratic 
legislature; but so long as the triumvirate in Georgia politics 
hold the whip hand, we can do nothing but protest. ' ' 

Dr. Felton 's bill came up again, but he knew it was doomed. 
Mr. Brandt, of Richmond, spoke earnestly in its favor, but 
Messrs. Harrell, Ballard, Hall, of Dodge, and Thomas, of Ful- 
ton, opposed it. With Mr. Brandt, of Richmond, stood his 
colleages, Calvin and Robbe, also Mr. Hackett, of Catoosa. 



594 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Mr. Harris, of Bibb, moved that the whole house report favor- 
ably, but it was a Mr. Wheeler, of Walker county, who moved 
that the committee report adversely. The motion carried with 
eighty-one yeas and thirty-five nays, but before the vote was 
declared Dr. Felton made one more effort to protect Georgia's 
good name and the character of the legislature. He said, 
"that he meant no disrespect on yesterday in discussing the 
bill, as to the centers of wealth. The centers in wealth were 
also the centers in crime. He referred to himself as a farmer. 
His bread, his living came from the plow. After advocating 
the necessity for a reformatory measure, he further said: "I 
hear gentlemen get up here and argue that the present system 
looks to reformation. But I say here there is no law under 
God's heaven for this present system. It was a manipulation 
between politicians in the State of Georgia outside of and in- 
dependent of law." 'Deny it, if you dare?' shouted the doctor. 
His face was as red as fire, his tall form trembled as he moved. 
As he walked the aisle, in speaking, not a murmur of applause 
greeted his utterances as the gray-haired legislator proceeded 
to preach the funeral of his bill. ' ' Reformation ! Do you say 
reformation? Where is one that has ever been reformed? 
Where is the boy or girl ever sent back to be reformed? Not 
one. Crime is multiplying and you are responsible for it. The 
chain-gang system is responsible for it ! I know what 's the 
matter! This miserable — yes this damnable system has been 
covered up and disguised under the name of party success, 
and it is said 'let it alone for the party's good.' " Here the 
members looked at one another and winked, but the 

Stillness of Death reigned and only the voice of the speaker 
was heard : "I know, sir, ' ' he continued, ' ' that this miserable 
system has entered into your political conventions. I know 
that it has often ruled with the power of an autocrat in your 
gubernatorial, congressional and county elections. Its ramifi- 
cations enter every little back room caucus, and there are 
thousands of intelligent Georgians today who unhesitatingly 
assert that no man who opposes the convict lease system in 
Georgia could ever be elected governor or member of Con- 
gress, and in some counties could never be a member of the 
Georgia legislature. Speaking from a political standpoint, 
F peaking as a Democrat and a Georgian, I believe it would 
be wise to wipe out this miserable system for the sake of the 
part.y and the State. Democrat ! Just go to the convention 
that nominated Grover Cleveland. Its platform opposes the 
bringing convict labor into 

Conflict with free labor. You thrcAv up your hats and 
shouted for Democracy when spoils is the fruit of the shout, 
but when adherence to principle is demanded; you meekly 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 595 

bow to the local bosses of your own State ; vote against this 
bill and you repudiate the national platform. Mark you ! You 
are surrounded by a cloud of witnesses today! I never cast a 
vote in my life since the old Whig party went down that was 
not Democratic to the core. By voting against this bill you 
throw the Democratic platform to the winds. You practically 
say, to the world, we Avill preserve this iniquity, this abomina- 
tion, this disgrace, this burning shame to Georgia because a 
few political bosses who can give you office and who are in- 
fluential in giving you office demand the surrender. For 
their benefit 

You throw Democracy to the dogs. I repeat with emphasis 
that the man who votes against this bill puts himself outside 
the Democratic platform upon which Grover Cleveland was 
made President of these United States." 

Mr. Hopson. "Is not your speech a reflection on Governor 
McDaniel and every man connected with the penitentiary sys- 
tem?" 

Felton. ' ' Reflection ? I say reflection ! Have you never 
seen a man who could talk eloquently and beautifully for the 
people against monopoly and ring rule and against corrupt 
political influences M^hen he got into office somehow slide 
imperceptibly into the ring and with corruption?" 

Hopson pale with anger. "Don't you believe the people of 
Georgia are Avilling to put Governor McDaniel's religion against 
yours ? ' ' 

Felton. "Religion has nothing to do with this matter. I 
assert here, as it is my right to do, that I believe this miserable 
convict system which has no argument to defend it, is to be 
perpetuated because it is in the interest of the political bosses 
who manage the Democratic party in Georgia." 

Mr. Loffley. "Do you claim that the passage of this bill 
will break up the lease system. 

Felton. "This will be an entering wedge, and will teach 
these lessees that the courts and the legislature have a higher 
authority than what is called 'vested rights' that the people 
of Georgia can dispose of their convicts according to their 
own sweet will. He spoke again of the injustice to free labor 
of the 50,000 brick per day, for convict brick camps had wiped 
out the brick industry around Atlanta. Speaking further he 
said: 

"May God help me, for patience has ceased to be a virtue. It 
is intolerable. The only reason the masses of Georgia have not 
risen up and hurled from power such an iniquity is the appeal 
has not been directly made to them. You can not keep this 
question from the people. I deal in no threat. God knows T 
do not. If there is anything I do desire, it is the peaceful 



596 My JMemoirs of Georgia Politics 

quiet and prosperity of Georgia that sweet peace that settles 
down upon a prosperous and contented people. But I tell 
you, you can not keep this question from the ballot box. The 
people will not submit to this outrage that you are here at- 
tempting to perpetuate. I trust the Democratic party will take 
charge of this matter and reform it inside the party. Let us 
live up to the doctrines we promulgate. Consistency is all 
I ask." 

Dr. Felton cheered the men who stood with him in defeat. 
"Thank God, when you are dying, when you turn your faces 
to the wall and earthly light is being extinguished the support 
you have given this righteous measure will be a bright are 
lighting up your hope, and brightening your path to eternal 
rest. No man can regret this vote, when dying. He can not 
regret it when he hands in his accounting to a God of mercy. 
With these words I rest my record, and with this appeal I 
leave the measure with you." The Atlanta Constitution's re- 
porter said there was no applause, but a death-like stillness. 

Somebody sent me a copy of Hon. John Kelly's New York 
Star, in which the editor paid his respects to the Constitution, 
and said it was recognized in the Union as the "kept organ of 
the convict lease of Georgia;" and I feel assured the Atlanta 
newspaper would have given a better showing to the reform 
movement if it had been free to speak and untrammelled in 
action. Knowing as I do the sincerity of Dr. Felton 's endeavor 
to redeem the State of Georgia from this foul blot on her 
escutcheon; his final words were to me like the words of the 
Hebrew prophets, lamenting over Jerusalem. Fifty years from 
today the very recollection of how thousands of poor negro 
convicts were crowded into this foul system to make fortunes 
for political bosses will be horrible to talk about, and the 
subservient lawmakers will be awful to consider. 

REFORMATORY BILL DEFEATED, 

Constitution, August, 1885. 
THE REFORM PRISON. 
The Bill Killed by an Overwhelming Vote. 
Mr. Arnheim Speaks in Opposition to the Bill — Mr. Abbott 
Advocates the Bill— The Bill is Lost— The Railroad Com- 
mission Bill Comes Up and is Passed — Other Notes. 

Yesterday the reform prison bill was overwhelming defeated 
in the House. 

The question, when the House met, was the report of the 
committee of the whole House adverse to the bill. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 597 

Mr. Russell, of Harris. 

Mr. Russell, of Harris, spoke in opposition to the bill. He 
said he could not sit still and see himself hustled out of the 
Democratic party by the gentleman from Bartow. He said 
there was no such plank in the national platform as that to 
which Dr. Felton had alluded, and admitting that there was, 
there was also a plank against sumptuary laws, and a few days 
before the doctor had voted for a sumptuary law in the House, 
and there he was inconsistent with the platform. He said that 
in spite of all that, however, the bill had nothing to do with 
Democracy, and the plea of the gentleman from Bartow should 
influence no one. 

Mr. Wheeler, of Walker, called the previous question, which 
was sustained. 

The twenty minutes allowed the committee for closing the 
debate was by ]\Ir. Harris, the chairman, equally apportioned 
between Mr. Arnheim Avho opposed the bill and Mr. Abbott 
who favored it. 

Answering' Dr. Felton. 

Mr. Arnheim, the member from Dougherty, spoke in an- 
swer to Dr. Felton. He called attention of the House to the 
decision of the Supreme Court and said as the gentleman from 
Bartow had accused the Democratic party of fraud and cor- 
ruption he hoped he would not make that charge against the 
judiciary of the State. That court announces that the act of 
1876 authorizing the lease was constitutional and valid and 
binding upon the lessee and the State. The State has under 
control the moral and physical condition of the convicts, and 
can make all needful regulation as regards their safe keeping, 
guarding, clothing, medical treatment, etc. But, says the gen- 
tleman, pass this bill and it will be an entering wedge to put 
the lessess upon notice that the State is about to inaugurate 
a different system. No expenditure of $50,000 or $15,000 is 
necessary to teach the lessees what we may do or what we 
can do. Are you willing to set aside the solemn decision of 
your court and take for granted the assertion of the gentleman 
from Bartow? But the gentleman goes further and says that 
those who vote adversely on this bill will throw Democracy to 
the dogs. That is a pretty strong assertion. Mr. Arnheim 
read a portion of the platform, but could not find the part to 
which Dr. Felton alluded. Yes, Mr. Chairman, continued Mr. 
Arnheim, there is no such thing in the platform as he claims, 
and yet he would read us out of the Democratic party because 
we disagree with him. The Democratic party, the grand old 
father of our political faith, is kind and indulgent. Though 
we may stray off; though we may go like the prodigal son, 



598 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

herd sAviue and camp with them, and even though we have 
eaten the husks, when we return into the told he will kill the 
fatted calf. (Applause.) It is grand enough, large enough 
and magnanimous enough, though we should err today it will 
forgive us, tomorrow. In passing laws Ave do the best we 
can. Sentiment is changing and time is changing, and we 
must adapt ourselves to circumstances and the Democratic 
party will not spurn us. 

Dr. Felton said: "I am right, sir," and asked Mr. Arnheim 
to read the following part of the platform, which he did : 

"It professes a desire to elevate labor. It has subjected 
American working men to the competition of the convict and 
imported labor." 

"That," said Dr. Felton, in an undertone, "is the charge 
the Democrats make against the Republicans, and the party 
is the opponent of the Republicans." 

Mr. Arnheim 's time having expired he was forced to con- 
clude without further answers to the doctor. 

Mr. Abbott, of Fulton. 

Mr. Abbott, of Fulton, spoke in favor of the bill. He said 
the bill should be discussed without bitterness. He hoped the 
House would disagree to the report of the committee. No 
gentleman on the floor would say he was opposed to the meas- 
ure as an original proposition. He had listened attentively, 
and he had heard no reason why the bill should not be passed. 
Criminals had always been considered a public burden. No 
man has ever insisted that a prison system could be made 
renumerative when, you consider the expense of trying the 
prisoners. The question is how to repress crime and how con- 
victs may be reformed. It is an old question. Continental 
Europe has been engaged on the problem more than a thousand 
years. Every State of the Union is grappling with the ques- 
tion. The bill ought to pass. Humble though the beginning 
may be it will bring public attention to the matter, and time 
will give us something better. It is a good bill and a correct 
measure. It is a bill that the special committee of nine for- 
mulated and there is little fault in it. It is not a political 
measure. It is unfortunate that it has been linked with the 
present penitentiary system. It has nothing to do with that 
system. 

The Bill is Killed. 

The twenty minutes having expired the vote was taken, and 
resulted as follows: — 40 for and 100 against. 

This was the condition of the reformatory movement when 
tlie temperance women met in State convention in the city of 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 599 

IMacon in the spring of 1886 ; and it was in this convention I 
introduced the resolution and was given authority to present 
a memorial to the legislature looking toward the reformatory 
prison, which Dr. Felton had so ably presented in the pre- 
ceeding legislature and which had been signally defeated by 
members who were either in the service of the convict lessees, 
or who had been elected by that influence to seats in the 
General Assembly. The memorial was a stinging criticism of 
the convict lease system ; and was as before stated, followed 
by an article in The Forum on the same line in January, 1887. 
I had aroused the anger of those lessees and their understrap- 
pers in the legislature by these efforts. 

Dr. Felton promptly introduced the reformatory bill in the 
legislature of 1886-87. The fact that Gen. Gordon's election 
to the governorship indicated that the convict lease was firmly 
''fixed in the saddle" did not deter him at all. He pledged 
his word that he was going to hold on as long as life lasted 
and his physical strength had not departed. He met in debate 
some of the very men who had antagonized him in the legis- 
lature of 1884-85. The defeat of his first bill made it seem 
more necessary that he should try again. 

With a lessee in the United States Senate and another Sena- 
tor who did what he was expected to do and another lessee 
in the executive office, and others, open in defiance, it looked 
like a forlorn hope to rise up and try it over again. But that 
was exactly what Dr. Felton did, and he always said it was 
agitation that counted in such a struggle. • No reform could 
make headway without constant and unremitting agitation. I 
could have also said, "there is no salvation Avithout suffering." 

It is well to copy here what the New York Tribune said 
editorially : 

A BLOT UPON CIVILIZATION. 

New York Daily Tribune, Sunday, August 28, 1887. 
The conscience of Georgia seems at last to be awaking. The 
convict lease system is said to be doomed. It is none too soon, 
for in some of its features it is as great a disgrace to our Ameri- 
can civilization as slavery itself, and it has often been char- 
acterized by even greater cruelties and more revolting out- 
rages upon natural rights. The wonder is that it should have 
endured so long. The truth has been told about it time and 
again by some of the best-known men in the South, but it was 
able to hold its ground because men of high standing and great 
influence, governors and United States Senators, were making 
fortunes out of it, every dollar of which it is hardl}- too much 
to say, was stained with human blood. Any one who is curious 
to see what an atrocious and wicked svstem of convict slavery 



600 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

is still practiced in several States of the Union, more than 
twenty years after the Emancipation Proclamation, has only 
to read Mr. George W. Cable's account of it, published some 
years since. But even Mr. Cable was not able to tell the whole 
truth about it, because he could not write what women and 
children might not read. 

And yet when Ex-Congressman Felton introduced a bill in 
the Georgia legislature two years ago to reform the worst 
abuses of the system, it received only forty-nine votes. This 
year he has renewed his effort, as investigation is in progress 
by the legislature, and just in time, let us hope, to give the 
system its death-blow, disclosures have been made of dreadful 
cruelties and abuses. The first of these, which has not found 
its way North, was with relation to the convict camps on the 
Augusta and Chattanooga Railroad. The sanitary condition 
of the camps was shocking. The State's chief medical officer 
reported that he found "incipient evidence of scurvy or some- 
thing very much like it." With an average of seventy-eight 
convicts in camp, he found that 645 days of work were lost 
by convicts through sickness in the previous seven months, 
making five or six times as much sickness during the same 
period as in the camp on the Georgia Midland. Governor Gor- 
don, it should be said to his credit, at once issued an order 
for a change of management, and forbidding any further leases 
to these contractors. The Georgia Midland camp, it will be 
observed, was referred to in the reports as by comparison 
a model camp. Its lessees included some of the most promi- 
nent men in the State, among them one ex-governor. And 
now it has been discovered, by means of an anonymous letter 
to the governor, that convicts in this camp have been brutally 
whipped for revealing abuses. Their wounds made a ghastly 
sight, which must have recalled the worst days of slavery. The 
lease is to be annulled, and so also probably the one owned 
by Senator Joseph Brown, though it is said there is no com- 
plaint of that. But we fail to understand why even a United 
States Senator should be allowed to swell his millions b>- such 
a hideous traffic. 

These disclosures will doubtless help the passage of Dr. 
Eelton's bill, which, strange to say, has met with considerable 
opposition. The bill provides for placing the juvenile crimi- 
nals in houses of correction, and for separating the female 
from the male convicts, and so ending some of the worst hor- 
rors and cruelties of the present system. It would be better 
to go further and abolish the lease system altogether. The 
State has no more moral right to hand over convicts to the 
unrestrained and often brutal control of contractors than it 
has to sanction murder, which indeed it does, for lite latter 



My INIemoirs of Georgia Politics 601 

often find it cheaper to kill a convict by overwork than they 
do to keep him alive. This shameful system prevails, with 
varying degrees of abuse, in seven of the Southern States, and 
the State of Georgia, as the report of the Commissioner of 
Labor at Washington, Carroll D. Wright, on convict labor, 
shows, makes a profit of $25,000 a year by handling its con- 
victs over, body and soul, men, women and children, to the 
contractors. And the number of children, by the way, that 
go into these convict camps, where the soul dies if the body 
does not, is dreadful to contemplate. Mr. Cable narrates how 
the governor of Texas pardoned in two years 200 convicts, 
one-fourth of whom were children between ten and sixteen 
years of age. Can such things be in a Christian land? 

VOICE FROM THE PAST 

Calling for the Reformation of Juvenile Offenders. 

"Washington, Ga., August, 8, 1885. 
"Hon. W. H. Felton, House of Representatives, Atlanta, Ga. 

"Dear Sir: I read in the Constitution day before yesterday 
your speech on your 'Criminal Reform Act' with a great deal 
of pleasure, and I was astonished at its defeat by the House 
of Representatives. 

"While juvenile criminals should undoubtedly have an op- 
portunity for reform, by the remark I do not mean to exclude 
the old and hardened sinners in crime. 

"I was perfectly astonished to find that the measure seemed 
to meet with so little favor from the representatives of the 
people, and the motives which seemed to influence the oppo- 
nents of the measure were still more reprehensible and inde- 
fensible than the opposition itself. 

"I am very truly your friend, 

"R. TOOMBS, Per W. H. T." 

It is not my purpose to go over again the arguments that 
were again presented to the Georgia legislature by Dr. Fel- 
ton 's bill again introduced to remove the female convicts and 
to establish a reformatory prison for juvenile criminals, be- 
cause the arguments were the same on both sides; the objectors 
rallying to Brown, Gordon and Company, and the aged gray- 
haired legislator pleading with the General Assembly to pro- 
tect the good name of the State from this foul prison system. 
Several investigations had been ordered — some newspapers — 
notably the Augusta Chronicle had been discussing and oppos- 
ing the plea of "vested rights," and the terrible exposures 
that were occurring in various prison camps. The agitation 
was working like leaven in the political meal crock, and the 
people were beginning to wake up to the folly of giving away 
to Brown, Gordon and Company the revenues that should 



602 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

have gone into the strong box of the State, a revenue received 
from its railroad property and its convicts. 

Dr. Felton made some allusion to the Enclish philanthropist, 
John Howard, in a discussion and in renewing the discussion 
the next opponent that bobbed up was Hon. Mr. Simmons, 
of Sumter county. Simmons dilated on John Howard, his 
fanaticism and his failures, of the woman Howard had mar- 
ried, a plain talker and a woman not much to be regarded, 
of Howard's only son — a jail bird, etc. The whole family a 
failure but if he (Simmons) had to go to his political death, it 
might be at the hands of the "political She," in Georgia 
politics. He made sport of Dr. Felton 's palsy, his infirmity, 
and made merry over his trembling limbs and aged, tottering 
frame. 

I heard it — every word! I divined his motive, and I sus- 
pected what his reward would be in thus doing what wiser 
if not better men would not dare to do, namely, attempt to 
wound Dr. Felton, wound his family and provoke (together 
with slack associates in and around Atlanta) ribald sneers and 
the usual coarse billingsgate that is associated with the dram 
bottle and saloon companions, when a member is away from 
home and regardless of the claims of society upon him in 
high position. 

I desire to quote this man correctly. A part of his speech 
appeared in the Atlanta Constitution next day. But the Con- 
stitution was Mr. Simmons' active political friend, and the 
allusion to the "Political She" Avas kindly omitted. Listen: 

"With the banner of prohibition in one hand, he will appeal 
to the whites, and with the banner of the reform prison, he 
will appeal to the colored race. 

"You might as well talk of damming up the Mississippi or 
penning up the Gulf stream in a half bushel, as to keep the 
gentleman from Bartow from penning the bent of his political 
aspirations. 

He Cares Nothing About the Passage 

of the bill. The gesture and hallelujah lick gives gratification 
and conviction to his soul. 

"The doctor has compared himself to John Howard. Let 
us see how that comparison fits. John Howard was born in 
1729. Dr. Felton was not. John Howard died in 1790, Dr. 
Felton did not. He will not be dead in 1890. He said if he 
was a member for a thouusand years he would introduce his 
bill until he passed it. He never will pass it, and he will live 
a long time. (Much laughter). 

"John Howard was put in jail — Dr. Felton has never been 
there. John Howard was taken sick and nursed by a woman 
who was a plain talker^a great writer. She was a great 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 603 

woman for statistics. He married her and commenced his 
efforts to reform the jails, and accomplished a great work. 
If Dr. Felton will begin on the jails I will join him. John 
Howard was sent to the honse of commons, and went crazy 
on reform. Whithread, a man of sense, Avas there and 
amended HoAvard's bills so that they might be effectual. In 
his old age HoAvard married a second wife, neglected his son 
and started ont gathering statistics on quarantine. He was 
captured and imprisoned and died from contagion. 

"His son committed a misdemeanor and was jailed." 

Simmons' comparison was complete. Howard married a 
woman — a "plain talker." I was a second wife. I had but 
one living child — a son. I had been corresponding with the 
Macon Telegraph in the Bacon-Gordon campaign, wrote num- 
erous articles — invited articles — some of them published in 
pamphlet form over my accepted signature, "Plain Talk," all 
of which will appear in my succeeding book of Individual 
Memoirs. I have been collecting statistics for more than forty 
years. Dr. Felton and myself had only one son, as I was his 
second wife. Now read his words ! Just as far as he dared, 
he attempted to defame my character before the Georgia 
legislature. He Avent as far as the law alloAved him to assail 
me indirectl.y. He brought in the name of Harriet Beecher 
StoAve, to give a more feminine squirt to his implications and 
insinuations, and he hung his whole attack on Dr. Felton 's 
chance allusion to John HoAvard, the English philanthropist. 
The name of Simmons had not been mentioned or alluded to 
in the faintest manner. Every one in that general assembly 
kneAv Avhat Simmons was trying to do — and as I always shall 
believe was paid to do. 

This speech of i\Tr. Simmons Avas delivered on Friday, and 
the bill Avas set for another hearing on the folloAving Wednes- 
day. The proceedings Avere not marked Avith more than usual 
interest, until Dr. Felton arose to speak. Then, as I Avas re- 
liably informed, the crowd on the floor and in the galleries 
became a jam. He had been speaking some time, when I made 
ray Avay into the gallery, but I knew there Avas steam rising — 
Avhen I reached the outside door of the old capitol that opened 
from Marietta street entrance. Dr. Felton 's A'oice had peculiar 
timbre that betokened something out of the common. It rung- 
clear, even on the outside. 

I had been in many campaigns AAdth him. I kncAV when the 
climax Avas near at hand, and the croAvd upstairs was so in- 
tent that it Avas difficult for me to Avedge my Avay through 
until I found a narroAv place to sit. The crowd across in the 
opposite gallery observed my entrance, but it was that tall, 
Avhite-headed, brave old veteran filled AAnth indignation doAvn 



604 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

stairs that created all the sensations of the day. I saw him 
closely surrounded with eager men, wild with the delirium of 
the occasion. They shouted when they could do so ; they threw 
their hats aloft, when their feelings overcome them ; they hung 
upon his words, and they cheered to the echo. They cried, 
and then they laughed. 

I had seen occasions which nearly approached it, but none 
that excelled it. There are people still living in Cartersville 
who can tell you of a Brush-Arbor sermon, which I did not 
hear, but where he had his audience exactly where he could 
lift them at will, where they wept and they shouted, where they 
forgot everything in the world but the entrancing view he 
gave them of God's only begotton Son, who came to save the 
sinner, and the speaker's words still remain with them as they 
will tell you engraven on their heart of hearts ! They talk of 
it still as something that has never faded — never will die. I 
have often heard Rev. Sam Jones say, it was the most powerful 
oratory he ever heard from mortal lips. There was a grasp 
on something akin to the Infinite. 

DR. FELTON'S REPLY TO SIMMONS' ATTACK. 

(Reported by Atlanta Constitution.) 

The Opening Discussion. 

Mr. Felton, of Bibb, is chairman of the committee of the 
whole which has this reformatory prison bill under considera- 
tion. Mr. Bray was recognized as soon as the committee had 
began its sitting. He began by contesting that the State had a 
right to change the convict lease system. He referred to the 
"new star in the convict lease firmament" — Lex. He sup- 
posed that he was either a lessee or a hireling. "If the ar- 
ticles signed 'Lex' are meant to intimidate the house," said 
the speaker, "then I defy them. This house is free from out- 
side influence." He referred to the successful working of 
Fulton county's misdemeanor convicts on her public roads. 
Replying to the charge that reform is sentiment, Mr. Bray 
urged that it was practical. Do justice, and that is all that 
is asked. Concluding, he said: "The numerous congratu- 
lations to me from all quarters for the stand I have taken, 
satisfies me that in the great, honest heart of Georgia, every 
sentiment I advanced, not only now, but in the future, will 
find an echo until this damnable system is overwhelmed in the 
gulf of oblivion." 

Judge Harrell's Views. 

Judge Harrell opposed the bill for two reasons : That it 
embraced a class that ought not to be sent to the house of cor- 
rection to contaminate others less depraved ; and that it would 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 605 

inaugurate a state of affairs worse than the present abuses of 
the convict lease. He said that reformatories were needed in 
the large cities but not in the country. He regretted that mem- 
bers had indulged in personalities, losing sight of the merits 
or demerits of the bill. 

Mr. Harrison, of Quitman, 

upheld the present system. He reviewed the circumstances 
under which the lease was made and repudiated the intima- 
tion of a "job," criticizing speakers for assailing the present 
lessees and neglecting the men who had a hand in its construc- 
tion. He criticized the bill, showing how, in his opinion, it was 
faulty. 

Dr. Felton's Terrible Denunciation. 

But it was Dr. Felton who drew the crowds of visitors and 
his speech was listened to with greatest interest. He said : 

Mr. Chairman — I desire to address the house once more on 
this subject. I will not detain it as I did the other day, but T 
wish to review some arguments which have been made against 
the bill. I desire further to offer some new arguments, why, 
in my judgment, this bill should pass. I am very glad that 
the people of the State have been instructed in regard to this 
bill that I want to present to you. I am glad that they have 
heard the arguments both for and against it. Every day, sir, 
in the newspapers, the citizens bid us God-speed in this work 
and reform of the present system. And every day we receive 
messages from the different portions of Georgia that the people 
are interested in the passage and the success of this measure. 
Since the discussion of this measure a few days ago in this 
house, a number of communications have been received by 
myself, and some by other members of this house, bidding this 
measure success, and hoping for its triumph among the people 
of Georgia. 

I have no doubt, if you were to submit this question to the 
ballot box in the State of Georgia, — I have no doubt but that it 
would receive the vote of a very large majority of the people 
of Georgia. 

I tell you the people of Georgia are humane ; I tell you the 
people of Georgia are intelligent ; I tell you, sir, the people of 
Georgia 

Are a Christian People, 

and when a humane question is presented to them fairly and 
squarely and intelligently, they are always to be found upon 
the side of humanity and intelligence. I know, sir, my native 
State has her enemies ; I know, sir, she has her opponents ; 



606 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

I know that men meet sometimes in distant cities pass reso- 
lutions denouncing the grand old State of Georgia, reflect- 
ing upon her character, and humanity, and intelligence, and 
capacity. We must be right about our convict business ; we 
must be right, absolutely right, and I think very few who come 
upon this floor can say that our prison system in reference to 
the juvenile convicts is approved by our own consciences or 
by the mercies of God. It is growing, sir. 

The Popular Sentiment is Changing. 

We have in this house two illustrious examples of it in this 
particular. Right here before me two honorable gentlemen, 
distinguished for their ability, distinguished for their patriot- 
ism, distingushed for their eloquence, two years ago were rec- 
ognized as able opponents of this system, and today, my friend 
from Webster and the gentleman from Dougherty, both of 
them come forward with substitutes for my reform bill. It is 
wonderful, the progress that it is making and has made for the 
last two years. 

Our Principal Idea and Feature 

is to reform the juvenile and female convicts of Georgia. 

Who that heard my friend two years ago would have 
thought it? 

Who of those who heard him two years ago discussing the 
idea of reform for a convict negro, for the lewd and fallen and 
depraved women convicts, who would have supposed that today 
that he would be found upon this floor advocating measures of 
reform for these criminal classes ? I tell you my friend Judge 
Harrell, Avith all his dignity, looks forward, and he is one of the 
jewels of the State of Georgia, and he is a friend of reform. 
(Applause.) 

Now, Mr. Chairman, let me correct some misapprehensions 
upon this matter. My friend from Quitman, Judge Harrison, 
just now said this bill makes no reference, has no reference 
to the present system, or at least to the right and propriety 
of the present convict lessees of Georgia. It does not 
touch them. It does not propose to interfere in the least 
with any of their claims or rights and privileges. I believe 
the gentleman from Dougherty the other day was impressed 
with this idea of my bill, so that he absolutely charged me 
with having modified my views in regard to the lease of the 
convicts of Georgia. That is my recollection, sir. I repeat 
and would emphasize that it has 

No Reference At All 

to those held now in the convict camps of Georgia. But when 
I said that, I didn't wish or desire, sir, that it be understood 



My jNIemoirs of Georgia Politics 607 

as modifying in any way mj^ often expressed opinions con- 
cerning this most horrible prison system of Georgia — a system 
that for the past several years has destroyed the convicts bj- 
its savage cruelties; a system which dooms to death by disease 
the convicts of Georgia ; a system, sir, that is continually turn- 
ing out men and women hardened to crime to mix and mingle 
with and practice upon the lives and property and good name 
of the people of Georgia. Sir, I can not recall 

One Solitary Word in Its Defense 

that can be sustained by proof. 

The gentleman from Quitman this morning asked if it was 
not merciful and humane in its construction. I believe it 
was so intended to be. I believe when Furlow, of Ameri- 
cus, approved that bill, the original bill, that its purpose 
was a humane one. I have no doubt of that. Not only was 
the proposition humane, but the idea was reformatory. 
There is no intelligent Georgian today familiar with the history 
of this lease system that will not say that the original purpose 
of our sj^stem was reformation. But, oh ! the power of money, 
as my friend from Fulton has most truthfully said. A parcel 
of men have been fattening for the last twenty years upon 
blood and misery. This industry of Georgia has been all de- 
stroyed that it might bring money into their pockets. That is 
their idea. That is the history of it. That is the original pur- 
pose, and it is today. And I repeat, sir, and would emphasize 
this idea. That it was 

The Savage Criminalities of the System 

that first attracted the attention of the people to the system. 
Do you know a man, gentlemen, at the outset of this system 
that discussed its rights? The propriety of it? Why, do you 
remember ten years ago investigating committees were sent out 
by the legislature of Georgia, and they came back here, and 
describing those camps as absolutely not fitted for a wild 
beast, much less for human beings? That they whipped the 
men without mercy, that they were driven through every 
trying method by the boss man in trying to 

Ring- the Last Dollar 

from the blood and life of the Georgia convicts? (Applause.) 
I do not know but it is as bad now. I am told that if you 
will go down here to Griffin and go through the tents of those 
poor wretches that are working on the railroad tracks 
there for the convict lessees, you will find that you will mire 
up in mud half leg deep. I am told those poor creatures after 
working from the time the stars are shining in the morning ; — 
[I don't knoAv who made such sport of that, — but it is true] — 



608 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

from the time the stars shine in the morning until the stars 
are shining at night, they are hustled into these tents and 
into these camps with mud and mire half leg deep, and Geor- 
gia is the guardian of these convicts. My God, deliver me 
from the convict lease system of Georgia. 

1 am not going to review what I said the other day at all. 
The condition of these camps is familiar to every citizen of 
Georgia, and especially to every member of this house. I am 
not surprised at murder and gambling on Sunday, when it is 
notorious that these convict lessees often work these convicts 
on the Sabbath. The greatest day, the day upon which you 
should devote your time to religious services. On this day the 
convicts of Georgia, and for Avhom your are guardians and 
keepers, are forced under the lash to work on God's day — 
the day set apart for us all! 

Deny It If You Dare ! 

It is true, sir! I am not surprised. There are some clever 
men doubtless — I will not say all — among the lessees. I have-not 
one word to say about the lessees. Do you know, Mr. Chair- 
man, the other day one of these lessees was sick, supposed 
to be sick unto death. He was dangerously ill. He was 
delirious from fever, he was very ill. and I am informed 
that in this condition all that seemed to rise and prey upon 
his conscience and hope and memory was the convict camp 
of which he was the lessee ! I am told that in his delirious 
ravings, such words as these were heard talked : ' ' The con- 
victs, my God, my God ! ' ' There was ghosts — of horrible 
character, and the only thing that he thought of, while he 
was wild and delirious with fever, was the convict camp of 
which he was a co-partner. It seemed to prey like a nght- 
mare upon his conscience. 

I Am Not Surprised. 

I could use Shakespeare 's language in saying and telling you 
that as long as there is conscience there is hope for his future. 
But I imagine, sir, some of these lessees could pass this by and 
never think of it. 

Mr. Chairman, I wish to say to you and this house that my 
bill proposes a new institution. The gentleman from Dougherty 
comes forward with a substitute. He proposes that a camp 
be erected — two — one known as camp two and one known as 
camp three, and that the lessees be placed in charge of these 
camps and be entitled to 

All the Profits and Proceeds 
of the labor from these camps. In other words, he wants done 
what has been done for the last ten years, since this system 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 609 

went into effect in 1876. He is doing just what has been done, 
and now he is proposing to modify the law, improve the law, 
in order to protect these juveniles and reform these fallen, 
miserable, depraved women. That is all of it. Did you notice 
in this proposed measure that he specifies how much food they 
are to eat and how much clothing they are to have, and he 
goes so far as to indicate how many cubic inches of God's free 
atmosphere one of these juveniles is to be allowed to breathe 
per day. (Continuous applause.) He gives you the exact num- 
ber of cubic inches those miserable little boys — white and black 
boys — must breathe every twenty-four hours. My God, has 
Georgia come to that ! 

What does he do? He puts the management and the execu- 
tion of this law into the hands of Mr. Lowe and others in 
charge of camps 2 and 3, and in the hands of Governor Brown, 
in that camp No. 1. He turns the management into their hands. 
Very well. That is the \a,\v now. For the last ten years you 
have had a law telling what you are to have in one provision 
and in one arrangement, and what sort of tents and houses 
they are to have. You have a law telling you how they are 
to be treated when they are sick, what medical attention they 
are to have. You have had a law requiring constant care and 
supervision, and you have had a law requiring care in the 
execution of the punishment. You have had every law that the 
gentleman comes forward with today and proposes. You have 
had a law separating the males from the females, and yet the 
convict camps 

Swarm With Illegitimate Children. 

A law requiring good, and wholesome food, and in sufficient 
quantities, and yet your camps are visited with scurvy, which 
is caused by the Avant of a sufficiency of food of the right char- 
acter. A law requiring religious instructions on Sunday, and 
yet, gambling in the camps when they are not at work on Sun- 
days, and murder, horrible murder occurs in them. You heard 
of one that was committed up here a few Sundays ago. You 
have got every imaginable law to protect and guard the help- 
less convicts, and yet, it is disregarded, it is trampled under 
foot, and the gentleman from Dougherty comes forward, such 
is his zeal for the lessees they must not lose any money, but 
they are to have the convicts in a camp and they are to make 
money out of them, they are to profit by it, they will make a 
good thing out of it. I am satisfied, says the gentleman from 
Dougherty, and I am satisfied he is interested 

In the Pockets of the Lessees 

more than he is in the reformation of the criminals. (Ap- 
plause and laughter.) With the old Hebrew children; I re- 



610 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

member that when the avenger in cold blood took the law 
in his own hands he proceeded recklessly with the determi- 
nation of a blood hound to execute the slayer of another man ; 
I remember when he had no regard for ages or sexes, and no 
distinction between the innocent and the guilty. I remember 
that this grand law giver of the world, Moses, ordered those 
citizens refugeed, scattered here and there where they could 
be comfortable. Look at Webster's definition of the word and 
you will understand that meaning of the word "comfortable" 
for a prison. 

It was all blood before that ; all were blood hounds before 
that ; before this grand law giver. Mercy, mercy ; forbear- 
ance ; reformation, reformation ! 

I know thousands of Hebrews today who stand by tliis bill 
for mercy ; this bill for forbearance ; this bill for reforma- 
tion ; this bill that proposes to give hope to the fallen criminal 
children and to the fallen criminal women. 

His Respects to Mr. Simmons. 

There is another member here I wish to speak to. I dare 
not call him a gentleman. On this floor he read the other day 
from Maudsley, article after article, page after page, argu- 
ment after argument ; to show that the poor fallen creatures 
couldn't be reformed. A boy under sixteen can not be re- 
formed ! And that Avomen could not be reformed, lewd and 
miserable women can not be reformed, that reform was a 
mere crankism that was seeking to impress itself upon this 
legislature and upon Georgia. Now, I have no time to answer 
that point, but do you know who iMaudsley was? A distin- 
guished friend of mine who I see now on this hall floor, who 
a few hours after this exhibition of learning evidently so de- 
signed, and evidently so prized by the one delivering it, said 
he had been 

Stuffed for the Occasion. 

Do you know liis idea, the ground upon wliicli he based his 
whole argument the other day? He (Maudsley) was a dis- 
tinguished materialist it is true, but God deliver Georgians 
from all such learning. Do you knoAV his position? His lead- 
ing idea — the grand basis upon which this whole argument 
was based the other day! He takes the position that there is 
no God. Then, of course, there could be no accountability. 
If we have no God, to whom can you account? To whom 
should you go? But Maudsley 's position is, there is no God. 
There is no soul ! That is his second position. And his last 
position is, if there is to be a God for this world, it is the sun. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 611 

The inference would be that the man from Sumter worships 
this God. (Great laughter and applause.) 
Much obliged, Mr. Chairman, but this must be 

A Day for a Free Fight. 

I want a free fight and a fair one. The inference is that 
the man from Sumter worships this God. Well, all I have 
got to say about that case, I am sorry for the sun. (Great 
applause.) 

Mr. Chairman, I want to impress this point on the house, 
for I am serious just here. The argument was read here the 
other day that reform for the juvenile convicts and for the 
women is impossible. I want you to note the source from 
which such argument comes. The man that told you there 
was no God, don't like such institutions as this bill contem- 
plates. The man that told you there is no soul, don't like 
houses of correction. The man that told you there was no 
accountability here or hereafter, don't approve the correct- 
ing of the juvenile and female convicts. I am willing to 
rest the argument there. I am willing to put it in the hands 
of this Christian legislature, for, as I said just now, Geor- 
gia is a Christian State. I say today, if there is any man 
in Georgia that don't like it, to use a little sarcasm from the 
language of a distinguished Georgian : ' ' Let him 

Pour It Back in the Jug 

and leave." This is a Christian State and I am talking to 
Christian legislators. I am talking to men who recognize the 
existence of a God, and who recognize the Sabbath day, and 
who recognize the immortality of the* soul and accountability 
of man. I am, therefore, talking to men who will, I believe, 
sheer from such argument as we had the other day. The 
necessity for the reformation grows every day. I am told 
the other day in one of the principal cities of Georgia — I will 
give no name — I am told that a white woman, a white woman, 
young but fallen, of course, and depraved, was found in the 
streets Avith iron anklets around her ankles. God pity the 
woman ! Once with a home and full of hope of heaven — 
and trust in God, a white woman with iron anklets around her 
leg, joined with a miserable batch of desperadoes working in 
the streets of a city — and that in Georgia ! The State of Geor- 
gia ! Georgians, mark it ! Mr. Sneaker and Mr. Chappel. 
That occurred in your beautiful city about two weeks ago. 
She was a young, beautiful girl, about nineteen years of age ; 
she was working and earning a comfortable support in one of 
the factories in the city of Columbus. A seducer came. She 
was at last 



612 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Turned From the Factories 

and her friends deserted her and there was no place for her 
to shelter under, and she went to a miserable negro den in 
that city, for the purpose of obtaining shelter. The officers 
of the law, seeing white men and negroes passing continually, 
they finally arrested this girl in this low hag's den, and in- 
dicted her, and brought her to the bar of justice. They ac- 
quitted her by the jury in Muscogee county — God bless that 
jury! But what were the facts. Nobody would give her a 
piece of bread, or furnish her a shelter, and she went back 
to this miserable negro den and applied for admission, and 
the negro woman was frightened and refused to receive her, 
and her last resort was gone, and she begged the sheriff to 
put her in jail, that she 

Might Have Shelter and Bread, 

I get these facts from the lawyer that defended her. If 
there had been a house of correction this girl might have been 
restored — but, alas jerked from a comfortable home she was 
cast away by every one that knew her and abandoned by every- 
body. 

I am interested in success of this bill. I am perfectly will- 
ing now to take the substitute offered by my friend from Web- 
ster, if he will take his substitute and introduce the word 
"shall" instead of the word "may,'' 

I am willing to take the substitute from the gentleman from 
Dougherty if he will take it from that miserable crowd who 
have, fattened on the blood of the prisoners of the State of 
Georgia. I am willing to accept an amendment from any 
quarter whatever. Why, the man from Sumter the other 
day said: "Wliat is this bill? Wliy, Felton is not sincere; 
he don't care anything about the passage of this bill. He 
is not interested in it. Not at all. All that he desires is to 
get next to the people of Georgia with a prohibition banner 
in one hand and wave it to the white peaple, and the l)anner 
of reform in the other and wave it to the negroes of Georgia." 
That is what he said. 

Now, my fellow-members and ]\Ir. Speaker, I do not know 
that I am a ward politician. I do not know and do not think 
that man (pointing to Mr. Simmons) has sensibilities enough to 
rise above the gutters and slews and scum of a ward politician. 

Mr. Simmons — I protest that 

Mr. Felton — Not a Avord, not a word from that source. 

Mr. Simmons — Very well then, I will speak later. 

Mr. Felton — Every dog has his day. (Great applause and 
laughter.) He says you can not reform the negro. Why? 
Because he is filthy, he is afraid of water, he is unfaithful to 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 613 

marital vows, he will steal, and in the next breath, he says, 
the negroes that know me would vote for me for president of 
the United States. He describes, with great particularity, 
the habits of the negro. My understanding was, that the 
man from Sumter reiterated time and again the filthy habits 
and the tendency to theft, and the antipathy for water, and 
yet, he says "the negroes that know me would vote for me 
for the president of the United States!" (Great laughter 
and applause.) Did you ever see two drops of rain coming 
together, meeting each other, from opposite directions, and did 
you ever notice when the contact came, how insensi- 
bly and imperceptibly they rushed into each other's bosom? 
Did you ever notice how the identity of the one was 
lost in the identity of the other? It seems that a dew drop 
on this floor met the negro dew drop of Sumter county and 
they rushed into each other's bosom. (Great applause.) It 
seems that the negro who never washed himself, and who was 
afraid of water, the negro who is unfaithful to marital vows, 
the negro who will steal met 

The Dew Drop From Sumter, 

and the identity of both was lost in the identity of one. Writ- 
ers on psychology and science tell us that sometimes when two 
souls meet they immediately recognize the 'affinity' of souls. 
And it seems that when the unwashed negro and the man from 
Sumter met each exclaimed 'my affinity' with one voice. The 
negro that knew him would elect him president of the United 
States ! Did you ever go along one of these streets and see 
one of those pretty little pugs lost from its mistress and com- 
ing down the street and did you ever notice two or three great 
big mastiffs going along with it and how the little pug snaps 
and bites, and he twists himself so that he is tilted upwards; 
he has an upward appearance. And he always barks around 
and tilts himself, and when he does that, he only exposes his 
hinder parts. That is what the man from Sumter reminds me 
of. (Great laughter.) The man from Sumter the other day, 
seeing a great crowd in these galleries, which he 

Didn't Draw Here at All 

he saw that his opportunity had come. His one opportunity 
of a lifetime. He managed to swerve himself and twist himself 
about seven times tighter. He twisted his tail about seven 
times tighter than usual upon the floor, and then tilted him- 
self so as to expose his hinder parts more than ever. (Great 
laughter and applause.) May my right hand and my tongue 
forget their cunning and their powers before I avail myself of 
the privileges of a member on this floor to ridicule the family 



614 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

of another. I have the kindest feelings for the gentleman from 
Dougherty, and no discussion that has been made here upon 
this floor has been other than with the kindest of feelings, 
and I think the gentleman from Dougherty has the kindest 
feeling for me. I recognize in him the nobility of character 
that would forbid at all times and places his availing himself 
of the privileges of ridiculing another member of this house, 
and a member of the family of another. 

Mr. Simmons — Mr. Speaker: I submit that — 

Mr. Felton — I will not submit. I demand protection. 

The Speaker — The gentleman from Sumter can have his 
words recorded if he so desires. 

Mr. Felton — 'Yes, for God's sake have them recorded. He 
has run rough-shod over this house until he imagines he owns 
most of the house. His speech here the other day has been 
read from one end of this State to the other, and there are 
dozens of men on this floor at this hour who are from as many 
counties in Georgia who have told me that they have come 
here to ascertain how I will reply to the 

Ruffianly Attack Made Upon Me 

and my household, in this house the other day. (Applause.) 
He started the other day by making a comparison between 
me and John Howard, the philanthropist. I simply stated that 
he was the first to introduce, in the penitentiary system of 
the world, a reformatory process — that was all. I believe that 
was the only allusion that I made. Mr. Speaker, when a man 
swears that a horse is sixteen feet high and sticks to it, I re- 
spect him, but if he abandons the assertion and says he meant 
sixteen hands, I despise him. God deliver me from a back- 
biter — the man who stabs and then runs away and stabs an- 
other. Give me a man who stands by his words. He started 
the other day with a comparison between me and John How- 
ard, the philanthropist. I wish there was a resemblance. He 
was a man born in great wealth. He says 'Howard went crazy 
on quarantine.' I have never gone crazy on it. He says, 
'Howard married his nurse.' I have never married my nurse. 
More than this I have never married any one except one of the 

Noblest and Purest and Most Intellectual 

women of Georgia. One, who, if she could put a thimblefull 
of her great brain into his cranium, would save these galleries 
from the tilting process of the other day. (Great and pro- 
longed applause.) A noble and true mother, and noble and 
true wife, who has only the interest of Georgia at heart, her 
native State, and its future welfare. I know, sir, the man from 
Sumter will try and evade and shirk the allusions of the other 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 615 

day, when he made allusions to the word "she," where he 
used it in the attempt to disparage and mar and reflect upon 
the family of another. I would reply to the man in the lan- 
guage of Macaulay, that "he utters the infamous words of a 
coward, and the one small service that he can do is to hate 
her." When he intimates that my only son, now living, all 
the others crowned gloriously with the Father in Heaven, 
when he intimates that this is a prospective jailbird, prospective 
victim of the chain-gang lessees of Georgia, I would reply to 
him in my own language, "but still further exhibit yourself, 
still further expose yourself, where the people of Georgia 
know you. ' ' I would say, Oh, God, that my only son may shun 
him and his morals. 

I know some of you have read Burns, a man who seemed to 
always come nearest heaven's gates, and yet who was always 
farthest from it. He was traveling along in the country and 
he came to a house where he asked to be allowed to stay all 
night, and was admitted. There was a boy there, the only boy, 
and the next morning when he left the old lady went into his 
room and there she found on the table where he had left it, 
the following words, which had reference to their only boy: 
"Oh, God, make him 

All That a Father's Heart 

M'ould have him be. ' ' "We sometimes go into the closets and we 
pray for our children, and we particularize and specify, when 
we get on our knees, but I have often thought that it was su- 
perfluous, and if the father would bend upon his knees, and 
lift his eye and exclaim, "Oh, God, make him all that a father's 
heart would have him be," would cover the whole ground. 
And today my only boy — my prayer is that he may be the 
very opposite from what the man from Sumter is, in every- 
thing, his character, his opposite in manners and everything 
as I said before, and then when he is that, I will feel that God 
has made my boy all that a father's heart could desire. There 
is that little country home, a little way-side home, a home 
where I and my companion have lived for the last forty years, 
and, thank God, whatever may be its surroundings the heart 
is there. Whatever may be its surroundings 

All That I Love 

on God's green earth is there. And when the rude hand of 
the ruffian prompted by the hope of reward probably, attempts 
to try to ridicule it in the hope of future reward, I will hurl 
it back at him, and as long as I have the strength I will pro- 
tect her. It is true that I am old. It is true that my old 
form is bent as the man from Sumter said the other day, and it 



616 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

is true my locks are Avhite, and it is true that ray nerves are 
shattered, and it is true that there are ten thousand indications 
that I am on the verge of the grave ; but as long as God gives 
me strength I Avill protect the innocent and speak for the pros- 
perity of Georgia until God takes me from this world. (Ap- 
plause.) 

Why should that rude ruffian attack me and my household? 
Had I done anything wrong? The gentleman from Dough- 
erty, the gentleman from Quitman, and I are old debators 
upon this question, but I am sure neither of us are hurt with 
the other. Why should this ruffian attack my 

Bent Form and My Old Age? 

Before I would use such terms, and, God knows it, such 
utterances on the floor of the Georgia legislature, before I 
would exhibit the lack of elements of a true man before this 
legislature as the man from Sumter did, I would suffer my 
right arm to be cut off. Hate him? despise him? No, sir, no, 
sir. I simply turn him over to the intelligence and virtue of 
Georgia. That is the worst fate that can befall him. I can 
not imagine a worse fate for the man from Sumter, and I turn 
him over to the intelligence and to the virtue of the people of 
Georgia. With them I leave him, and with this negro crowd, 
his supporters for the presidency of the United States. I leave 
him there to go there in charge of his supporters. My boy is a 
minor, and my wife is old like myself. He slaughters women 
and children. Why the other day down here in Bibb, Woolfolk 
slaughtered his whole family, having no regard for age. He 
slaughtered old age, and he slaughtered the infant, his sis- 
ters, his mother, all of his relations, and now, gentlemen, 
let me present to you 

The Woolfolk of Georgia, 

the legislator from Sumter, the man who would take the axe 
from the woodpile and make indiscriminate desctruction of 
the entire household. From this time I bid him a good-bye." 
I did not wish to hear what Simmons said against Dr. Fel- 
ton. I understood there was a conclave assembled as soon as 
Dr. Felton ceased speaking, all willing to gather up for him 
something they hoped might blunt the force of Dr. Felton 's 
defense of his family. His newspaper friends in Atlanta 
hunted up an old photo of myself, one of Dr. Felton, and Mr. 
Simmons brought forward one of his own. For what purpose 
these pictures were presented I know not, but I had nothing 
to be ashamed of, and a full determination in my own mind 
that I would fully acquaint myself with the antecedents of 
Mr. Simmons, in case he was further employed to bite or snarl 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 617 

on Dr. Felton's track. To make a long story shorter, I pro- 
cured all I needed from Superior Court records, and paid the 
bill for copying the same and was promptly furnished more 
than I could ever need to put that prosecutor out of a decent 
discussion. The information had been voluntarily furnished 
to me, but I wanted the official seal, or signatures and had no 
difficulty in procuring the testimony. The "man from Sum- 
ter" came in again with a copy of Rider Haggards "She," 
and still it never occurred to him to admit he had erred in 
attacking me, as the political she of Georgia politics. Still 
more he stultified himself by repeating what he did say, which 
it is well to copy in this connection. Said Simmons, "the 
following is exactly what I did say." That when I died, that 
when I am to be sacrificed I shall die game. I shall die with 
the happy unction to my soul, the sweet consolation that I 
died by the hand of a political she." He asked in piteous 
tones. "Where is the analogy to his wife?" I can easily ask, 
"Where was analogy to any but a woman, and I was the only 
woman being discussed at the time?" He turned State's evi- 
dence to convict himself! 

j\Ir. Simmons then called up the dead and the living to find 
abusive language to hurl at Dr. Felton, Judge Lester, Gen. 
Gordon, Judge Branham, of Rome, who was accredited with 
making Dr. Felton show the white feather — a story so 
apochryphal, that it was never repeated in the seventh dis- 
trict. Ben Hill, who was pushed into a corner, and refused 
to defend himself in a newspaper controversy — Gov. Brown, — 
than whom nobody had so often abused as Ben. Hill himself — 
and the Markham House conference, that old chestnut that 
had never been sufficiently materialized to tell what they 
abused it for and lastly Governor Smith, who Simmons said 
called Dr. Felton the Titus Gates of Georgia, and who bleated 
in the Kimball House and wished somebody would lash Fel- 
ton's bare back, etc, etc. 

When Dr. Felton came home, I had read the report of Mr. 
Simmons' speech in the Atlanta newspapers, and he quietly 
remarked, "he is too insignificant now to notice again; let him 
go to those who hired him, and I trust I may never be obliged 
to notice him any more." I held on to my copies of the Su- 
perior Court records from Lee and Sumter counties, until they 
grew yellow with age, and the Simmons incident never crosses 
my mind unless some one refers to the debate that begun when 
the reformatory bill in the Georgia legislature was en tapis. 
One thing remained, however, in Dr. Felton's mind as well as 
my own, namely, the partisan deportment of Speaker Little, 
who made some unnecessary reflections that a presiding officer 
of superior mental caliber would not have made. 



618 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

WAKING UP AN OLD LION. 
Dana, in New York Sun. 

Ex-Congressman Felton now represents Bartow county in 
the legislature of the State of Georgia. Both he and his ac- 
complished wife, to whom the readers of The Sun have often 
been indebted on Georgia matters, are deeply interested in 
the question of penitentiary reform. The present convict 
camp system is the subject of hot discussion and Dr. Felton 
introduced a bill reforming some of its savage criminalities^ 
so far as the juvenile and women convicts are concerned. 

An opponent of the bill, a Mr. Simmons, of Sumter county, 
made a personal attack the other day upon Dr. Felton in 
course of which he referred to Mrs. Felton in a manner of- 
fensive to her husband. The eloquent Ex-Congressman re- 
plied to Simmons in a two-hours' speech, the floor and gal- 
leries being packed with an excited audience. Mrs. Felton 
herself was present, and she heard the speech that is described 
by the Atlanta Constitution as a masterpiece of oratory. 

"The words seemed to blaze as they came from his lips. He 
swayed the crowd before him as he willed. At times he had 
strong frames trembling with strong emotion and suppressed 
indignation ; in an instant he chose that they should wildly 
cheer some chivalric sentiment. Before the echoes of applause 
had died away, strong men were weeping at the pathos of the 
old man, as he told of his declining days and years. In the 
gallery sat a gifted and matronly lady who bore his name. It 
was for her sake that he rose superior to all former occasions 
and placed on record as grand and complete a defense to a 
personal attack as an orator ever made." 

From the printed report of Dr. Felton 's impassioned speech 
in reply to Mr. Simmons, of Sumter, we quote the passage 
which refers to the attack on his home and family : 

"I have never married any one except one of the noblest^ 
purest and most intellectual women of Georgia. A noble and 
true mother, and a noble and true wife, who has only the 
interest of Georgia at heart, her native State, and its future 
welfare. I know, sir, that the man from Sumter will try and 
evade and shirk the allusions to the word ''She" where he 
used it in the attempt to disparage and mar and reflect upon 
the family of another. I would reply to this man in the lan- 
guage of Macaulay, 'he utters the infamous words of a cow- 
ard, and the one small service he can do is to hate her.' 

"There is that little country home, a little way-side home 
where I and my companion have lived for the last forty years, 
and thank God, whatever may be its surroundings, the heart 
is there. Whatever may be its surroundings, all I love on 
God's green earth is there. When the rude hand of a ruffian 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 6I9 

prompted by the hope of reward most probably attempts to 
try to ridicule it, in this hope of a political reward, I will 
hurl it back at him and as long as I have the strength I will 
protect her. 

"It is true that I am old. It is true that my old form is 
bent as the man from Sumter told you the other day, and it is 
true that my locks are white, it is true that my nerves are 
shattered, and it is true that there are ten thousand indica- 
tions that I am on the verge of the grave ; but as long as God 
gives me strength I will protect the innocent, and speak for 
the prosperity of Georgia, until God takes me from this world." 

There does not seem to have been much left of Dr. Felton's 
assailant when the two-hours' speech was finished. The orator 
had the symapthy of the audience, as well as the inspiration 
of the presence of his wife, to whose life companionship he 
alluded in such touching terms. 

The appeal to the chivalry of the Georgian heart was irre- 
sistible. Men cheered wildly, hats and handkerchiefs went 
up in the air, and parliamentary restraints were forgotten in 
the enthusiasm of Dr. Felton's remarkable oratory. We con- 
gratulate him upon his triumph. 

A WILD SCENE. 

Atlanta Journal. 

Dr. Felton's Terrible Denunciation of Representative Simmons, 

of Sumter — The Most Exciting Hour of the Session — A 

Vast Crowd Holds Its Breath as Awful Invectives 

Are Hurled. 

It was as frightful as a murder. 

In the history of the Georgia legislature, no scene so dra- 
matic has been enacted, no satire so terrible has been heard, 
no phillipic so deadly and destructive has been delivered, as 
the scene and the satire and the phillipic wrought by Dr. 
Felton in the House of Representatives this morning. 

Dr. Felton was the speaker and Mr. Simmons, of Sumter, 
was the object of his terrific attack. 

The cause of the attack was the remark made by Mr. Sim- 
mons in concluding his speech of last Thursday. In the course 
of that speech Mr. Simmons was severely personal to Dr. Fel- 
ton, and in the conclusion of his remarks alluded in sarcastic 
terms to the "Political 'She' of Georgia." 

Whether Mr. Simmons intended this as an allusion to Mrs. 
Felton The Journal does not pretend to say. There are those 
who believe he did and others who protest that he did not. 

At any rate Dr. Felton believed it, and his wrath, smoulder- 
ing ominously through four pent-up days of repression, found 



620 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

vent this morning in the most terrific invective ever heard in 
the House or in the State. 

The scene was dramatic. The House of Representatives, 
packed floor and gallery — every seat on the floor occupied — 
the aisles packed, the lobbies crowded, eager faces peering in 
the doorways — the galleries thronged with ladies and gentle- 
men, the ushers whispering, "Standing room only." And in 
the midst of the dense packed hall, hushed to a whisper, or 
riotous with applause, stood the tall figure of the famous old 
orator, his frame bent with age, his hands trembling with 
palsy, his eye flashing with feeling, his head white with the 
snows of seventy winters, and a volcano in his heart. And 
here, while hearts thrilled and hearers trembled, he poured 
out an impassioned, scornful and overwhelming torrent of ridi- 
cule and invective against "the defamer of my home and the 
slanderer of my wife." Such words, so delivered and with 
such effect, never fell from Georgia lips before. It was a 
mixture of John Randolph and Parson Brownlow, and we 
doubt if either ever equaled, as we know that neither ever 
surpassed, this withering, indignant personality. The burning 
words chilled into cold type may fail to stir as when they 
came from the impassioned lips of an orator with his face 
aglow with feeling, his lips breathing scorn, and his eye blaz- 
ing, but those who sat through the scene in the house will 
never forget it, and will recall it in years after as the most 
notable event of a stirring period in the politics of Georgia. 

Against this storm and whirlwind of wrathful eloquence, 
Mr. Simmons could no more avail than a leaf in a hurricane. 
Pale, silent and nervous, he sat under a denunciation which 
few men ever heard and which no man ever cares to hear but 
once. 

Once when the fierce blade of his aged adversary went deeper 
than usual into the quivering flesh, he essayed to rise, but the 
fiery Felton refused to yield one moment of the floor to the 
"Man from Sumter," who sat down to impatient torture again. 

And in the gallery sat the brilliant, cultured, and devoted 
wife for whom this magnificent defense was made, calm and 
dignified even through the shouts of tremendous applause that 
greeted the chivalric mention of her name. 

(From Macon Telegraph.) 

Atlanta, August 10. — When Mr. Simmons, of Sumter, made 
his attack on Dr. Felton, in the House last Thursday, in the 
debate on the reformatory prison bill, he let fly a boomerang 
in the direction of the "gentleman from Bartow," which came 
back home to him today with terrific force and effect. There 
had been great curiosity to know how Dr. Felton would reply 
to that attack, and when he rose this morning there was hardly 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 621 

standing room on the floor of the House, and the gallery was 
crowded as I have never seen it before. There was expectancy 
on every face, and especially was this to be seen on the face 
of the gentleman from Sumter who had seated himself where 
he could see and hear the speaker. He could hardly have 
expected or dreamed of what was to follow. Dr. Felton rose 
to a height of invective never before equalled or approached 
on the floor of the Georgia legislature, and his scathing de- 
nunciation of his opponent was couched in words and tones 
which fairly burned. He carried the audience with him in 
this burning tide, and frequently the applause and shouts were 
almost deafening. 

Augusta Chronicle, Aug. 12, 1887. 

The scene in the House of Representatives on Wednesday, 
during the delivery of Dr. Felton 's great speech on his Re- 
formatory Prison bill, was simply indescribable. It was a 
historic occasion. The galleries and lobby were literally packed 
with the beauty and strength of the State. The scene was 
brilliant beyond compare. In the chair — the House was in 
Committee of the Whole — sat the handsome and accomplished 
young representative from Bibb, Mr. Felton. Mrs. Dr. W. H. 
Felton, a lady with a sweet and highly intellectual face, was 
in the gallery opposite the desk of her eloquent, venerable 
and distinguished husband. There were ladies of distinguished 
appearance on every bench in the galleries, and there were 
renowned, eminent gentlemen on the floor of the House and in 
the lobby, but Mrs. Felton, in the gallery, and Dr. Felton at 
his desk, just beginning his speech, were the most notable per- 
sonages in the vast assembly. 

Dr. Felton commenced his speech by congratulating the 
House that, after the lapse of time, the distinguished gentle- 
man from Webster (Mr. Harrell), and the able gentleman from 
Dougherty (Mr. Arnheim), had been won from the opposition 
ranks — each of the gentlemen named having submitted a sub- 
stitute for his (Dr. Felton 's) bill. Some time was devoted 
to the discussion of the two substitutes and pointing out their 
incongruities, obscurities and impracticalities. 

Then began one of the most powerful philipics ever de- 
livered before any assembly in this broad land. It was cut- 
ting, searching, withering, merciless. 

Mr. Simmons had made remarks and allusions which were 
interpreted by Dr. Felton as applying to his distinguished wife. 

When he came to reply to these supposed allusions, Dr. Fel- 
ton was at the height of his eloquence and power. Never 
have lips let flow a more resistless torrent of invective than 
that which Dr. Felton poured upon the gentleman from Sum- 



622 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

ter for full three-quarters of an hour. That was a period so 
to speak, in the doctor's speech. 

Throughout, the galleries were in active sympathy with the 
venerable orator. This sympathy was manifested in round 
after round of applause and occasionally in ill-suppressed 
shouts of approval. The effect of the speech seemed electrical 
and absolutely irresistible. 

When the doctor referred to his home — not the abode of 
wealth or of extravagant and luxurious appointments — but 
the home where virtue rules and loves sits enthroned — the 
home where dwells the treasures of his heart and the chief 
joy of his life, the audience forgot the rules of the House and 
burst forth into the most deafening applause. 

"When Dr. Felton mentioned his wife as one of the truest 
and most lovable of women, and the brainiest and most intel- 
lectual woman in Georgia, the committee of the whole, the 
people in the galleries and in the lobby went into ecstasy, and 
the applause, heartily given, was thrice repeated — the tribute 
from husband to wife was so eloquently spoken and so noble. 

It was a study — to look from orator to wife and then upon 
listening hundreds, enchained by the oratory of a man to 
whom his wife is a very tower of strength and an unfailing 
inspiration. 

That speech and the hour's incidents will be handed down 
from father to son, and talked of as among the most remark- 
able events that have ever transpired in the legislative halls 
of Georgia. 

(From Macon Telegraph.) 

Atlanta, August 11. — The public filled the galleries of the 
House again this morning, evidently expecting a companion 
scene to yesterday. They were not disappointed. Mr. Sim- 
mons, of Sumter, made a studied reply to Mr. Felton, and 
alluding to him as the "creature from Bartow," was as severe 
in his denunciation as the occasion and the surroundings would 
permit. He disclaimed, as was expected, and as he could not 
fail to do, any reflection or reference in his speech of last week 
to Mrs. Felton, to whom he paid the highest tribute of respect 
and admiration. 

When he concluded Dr. Felton rose to reply, but he wa* 
shut off by the parliamentary tactics of gentlemen who thought 
the House had already had more than enough of this contro- 
versy. 

The Felton wine-room bill came up in the Senate this morn- 
ing as the special order. There was very little discussion on 
the bill, very little opposition to it, and very little interest 
apparently manifested in it. It passed almost without creating 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 623 

a ripple, and by much larger majority even that had been 
expected. 

A series of able articles in defense of the lease is appearing 
in the Constitution, over the signature "Lex." It is under- 
stood "Lex" hides Senator Joseph E, Brown. 

The faces of Dr. W. H. Felton, Mrs. Felton and Mr. Sim- 
mons, of Sumter, beam from the first page of the Atlanta 
Journal this afternoon. 

It is rumored that Dr. Felton will endeavor to reply to Mr. 
Simmons tomorrow by rising to a question of personal privi- 
lege; but Speaker Little will not permit a reopening of the 
abusive controversy." ' 

Of course the reform bill went to defeat. That was arranged 
for when the majority of the legislature of 1886-87 was se- 
cured 

These corrupt men, calling themselves the Democratic party, 
had made it their business to antagonize every measure intro- 
duced by Dr. Felton. Why? Because they were all the time 
fearing and expecting that he might lead a reform move- 
ment to success and expose the inside rottenness of the ' ' men 
in control." 

When Hon. Allan G. Candler wrote that memorable letter 
against Gov. Atkinson's administration, and talked so freely 
about the dirty tricksters "who had ravished the Democratic 
party," I concluded we might rely upon getting the truth out 
of the mouths of "babes and sucklings." The so-called Demo- 
cratic party in Georgia had its hands deep down into the strong 
box of the State and the rapists themselves were the men who 
were fattening on the greasy drippings and leakage therefrom. 

The reformatory prison did eventuate, when a true blue 
partisan introduced and fathered it; the party claimed it, but 
the originator, the reformer, the patriotic heart of a true Geor- 
gian is entitled to the credit and Dr. Felton will be given the 
meed of praise by future historians. 



The Gordon-Bacon Campaign 

The visit of Hon. Jefferson Davis to Georgia when Senator 
B. H. Hill's monument was to be unveiled at a chosen location 
on Peachtree street, in Atlanta, was made memorable by two 
incidents, namely, the extraordinary enthusiasm which greeted 
the old-time Confederate President, and also the sudden ap- 
pearance of General Gordon after an absence for several years, 
and whose supposed location or residence was placed in Wall 
street, New York, when he was not visiting Washington City. 
His connection with Mr. Victor Newcomb seemed to be 
ephemeral, but he was doing some sort of outside work for 
somebody or for himself, and none of this apparent work had 
any connection with the various schemes which were pub- 
lished as valid reasons for his giving up the senatorial seat in 
1880 to oblige Gov. Joseph E. Brown. 

The last published venture was the Florida and International 
Railroad scheme and some letters were received by Dr. Felton 
from a stranger — a gentleman then living in Walthourville, 
Ga., and which indicated that the general having bled that 
enterprise to exhaustion was about to descend on Georgia, 
seeking to graft the old State again. I have those letters 
now, and a" tale they did unfold!" 

The general's activity during Mr. Davis' visit was so vigor- 
ous and persistent that the veteran president was finally en- 
lightened as to its meaning, and I was informed he became 
restive at the time because a great and generous publica ova- 
tion and unstinted welcome to him should have been thus used 
and manipulated into a political scheme for ambitious pur- 
poses without his knowledge or consent. 

It seems a pity, still, that there should have been such a 
blur cast upon what everybody else intended should have been 
pure and undefiled hospitality for the noble tribute was per- 
sonal and generous to the limit to the aged chieftain, who 
was coming for the last time to visit the Empire State of th<» 
South. 

Gen, Gordon worked the newspapers; he kowtowed to the 
reporters; he never forgot himself under any and all circum- 



My Memoiks of Georgia Politics 625 

stances when he saw the opportunity for magnifying his mili- 
tary deeds and political exploits. Even General Lee was ac- 
corded second place in numberless glowing descriptions of war 
incidents. 

The military slush joined to political gush that was deluged 
upon the readers of certain Georgia newspapers is something 
nauseous to remember, after so many passing years have weak- 
ened the odor and the recollection. 

Gov. Brown, in the early summer of 1877, became restless, 
called a halt, talked of the "puffing brigade," and said it 
was "nauseous" that he supposed there was somebody — some 
other persons representing Georgia in "Washington City as well 
as General Gordon. 

Because the general was so eager to publish me as kneeling 
before Radicals in authority, piteously pleading for Radical 
money to elect my husband, I owed him prompt and particular 
attention as to his own political methods. It was a trumped 
up tale he started in an attempt to humiliate and injure me 
as well as my husband, and I long ago concluded that Mr. 
Davis' visit to Georgia was outrageously perverted, so far as 
possible, to start off Gen. Gordon's campaign for governor in 
the year 1886, and that perversion should be recorded some- 
where and its proper value as history clearly estimated. 

In this connection it is well to say that Gen. Longstreet's 
appearance on that day at the monument unveiling, dressed 
in his old, faded, grey regimentals, was something that came 
close to the heart of Hon. Jefferson Davis, 

Every one who witnessed the meeting saw the clear and 
honest meaning of it. It was so genuine and sincere, a link in 
the chain that bound those two notables together with nothing 
to interrupt their close affecion. 

Just here I desire to relate a story that came to me in the 
late winter of 1881 told by Gen. Charles Field, Democratic 
doorkeeper of the House of Representatives, during the Forty- 
sixth Congress. The conversation occurred in "Washington 
City at the tea table of the old National Hotel — Dr. Felton 
was present. I was handed our evening mail by the bell boy, 
as we entered the tea room. The Atlanta Constitution of the 
day before was among other papers and letters. While we 



626 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

were waiting to be served, I glanced over its pages for home 
news. 

That issue contained a long, elaborate and gushing account 
of the surrender at Appomattox, one of Mr. Grady's "special" 
performances. I mentioned the article to Gen. Field, and he 
told us he was with Gen. Lee all night before the surrender. 
He commanded the same regiment or brigade which Gen. Leo 
carried into the Confederate army, when he joined it after 
resigning from the old army. He was always afterwards near 
Gen. Lee with these true and tried Virginians. They were, 
in a sense, as he explained, his body guard. 

I read aloud a paragraph about that last night before Gen. 
Lee went out to meet Gen. Grant and hear the terms of sur- 
render. "Stop a minute, please, Mrs. Felton. What do they 
say about Gen. Longstreet?" asked Gen. Field. 

"Nothing, so far as I have read," was my reply. 

"Well, I desire to tell you that any story concerning that 
night before Appomattox, which leaves out Gen. Longstreet, 
is like the play of Hamlet with no Hamlet in it," remarked 
the general. 

"I know," said he. "I was there. I tell you that Gen. Lee 
had implicit confidence in Gen. Longstreet, and he gave an 
evidence of this confidence in an indisputable way that night. ' ' 

Gen. Field said there had been a council of war and it had 
been agreed that Gen. Grant's terms should be listened to 
looking to surrender. If the terms were honorable, the con- 
dition of the Southern army was such that further bloodshed 
and destruction of life would be cruel and unnecessary. This 
had been decided upon, and the council broke up. 

But it was a sleepless night in the tent. Some time after 
midnight, Gen. Longstreet was sent for — perhaps he had re- 
mained by Gen. Lee's request. In the gloom of the dark rainy 
night, these two men counseled together. General Lee finally 
said: "I can not accept dishonorable terms of surrender. 
My people would not agree to it. If they should propose such 
terms, I will throw myself among my Virginia troops and then 
try to cut my way into the mountains. Gen. Longstreet will 
you command this forlorn hope and take the risk with me?" 
Gen. Field said it was something to remember when those war 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 627 

veterans clasped hands and Gen. Longstreet promptly said, 
"Yes, I'll go with you." 

A Major Ransom, in a late number of Harper's Magazine 
tells of his going to Gen. Lee's tent late that night and of 
finding Gen. Longstreet there with the great commander. 

Once when General Longstreet was visiting us at home, I 
told him of our conversation with General Field. He said it 
was exactly true as to main facts, but with deprecating mod- 
esty he added: "But Gen. Grant's terms were honorable, the 
trouble did not happen, and it did not become me to go around 
telling folks, what General Lee talked about to me, in the 
secrecy and sacredness of that midnight hour. Being a con- 
fidential meeting, and private between us, I did not feel called 
upon to publish it, when nothing of public interest required 
its telling. If Gen. Lee had been so inclined that would have 
been all right. Now that he is dead, I do not incline to say 
anything more about it." 

"When I remember the storm of abuse heaped upon General 
Longstreet, by politicians in the South, a good many in Geor- 
gia, and when I recollect the effort that was made to saddle 
the failure at Gettysburg upon this heroic veteran of Gen. 
Lee's army after Gen. Lee nobly assumed it himself, I feel 
like going before a Georgia legislature ' and saying to that 
body: "With all your spendthrift proclivities and with full 
knowledge of how some of our tax money has been wasted 
and wrung from us without our consent and in defiance of 
constitutional law, I will say to you take enough out of the 
public treasury to paint his picture or place a marble shaft 
on our capitol grounds to show you are not base enough to 
persecute so good a soldier as General Longstreet while he was 
living (as many have done) and still refuse even a simple 
testimonial to the memory of General Lee's staunch defender, 
who of all the military leaders in his Virginia army was yet 
chosen in that crucial hour to stay beside him or mayhap die 
with him ! " 

He differed with some of our Democratic leaders on the 
course to be pursued after the war. Did not Gov. Brown do 
the same thing and more? General Longstreet died poor and 
others died rich. 



628 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Georgia will never do her full duty until amends are made 
to General Lee 's brave old veteran. 

His trusted "Old Pete" was always sent to the most ex- 
posed places in war. He never failed to go, and to stand for 
the South 's defense before the foe. 

How well I remember the awful suspense preceeding the 
battle of Chickamauga in our part of the country. The Chero- 
kee gable end of Georgia was in throes of anxiety until we 
heard that Gen. Longstreet was on his way to the front, and 
we saw the trains go along carrying his loyal, trusted army 
corps. The memory of that time would ever impel me to do 
justice and give him his full meed of praise. 

The Democratic party whooped for Horace Greely. It nomi- 
nated for the federal presidency Gen. Hancock; it meekly 
swallowed some of the Pacific Railroad's tools in the Senate, 
and some even banqueted H. I. Kimball when he revisited 
Atlanta after Ex-Gov. Jos. Brown had denounced the Georgia 
Democrats for everything that the spelling book gave him 
names for in the year 1868. Still they not only worshipped 
Brown, but they gave him everything politically he asked for. 

Woman as I am, I'd rather be a dog and bay at the moon 
than to be led along by interested people to denounce and 
seek to degrade thosie who were as brave as Gen. Longstreet 
in war, and who merely accepted a federal office after the war 
under Gen. Grant. He was the butt of Democratic scorn and 
the football of run-mad sectional partisanship ! The war- 
whoop and the rebel yell have covered up many dirty schemes 
of public plunder, but the persecution of Gen. Longstreet, a 
trained soldier, a true patriot, who was as good as the best, 
and the main-stay for the ill-fated armies of the Confederacy, 
is without a parallel for demoniac hate or excuse for unright- 
eous ingratitude ! 

Being only a plain soldier and no politician it was left to the 
fair dealing and sympathy of a Republican president to pro- 
vide food, raiment and a shelter to General Lee's right arm 
in the battles of the Confederacy in his old age and poverty! 

The Democratic party in Georgia has been convicted of 
many gross mistakes. It has been guilty of some gross favorit- 
ism — it's power was great and dangerous when it impeached 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 629 

and banished poor Walsh Goldsmith while it sheltered John 
W. Renfro, under its enfolding wing for a similar offense, 
after a plea of guilty — it has elected some of its governors 
by the grossest of frauds, and actually commended one of its 
gubernatorial candidates along with a rape circular circulated 
among negro politicians to get negro votes, but it never did 
perform or carry out a more dastardly and revengeful deed 
of political ostracism than when it made the State of Georgia 
unwelcome to this greatest of General Lee's brave soldiers, 
when he returned to his home only to be assailed by vitupera- 
tive abuse and secret calumny. Why? Because his old friend, 
Gen. Grant, gave him a small position in his dire poverty when 
he had lost all but his honor in Georgia's defense. I speak 
plainly because I feel deeply! I never can forget that one 
political indictment against Dr. Felton was Gen. Longstreet's 
friendship for him. Every little venal newspaper, and every 
lick-spittle politician from Dade to Chatham had a fling at 
"Gen. Lee's old warhorse!" The most of the men who were 
there and war-whooping, perhaps had never smelt powder. 
When "Simon said wig-wag" they wigwagged. When Si- 
mon said, "thumbs up," up they went, but when anybody not 
inside the ring said, "thumbs down," they refused to move a 
thumb ! Subserviency then overstrained its very limit ! The 
first triumvirate in old Rome, 59 B. C, was composed of Julius 
Caesar, Mark Antony and Crassus, and Caesar crushed out the 
other triumvers and emasculated the Roman Republc by as- 
suming the dictatorship. Caesar was assassinated and Mark 
Antony joined forces with Octavius and Lepidus. They in- 
famously plotted to divide the functions of government among 
themselves until they finally destroyed the Republic of Rome. 
For nearly thirty years, a triumvirate ruled in Georgia politics 
and when they saw a close contest coming they either placed 
one of their own number in the executive seat or named the 
man who was to do their bidding, and the triumvirs filled 
their plethoric pockets always. But there were great issues 
coming in 1886. Therefore we heard a great flutter of wings 
overhead — a military drum beat — and the new candidate was 
here and ready to issue a decree and see the willing ones 
drop down to their knees at roll call. 



630 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

I do not believe any State in the Union ever before witnessed 
such a political combination, which I call the triumvirate. 
Their convict lease property was worth anywhere from a quar- 
ter to a half million of dollars annual income. The State road 
lease paid at least $5,000 per share per annum clear money. 
There was a claim for betterments approximating two millions 
of dollars. It was therefore deemed necessary to put one of 
the triumvirate in the chief office, while the other two occupied 
seats in the United States Senate and controlled federal pat- 
ronage in Georgia. 

Gen. Gordon's connection with C. P. Huntington was not 
openly known in Georgia until his name appeared in 1884 in 
Huntington's correspondence. And it mattered nothing with 
the triumvirate except that orders were obeyed all along the 
line, and Georgia newspapers with perhaps a solitary excep- 
tion refrained for republishing the "damning" letters. Noth- 
ing can account for this remarkable silence save the power of 
money and triumvirate patronage. It was not mortified pride 
as it sometimes happens when the head of a family has been 
caught and brought into court, and convicted of a felony and 
the family go about in silence and suppressed grief. 

It was more like catching the daddy in a dirty fix, and being 
afraid to tell lest they all got a whipping for it. It was under- 
stood that overtures were made to Judge Simmons, but he 
went "shy" on a lively campaign. He was later elevated to 
the supreme bench. 

Major Bacon's name was received with favor by the still 
unterrified, and he entered the contest supposing the other side 
would pick from its roster some Georgian who was active 
either in the legislature or in Congress. 

But as before said, the sand hill cranes were overhead. The 
whir of wings was heard, and before one could look up and 
scan the sky, one of the triumvirate was sailing down toward 
Gov. McDaniel's chair, puissant and confident! 

About that time I received the following letter from Major 
Hanson, owner and sometimes editor of the Macon Telegraph: 

"Macon, Ga., May 10, 1886. 
"Mrs. R. A. Felton, Cartersville, 

' ' Dear Madam : Your letter of last week was duly received. 
Thanks for your very kind acceptance of my explanation. We 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 631 

are in for it now, and the field it promising. We are organiz- 
ing thoroughly and if indications are worth anything we can 
win this fight. 

"What I would like to get promptly is whatever can be se- 
cured concerning Gen. Gordon's resignation. His various in- 
terviews, the papers in which they were published, the dates, 
etc. Can you copy them and send copies by mail or make up 
notes of where they can be found and send your scrapbooks 
by Howard. Either will do. If you should send him, will 
pay all expenses of course. Suit your wishes in this matter 
and act as promptly as possible. 

"The Jeff Davis boom was a failure, so far as Gordon's 
connection with Hill and Davis is concerned. 

"Will not the doctor give us a lift? Now is the time to 
arouse the people of the State to their duty to themselves. We 
propose to hold Gordon to his record on every statement of 
facts discussing his acts, leaving his motives alone. 

"He is obliged to put himself on the defensive whenever he 
talks, even if he had not done so already. 

"Reports are conflicting as to the attitude of Brown and 
Colquitt. Some say they tried to keep him out of the race, 
while others attribute such position to Brown and claim that 
Colquitt, through Grady, has done the work of bringing him 
out. I don't know how this is. Walsh is solid, and doing 
groat good by editorials and personal work. 

"The doctor ought to help us. At least he has a choice of 
evils, if he should dislike both men. 

"Your letter on the Fitzhugh matter appeared this morn- 
ing. It is a clincher. It makes Gordon's methods very con- 
temptible. Respectfully, J. F. HANSON." 

From the time I had discovered that Gen. Gordon made a 
search for my letter to Senator Ferry in 1879 in regard to 
the fraud in Holtzclaw's candidacy in the seventh district, I 
kept a scrapbook on my writing table and whatever the sena- 
tor said or whatever was said of him, I took the trouble to 
paste down for future reference. I can tell now when he 
honeysnuggled President Hayes, of his scrap with Conkling, 
when he took a trip to the departments, when he made a speech 
in Mississippi, what was said of him by other Senators, how 
he and John Young Brown tried to pull the wool over Demo- 
cratic eyes in the South Carolina matter. What Gen. Gary 
said — cipher dispatches — and particularly what reasons and 
how they conflicted, after he suddenly left the Senate. I have 
even a published notice of a justice court's levy in Washington 
City on some stuff to satisfy creditors. 

A man who could stoop to searching for my letters was just 
such a person as I was convinced might bear watching ! So I 



632 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

have a repertoire of clippings that have been a mine of infor- 
mation on how not to tell it ! 

I used "Plain Talk" for my pen signature, but I under- 
stood that everybody, like Hon. Mr. Edgar Simmons, of Sum- 
ter, knew where to find "Plain Talk." There was no secrecy 
about it. I held a determination in my mind well fixed that 
the press and politicians should get acquainted with Candidate 
Gordon for history had rarely furnished so complete an index, 
as Mr. Huntington furnished in his communicative letters to 
his partner Colton. A friend of Dr. Felton's in Washington 
told us of Ben Holliday's methods, a lobby chief who was in- 
terested more particularly in Southern Senators and Congress- 
men. Mr. Stephens got awakening information in the year 
1877 through close friends of Senator Allan G. Thurman. 

So I had scrapbooks and clippings that were reliable with 
dates, and I had the leisure and the inclination to work them 
into shape. As this volume is devoted to my memoirs of Geor- 
gia politics, the next one will cover my own writings and ad- 
dresses, etc., and "Plain Talk" will have therein its own chap- 
ter. 

For all purposes at the present, my chapter on the Pacific 
Railroad lobby will give sufficient data. 

Dr. Felton had pressing invitations to speak in this Bacon 
campaign. Hundreds of letters of inquiry reached him. His 
first letter to the Macon Telegraph I will now introduce: 

"Near Cartersville, Ga., May 13, 1886. 
"Maj. J. F. Hanson, 

"My Dear Sir: Your letter to hand. I have read Major 
Bacon's speech before the Augusta people with much interest, 
and I can say to you frankly between the two candidates now 
in the field, my preference is strongly for Bacon. His i^olitical 
and official record is infinitely preferable to that of General 
Gordon, and the State of Georgia should see to it that no man 
shall be elected whose record is not in harmony with the Rail- 
road Commission against the convict lease enormity and the 
disposal of the State road. 

"We must not have a governor who will construct the per- 
sonale of the commission so that its decisions will for?ver be 
in favor of the railroads and against the people. We must 
not have a governor who, when the Western and Atlantic 
Railroad is re-leased, who will accept $25,000 per month when 
$35,000 is bid. We must not have a governor whose individual 
and personal interests are solely connected with railroads. 
Experience has taught us that such men will relinquish any 
trust, no matter how high when personal and pecuniary benefit 
is expected as a result. We must not have a governor whose 
political associations and antecedents would authorize the be- 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 633 

lief that he would be a willing tool in the hands of other men, 
provided there was pecuniary profit to himself. 

"We must not have a governor upon whose record there is 
the slightest taint of convict lease iniquities and we must have 
a governor who will use his best energies to turn into the strong 
box of the State the revenues rightfully belonging to her, 
rather than into the pockets of individuals. Above all we 
must have a governor in sympathy with the honest laboring 
masses of the State who will execute the laws impartially with- 
out regard to the wealth on one side or the poverty on the 
other to please the one or oppress the other. 

"We have reached a point in Georgia politics where there 
needs to be no platform, except honesty, for the demand of the 
hour is honest men at the helm. I agree with you that it is 
every man's duty to lay aside all minor differences to protect 
the State and the taxpayer's money from wreck and waste; 
and although I fully intended to remain quietly at home ,with- 
out participation in political excitement this year there are 
features in the present gubernatorial canvass that should call 
every man to his post of duty. It is fair to say to you that 
while Major Bacon is my choice, in case the race is confined to 
the two prominent candidates, 1 should feel at perfect liberty 
to vote for any candidate whose views might in my opinion 
more fully accord with what I believe to be the best interests 
of Georgia. "Yours very respectfully, 

"W. H. FELTON." 

The Telegraph wrote thus editorially : 

"In another column we present a letter from Dr. W. H. 
Felton, which speaks for itself. Words from us can not add 
to the clearness and force with which Dr. Felton enforces the 
duty of every honest citizen in this canvass. He forcibly ex- 
presses in the word honesty, a very broad and significant 
word, the really one great overwhelming issue. Dr. Felton 's 
power and directness in any cause which he is enlisted is fa- 
miliar to the people of Georgia whom he has served with con- 
spicuous zeal and fidelity. It is not improbable that some of 
the gentlemen now being loaded in the State canvass in be- 
half of Gen. Gordon, may encounter him the 'Hightower' of 
Georgia before the voters of North Georgia." 

Dr. Felton consented finally to go into the campaign and 
m a speech made at Montezuma, Ga., he said the following: 

"I am not here seeking office, I am not seeking votes for 
myself, I come as a private citizen to present to you important 
facts which every Georgian should act upon in this guber- 
natorial canvass. Men are to be estimated solely by what they 
have said, how they have acted, and how they have voted 
and how they have conducted themselves in the past. * * * 



634 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

We must inquire into their antecedents ; and by them judge of 
their political future. That record makes up their political 
and official character. * * * I am here as a Georgian to 
inquire into the political and official antecedents of Gen. Gor- 
don and of IMajor Bacon. There is not a man here, I suppose, 
who questions the bravery and fidelity of Gen. Gordon's rec- 
ord in war. lie was a gallant and faithful soldier, and Major 
Bacon's war record for fidelity and courage are equal to Gen. 
Gordon's. And I also believe there are ten thousand Georgians 
at the plow handles and in your workshops, in your fields, in 
your counting rooms whose war records are marked with as 
much fidelity and as much courage as either of them. But, fel- 
low citizens, the war is now over, thank God! May the fires 
of civic and fratracidal strife never be rekindled again upon 
the soil of Georgia ! 

The star-spangled banner is yours. 

"Long may it wave o'er the land of the free and home of 
the brave ! ' ' 

Let the man perish who would resurrect the strife, resur- 
rect the blood, resurrect the suffering, or resurrect the sorrows 
of our late civil war. * * * If we were in search of a com- 
manding general to command armies, we might select Gen. 
Gordon. I know of but one other living Georgian who might 
be selected if that was our motive in preference to Gen. Gor- 
don. He is a gallant and chivalric Georgian. Yonder he lives 
in Gainesville, forgotten in his obscurity, neglected in his re- 
tirement. I will never forget some facts which I will now 
give you, and were given to me by an eye witness at the time 
when Gen. Lee was turning out to meet Gen. Grant, to whom 
he was to surrender and to make terms of capitulation for the 
Confederate forces. General Lee called 

Gen. James Longstreet to his presence and addressed him in 
words like these: "General, I go yonder to hear the terms of 
our surrender. If they are honorable I shall accept them. If 
they are dishonorable I shall never accept them. If they are 
such that I can not accept them, I commit to you, General 
Longstreet, the task, the duty to cut through yonder federal 
forces and lead myself and my brave Virginians to safety or 
to death." In this campaign we have within us a sort of in- 
tuition or consciousness that it will settle to very considerable 
extent the future of our State. Almost, most intuitively we 
feel there is a big job on hand. We feel there is some big job 
that threatens our liberties and the financial prosperity of the 
State. A change must take place for the better or for the 
worse. * * * My countrymen, Georgia politics have been 
like clay in the hands of the potter. It is with you to deter- 
mine whether Georgia politics shall be run in behalf of the 



I 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 635 

people at large or for the benefit of a few prominent gentle- 
men. Mr. Jefferson laid it down as one of the great principles 
of Democracy, its duty that we retrace our steps when we go 
astray. So I say to you today that Georgia must be brought 
back and located permanently under competent and honest 
statesmanship. We have long enough been under the guid- 
ance of 

Rings and Cliques. 

I think the people of Georgia have been long enough in 
swaddling clothes. You are old enough and should be wise 
enough to take charge of your own affairs. A few prominent 
politicians, generally interested in Corporations, or seeking so 
to be, have managed to control political power in Georgia. 
Their purpose has been not to benefit the people, not to benefit 
the people who toil and struggle, but to benefit the great cor- 
porations and of which they are to be placed as leaders and 
managers. As a result of it all you hear the cry that the prod- 
ucts of your sweat and toil have passed through your hand, 
but you find them lodged in the pockets of these corporations, 
of these great monopolies. Georgia is making as much wealth 
as she ever made. Where is it? You find it in the pockets 
of corporations, through the efforts of the politicians. How 
do they succeed? 

Generally by down right robbery and corruption. 

Unless you can check the growth of these rings who man- 
age you, and manage your ballot boxes for you for their po- 
litical and pecuniary aggrandisement, you might as well retire, 
go back to your wives and children, and tell them, you and 
they are serfs for all time to come. The inquiry is made 
today, whether the ballot box is the throne, where free men 
issue their orders or give direction to their will, or whether it 
is the throne where railroad kings or convict bosses issue their 
decrees ? 

Heretofore it has been in Georgia, where some railroad mag- 
nate or convict lessee issued his orders. And General Gordon 
says he is going to be governor "just like a cyclone!" It is 
not so much the cyclone that is going to make a governor as 
the cyclone that is to be and continue in our State matters 
after he is inaugurated. Just imagine what it will be in your 
State Treasury ! I can imagine the cyclone in the State House, 
I can also imagine when it reaches Col. Barnett's department. 

Doubtless you have seen dry weather whirlwinds when you 
saw them playing over in the dusty fields. Maybe you saw a 
leaf move. Then the leaf sprung up right in your pathway. 
In a moment more there was a considerable whirl, and way 
over yonder it is strong enough to blow over a shuck pen. 



636 ^Iy Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

When it gets into Wright's office there will be a considerable 
whirl. When it gets to Bob Hardeman's office, the strong box 
of the State — my, father, what a storm ! It is not the storm 
when he is going to be governor, it is the storm that follows 
which I fear. * * * We are not interested in getting a 
governor to command our armies. We are not interested in 
placing men at the head of cliques and rings and monopolies 
and corporated wealth. We are in search of a governor to 
attend to our civil business, one who will manage our affairs 
economically, honestly and ably. This is the object of our 
search. 

A distinguished Georgian writing to me a few days ago used 
the following words : "Do you know that the governor we 
are now to elect, according to custom, holds his office four 
years? Do you remember that within that period there falls 
due $4,248,000 of bonded debt? In addition, the lease of the 
State road will expire in 1890, and that property worth $10,- 
000,000 must be rearranged, readjusted? There are over 
$2,000,000 of annual taxes, perhaps a third more to be added 
to the fourteen millions of Georgia's public property. The 
proper management of that large sum would mean a great 
deal for Georgia. Its dishonest management for cliques and 
rings would tell \ery disastrously upon the industrial interests 
of the State." 

If we concede to General Gordon the utmost honesty and 
integrity of purpose, is there a Georgian who will not admit 
that he is without financial ability. I am talking to men who 
have interest in farms, in merchandise and their various in- 
dustries. I am talking to those who are interested in making 
a support for wife and children and in benefiting their per- 
sonal condition. I ask you if it is not conceded that General 
Gordon is absolutely without financial ability. Where is the 
man on God's earth that knows John B. Gordon that will tell 
you he is a financier? He is represented one day in the news- 
papers as financially up, the next day financially down. He 
is thus represented one day as a millionaire and the next day 
unable to meet the demands of his creditors. He is represented 
universally by the newspapers as a man engaged in railroad 
making, and the next day an uncertain factor in the financial 
world, first a railroad magnate, then something the reverse of 
it. This is the universal description by friend and foe alike. 
What is his present position? 

I know not. The other day his organ, the Atlanta Constitu- 
tion, represented him as floating on the wings of steam from 
New York City, clothed and panoplied with an immense for- 
tune to pursue this gubernatorial race. He landed in the city 
of Atlanta. His friends rushed up to congratulate him on his 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 637 

newly acquired wealth, an immense fortune acquired by rail- 
road speculation. There w^as the usual Kimball House banquet. 
H. I. Kimball never reached Atlanta with a newly acquired 
fortune or a way open to produce a fortune for certain persons 
about him, that a banquet was not awaiting him. Backed by 
an immense fortune made in Florida in a railroad trade with 
coined millions, a banquet was offered General Gordon, but 
he was so engaged, in such a hurry to get over to Montgomery 
and place himself under the shadow of that glorious old man 
Jefferson Davis, he didn't have time to eat the banquet. 

His boom couldn't wait. He must nurse it, kindle it, keep 
it burning, and off he went to Montgomery! 

There are newspaper descriptions of his financial abilities 
I do not critically allude to his innumerable business failures 
since the wjir. 1 have nothing to say of his sawmill enterprise, 
of his book enterprise in which he swamped many hundreds. I 
have nothing to say about his book agency in which he sharped 
our most excellent Senator and Ex-Governor Brown. Noth- 
ing about his sheep ranch in which he swamped my most ex- 
cellent friend in former years — Congressman Whitehouse, of 
New York, nothing of the innumerable enterprises by which 
he was to develop Georgia, and how odious was that word 
"develop" in the days of Bullockism. They were his mis- 
fortunes ; they excited my commiseration. But when you take 
those enterprises and make them factors in estimating his 
ability as a financier, he is not a success. Now he comes here 
asking to handle, to manage your money. I ask you taxpayers 
with the knowledge you have of Gen. Gordon's financial pow- 
ers, are you disposed to trust the management of your money 
in his hands? 

Friends, are you disposed to commit the rearrangement of 
your immense railroad property to his care? Where is the 
Georgian of any intelligence or patriotism that would be 
willing to sell that road at $10,000,000, or at any price? That 
road is the goose that lays Georgia's golden egg. That road, 
my fellow-citizens, as long as you hold on to it forever places 
Georgia above the fear of bankruptcy. It will pay the interest 
on Georgia's large bonded debt. That road, if honestly man- 
aged, can be made to pay every dollar of the State's indebted- 
ness. If re-leased at what it is legitimately worth will, in a 
few years, educate every illiterate child in Georgia. As col- 
lateral, it can secure money at reasonable interest rates ; if 
legitimately managed, will be a barrier against unjust and 
unreasonable rate charges in Georgia and the producing people 
of our State. 

I said just now that General Gordon had no financial ability. 
I will say further, as a railroad speculator, he is an unfit 



638 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

person to place in charge of your immense railroad property. 

Mr. Reuben Arnold, of Atlanta: "We desire to ask a ques- 
tion. If Bacon is nominated will you support him for gov- 
ernor?" Felton: "I will, sir." "If Gordon is nominated 
will .you support him?" Felton: "I will not, sir." (Pro- 
longed applause). "I make an unqualified statement. When 
General Gordon left the United States senate and ever since 
the field of his operations has been among railroad syndicates, 
among railroad jobbers and speculators in Wall street. He 
left the American senate, the most splendid trust ever com- 
mitted to one of its citizens, because he said; among many 
reasons, that it would not support his family. He left this 
splendid trust, as he said, to become general counselor and 
manager of the Louisville & Nashville railroad. I defy any 
man to question this and other statements I am now making. 

Just think of it ! General Gordon, the financier, the private 
counselor of Victor Newcomb, the railroad king of Wall 
street ! He says so, and we must accept his declarations. 

Governor Brown, when questioned a number of years ago 
concerning his objection to selling the State Railroad, among 
other things he said "Let it be sold for any amount of money, 
not one dollar of it would ever meet the bonds of the State 
of Georgia." It wouldn't have time to "get there, Eli!" No, 
not at all. He decided that the miserable vultures around 
Atlanta and the State Capitol and the State treasury would 
squander and waste the property without discharging one 
dollar of Georgia's indebtedness. And I believe it! * * * 
Victor Newcomb got a controlling interest in the lease shares 
some years ago — not long before General Gordon resigned 
from the senate. It was in direct violation of the lease law. 
Fortunatel}', he made known his purpose. Newcomb is a bold 
and fearless railroad speculator and a Wall Street gambler. 
He is a gambler in the hard earnings of the people of these 
United States. By the practice of outrage and infamy, he 
acquired a controlling interest in the lease shares of your 
railroad. He immediately announced his intention to abolish 
the railroad commission and re-lease the State Road for 
ninety-nine years at nominal figures. God help us ! (A voice, 
"That's a musty"). Good Lord, deliver us from such musties. 
He announced another purpose to build an independent line 
of railroad, and if he could get the W. & A. Railroad, that 
would fill the vacancy all right. But Governor BroAvn refused 
to yield his control of the W. & A. Railroad. 

What did Newcomb do? He bought what was called the 
Georgia Western, noAv known as the Georgia Pacific. In a few 
weeks General Gordon is employed as his private counselor 
and legal adviser and becomes owner of the Georgia Pacific, 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 639 

and still Newcomb has no independent line into Atlanta. 
Gordon said he had no money to pay, but gave his note for 
$50,000, buying a railroad from Newcomb. I wonder if that 
note is cancelled? 

Victor Newcomb expected to demolish Georgia's railroad 
commission. That commission is the barrier for the protec- 
tion of our industrial classes. 

I know that men in high offices did ever3rthing that men/ 
could do to pull down and destroy that only bulwark between 
my State and the railroad corporations of Georgia. Only five 
votes were wanting to make the commission a nullity, and for 
days we battled in the house. Thank God ! we stayed their 
demands and their rapacity ! 

Where are we drifting, fellow citizens? 

Last summer when I was battling to the best of my ability 
for that railroad commission, and for what I thought to be 
the best interests of the State — weary and worn when I saw 
the tide turning against us, the Atlanta Constitution, General 
Gordon's organ today was denouncing me as a communist — 
an enemy to progress, an enemy to railroad development. 
Why? Because I was the friend and advocate of our rail- 
road commission ! 

Now it is pushing General Gordon as the especial friend 
of the railroad commission of Georgia ! No newspaper so 
bitterly denounced me as General Gordon's organ, The Con- 
stitution. No man has more bitterly denounced the railroad 
commission than General Gordon's employer, Victor New- 
comb. 

General Gordon said the other day that all he had was in- 
vested in railroads. Major Bacon said the same day, he had 
not a dollar invested in railroads. 

Gordon has not been recognized as a citizen of Georgia for 
the last three or four years. If I had been called upon to 
say where he lived, as late as three months ago, I should 
have sworn, to the best of my knowledge and belief, he lived 
in Wall street. New York. He says all his interests are in 
railroads today. 

General Washington, in the darkest days of these American 
colonies, issued this order: "Put none but Americans on 
guard tonight." What was his meaning? "Let no man stand 
guard whose interests and whose property, whose hopes and 
ambitions were in conflict, or whose purposes could be 
swerved by British gold or influence." That was the inter- 
pretation of the order, "Put none but Americans on guard." 

Georgians, I warn you that the great stake for which guber- 
natorial dice are now being thrown in Georgia is the Western 
& Atlantic Railroad. Put no man on guard whose interests. 



640 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

whose hopes and finances arp ir. +1, 

Gordon is^unning all over [he Sflt! ^^^^^^^.^.^^P- General 
I am going into the executTve on r^v w'^^^°^' 'l^'^ ^ soldier. 
Just look at me!" I am ^o? ZmLZ T""'^ ^^^^ ^ 'y^^^nel 
just from Wall street-a mfnT.l^ ^ ^^^^.^ ^^ ^"^^d a man 
when Georgia's raTl^Ld iXes'f Te so" d "'?'' speculation, 

(The result has been told^n .\f ! ^^.^^^Pl^ involved. 
Felton.") ^""^"^ '"^ ^^^Pter headed ''Gordon and 



Congressional Campaign in 1890 



When the year 1890 opened we had to listen to a great 
deal relating to what was known as the Farmers Alliance. It 
was claimed to be an organization from which everybody but 
farmers were excluded. It originated out in the West, and 
had a strong organization in Georgia. Hon. L. P. Livingston 
was president of the Georgia Alliance, and Hon. L. L. Polk, 
president of the National Farm^ers Alliance and Industrial 
Union. Polk lived in North Carolina. 

Colonel Polk was in Atlanta to attend the third annual 
convention of the State Alliance, when he said : ' ' There are 
now about 3,000,000 members of the order. Since the meeting 
in St. Louis, last December, Colorado has joined the Alliance — 
so have North Dakota, South Dakota, Wisconsin, Illinois and 
Indiana. We are organizing now in Michigan, Ohio, New York, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Montana, Wyoming, Oregon, Wash- 
ington and California. Pennsylvania will be added to the per- 
fected States Thursday. The order is strongest numerically 
in the South. * * * The farmers of the West are willing 
to co-operate with the farmers of the South. They are heartily 
tired of sectionalism. I know it is charged b}^ the Democratic 
bosses of the South that we are disrupting the Democratic 
party and are selling out to the Republicans. It is argued with 
equal zeal in the Northwest, by the Republican bosses and 
papers, that the Alliance is only a Democratic trick to ensnare 
Republicans." Tennessee and Missouri had backed away 
from the sub-treasury plan, but Buchanan has just made 
it an issue in Tennessee and been elected overwhelmingly. 
It is all nonsense about refusing to endorse the sub-treasury 
plan in Tennessee. They had endorsed it, and elected their 
governor on it. The politicians made the sub-treasury plan 
our ultimatum. All right ! They can have war to the knife 
and the knife to the hilt if they want it." 

About the meeting in Ocala, Fla., Colonel Polk said: "It 
will be the annual meeting of the National Alliance 
and Industrial Union." We expect to have representatives 
from thirty-four different State Alliance organizations. 

Mr. Livingston said: "When the nominating time comes in 
the fall all those gentlemen who stand for re-election or re- 
nomination, which means election, will be asked to tell the 
people how they stand on these questions (sub-treasury etc.), 
and if they cannot answer directly, I can't pledge my people 
to vote for them. I shall certainly advise them not to do it." 



642 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

On what will you ask candidates to commit themselves? First, 
the sub-treasury plan. * * * I am going to canvass the 
State on it and when I get through, I think I can say our people 
will not vote for any man who will not favor it. I mean in 
the nominations. If Mr. Blount, for instance, should say he 
favored the principle but could give us a better bill, we would 
say, "go ahead." 

The sub-treasury plan proposes briefly that the government 
shall take the farmers' staple crops into its warehouses and 
issue him negotiable certificates up to 80 per cent, of the 
value of his products. With no charges but the bare expense 
of storage and insurance the crop is to be kept there a year. 
In that time the farmer sells month by month, and this will 
regulate prices and prevent corners. Believing that with our 
whole soul our people will say to Mr. Clements or Mr. Stewart 
or Mr. Anybody else, "Will you vote for such a currency as 
we ask?" Some may say the farmer is asking too much, but 
this is what the government gives to the whiskey men. They 
get more. Whiskey is worth $3.00 a gallon the minute it is 
put in the bonded warehouse, because the age gives it value 
by anticipation. The whiskey is only worth 50 cents a gallon 
before. 

The farmer is only asking an extension of the favor granted 
to the national banks. They deposit bonds in vaults which 
stand in the place of bonded warehouses and they get 90 per 
cent, of the face value at 1 per cent, per annum. We only ask 
the government to advance 80 per cent, value and we will 
pay storage and insurance. 

We will ask candidates to commit themselves on railroad 
regulation. The railroads discriminate against terminal points 
as against villages and rural districts. A carload of Carolina 
phosphates is dropped off the train for me at Covington and 
the freight is $4.30. It goes on and drops several cars in 
Atlanta for Geo. W. Scott & Co., at $3.40 a ton. It drops 
several cars at Montgomery at $3.00 per ton, and at Meridian, 
Miss., for $2.80. 

We have decided to concentrate our whole strength on the 
sub-treasury and railroad ownership. With the first secured, 
the farmers will soon be able to build all the railroads we 
need, if it should become necessary." 

When the State Farmers Alliance did meet it adopted the 
St. Louis platform — which adopted the sub-treasury and gov- 
ernment ownership of railroads. 

The chairman of the judicial committee, Hon. Martin V. 
Calvin, furnished the following as the requirements of the 
Georgia State Alliance. These requirements were handed 
down in February, 1890, and were given out to the public. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 643 

1. Bank stock ownership did not debar a man from the 
Alliance. 

2. But a bank cashier was ineligible. 

3. Parties who owned or operated their own warehouses 
were ineligible. 

4. Agents for cotton seed mills, not controlled by Alliance, 
ineligible. Any person who keeps a store, who buys or sells 
for gain is ineligible. If he be a practicing attorney, he is in- 
eligible. 

A member cannot be expelled except for cause. 

A member in arrears for four months' dues is suspended by 
the operation of the Constitution. 

Citizenship in Georgia is a prerequisite for membership. 

Residence does not constitute citizenship. Unnaturalized 
persons are therefore ineligible. A cotton buyer or salesman 
is ineligible. Two black balls rejects the applicant. No de- 
mand can be made as to who casts the black balls. If it can 
be shown that the black balls were cast through malice, the 
offender shall be dealt with. Presidents of sub-Alliances are 
not ex-ofificio members of County Alliances. Delegates to a 
County Alliance must be elected. A demit can not be denied 
to a brother who is clear of the books and no charge pending. 
Sub-Alliances can impeach their presidents and expel him for 
cause. A member who buys or sells goods on his own account 
or on commission for another, renders himself obnoxious to 
the Constitution and must get out of the order. 

A member can carry a stock of supplies for the hands on 
his farm but if he sells anything to others, he becomes a mer- 
chant and ineligible. An Alliance man cannot clerk in a mer- 
cantile house. 

A person who buys or sells sewing machines is ineligible. 
An Alliance store cannot sell to persons outside the order. 
An Alliance can adopt the exclusive use of cotton bagging or 
forbid the use of jute bagging and enforce a penalty — sus- 
pension or expulsion. The Alliance can try a member who 
fails to pay his dues, because this conduct is unbecoming an 
Allianceman. Neither a railroad train hand, conductor, brake- 
man, or track hand is eligible — nor a real estate agent. 

A member is only clear of the books when he has paid all 
dues and all assessments. If a demitted brother applies for 
membership at another lodge, he cannot be admitted under 
six months. Country doctors and country preachers can be 
Alliancemen, and by country is meant all the land outside of 
regular towns divided into wards. 

(Signed) MARTIN V. CALVIN. 

Chairman Judicial Committee. 

The State Alliance in Texas split on the sub-treasury, and 



644 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

United States Senator John H. Reagan said: "I do not see 
how congress can pass a law to enable the United States to 
loan 80 per cent, of the value of their crops and take the pro- 
duce, in pledge for the repayment of the loan. * * * The 
passage of such an act would be the longest step ever taken 
by this government in paternalism and class legislation, and 
would make the U. S. government a great merchant and money 
lender in defiance of all past notions as to its character and 
the reasons for its adoption by the people." 

By the time it became well understood in the Seventh dis- 
trict that thousands of voters would be disfranchised if no man 
could enter this secret oath-bound organization, except the 
classes here mentioned, the whole country begun to wake up. 

Over one hundred men in Cartersville, many of them Dr. 
Felton's strongest political opponents signed a petition ask- 
ing him to enter the canvass and wake up the farmers them- 
selves to the difficulties they were plunging into. All over the 
district those petitions were signed and sent to him. Mer- 
chants, railroad men, business men of all sorts, declared there 
would be a fatal injury to everyday lousiness — not only to those 
who were not in the Alliance but for Alliancemen themselves. 
Messengers came from other counties, pledging support, if he 
would only speak in the various counties and utter notes of 
warning to the deluded farmers who were being used by 
political sharpers and tricksters to get into office themsel''es. 

But the excitement reached a crisis when a copy of th-.^ o--th 
was secured and which showed the real vow. A copy was 
furnished to Dr. Felton and I kept it. The paper is yellow and 
well-thumbed, and I will copy it here : 

Oath in Farmers Alliance Ritual.. 

I 

(Candidate is placed at altar with his hand on the Bible). 

"I . . . ., in the presence of the Heavenly Father and these 
witnesses, do solemnlj^ affirm that I will never reveal any of 
the secrets of the Alliance to any one unless by strict test or 
in some legal manner, I find him entitled to receive them. I 
will conform to the Constitution and By-Laws of the Alliance 
and I will act in harmony with and endeavor to promote unity 
among the members ; I will never wrong or defame a worthy 
( ?) member, but will always assist and protect him and his 
interests when in my power to do so. I will always speak the 
truth when talking to a member and will assist him in bearing 
the burdens and crosses of life. I will advise and do all in my 
power to keep any member from engaging in any immoral 
conduct, that would be likely to bring reproach upon him, his 
family or the Farmers Alliance. I will never propose for mem- 
bership or sanction the admission of any one whom I have 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 645 

reason to believe to be an improper person — neither will I 
oppose the admission of any one solely on account of a per- 
sonal matter. I will always recognize and answer all lawful 
signs given me by a worthy member of the Alliance. I further- 
more solemnly affirm that should I be expelled from the Alli- 
ance from any cause whatever I will keep this obligation as 
sacred out of the Alliance as when a member. So help me 
God!" 

President of the Alliance also says the following : 

"Before you proceed it will be necessary to take on your- 
self a solemn obligation which I assure you will not conflict 
with your political and religious views. ' ' 

The dues were, as I was told, 25 cents a month, or perhaps 
it was the quarterly payment. This paper shows that a 
worthy (?) member must vote along with his brethren. In our 
town it was understood that the stores were to be boycotted 
— indeed, it was printed by one of the order, over the signa- 
ture of "Business Man." All who did not support Alliance 
candidates were not only to be spotted, but boycotted. No 
man who did not take this oath, could be a candidate for any- 
thing and receive a vote from an Allianceman. They had a 
pass-word, and they were sworn foes to national banks. As 
soon as Governor Gordon joined the Alliance he opened up 
on national banks. 

I saw a publication in a Covington paper, Mr. Livingston's 
home town, dated August 21, 1890, where it was stated that a 
Gordon henchman, maybe two, wrote a letter to Livingston 
asking him to sign his name to a paper asking the legislature 
members to elect Gordon to the senate. Livingston did not 
sign, but he showed the letter. Then the political Alliancemen 
raised a howl. It was dangerous to tell secrets. The Bartow 
county people came in with a petition with two hundred 
signers, praying Dr. Felton to go before the masses and tell 
the farmers that the politicians were leading them into a trap 
— that they were deceiving them. I have both these petitions 
in my scrap-book before me, and mass meetings were held in 
Cartersville and Rome. 

In Atlanta, after the legislature met, it was found that most 
of the candidates were rushing into Alliance meetings — taking 
the oath to vote and hold off everybody who did not join. 
Six out of ten of Georgia congressmen were retired under 
pressure, and every one of the new ones and the four old ones, 
were a unit for the free coinage of silver, and the president 
of the State Alliance took his seat on March 4, 1891, as con- 
gressman from the Atlanta district, and I heard no more 
about the sub-treasury or government control of railroads. 

Cotton dropped from 12 cents to 6, even to 4 cents, in 1894. 



646 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Not one of the Alliancemen exploited Alliance principles in 
congress, save Mr. Watson ; and not one of them failed to drop 
the poor, oath-bound farmers after they took their seats but 
the member from the Tenth district, so far as I could learn. 

The Alliance put Governor Northen in the executive office, 
made congressmen out of Livingston, Moses, Everett, Lawson, 
Watson and Winn, and put Governor Gordon in the senate, 
and with the exceptions above noted, every one deserted the 
Alliance principles or tenets. 

Mr. Cleveland ran for president in 1892, and the gang fol- 
lowed him like the little pigs follow the sow, and the Alliance 
disappeared ! In 1891 the Alliance leaders met in Indianapolis 
in a great national convention, and Jerry Simpson was there, 
and Mrs. Lease, and there were charges against Macune, show- 
ing wholesale corruption and prostitution of official trusts. 
Polk was re-elected but the Georgia contingent was split into 
smithereens! Mr. Livingston was reported by the Journal cor- 
respondent, Mr. Claude Bennett, as saying, "Watson did not 
represent anything there — certainly not the Alliance. ' ' Branch 
a delegate from Columbia county censured Livingston for hav- 
ing told Gates in his speech at Atlanta Exposition that he 
would support the Democratic nominee for president, and Liv- 
ingston denied it." 

The clamor that reached us at home grew more and more 
persistent. I did my utmost to shut the door on it, but we 
were overwhelmed with letters, with visitors who came at all 
times — Sundays and Mondays — to persuade Dr. Felton into the 
race. For two solid weeks we were beseiged to allow his 
name to be used before the September congressional conven- 
tion to be held in Rome. I pulled one way — they pulled an- 
other. The men who had fought him hardest in the past were 
the most determined pleaders. I said, "Don't let them per- 
suade you into it ! Some are honest and will do all they say. 
Some I can not trust. Spare yourself and spare me." 

The inducement that finally prevailed with him came from 
men disconnected with political aspirations — those who saw 
that the country people were to be arrayed in fierce hostility 
to the town people, and if skilfully worked by political can- 
didates, would foster the worst elements of communistic enmity 
and bring untold distrust and lack of confidence in every 
department of State and national government. I knew there 
could be no sincerity among many of these candidates. I in- 
vestigated far enough to find that the railroads were4)ehind 
General Gordon. The L. & N. Railroad had come into posses- 
sion of the State Road for 29 years. After Mr. Everett pro- 
nounced for General Gordon for the Senate I saw what was 
behind the whole business. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 647 

I was always met by the plea, "They are dragging down the 
farmers!" The oath which will compel them to buy from 
Alliance men only, and which forbids one of their boys to 
clerk in any other sort of a store, and which virtually makes 
the farming class a block of voters to be turned over to the 
most agile candidate in the bunch, will eventually work ruin 
to their own business. They are iDlindfolded. They must be 
warned ! ' ' 

Conditions narrowed down to a place where I had either to 
refuse to help him or put on a brave face and make the best 
of what was left to me. I chose the latter. 

There were brave men and true who stood with him in this 
rescue work, but there were others who acted, just as I ex- 
pected they would act. 

The rest of the story you can find in the newspapers — and 
newspapers were not his friends — but Dr. Felton did his part 
well in self-sacrifice and got well abused for doing it. 

Four years later a public speaker, from our own county and 
town, made a foul personal charge at a political public meeting 
in one of the upper counties, and said in so many words that 
Dr. Felton had sold his vote in the Georgia legislature on the 
lease question and I concealed the money he got as a bribe in 
the purchase of a farm, and I could not have made that money 
by "knitting and sewing." 

It pains me yet to remember what we had to bear in this 
matter, and it was particularly hard for me, because I had 
striven with all my might to avoid the campaign of 1890. 
I made a reply in the Atlanta papers, and the aged, gray- 
headed veteran made a public reply in 1894, two days after- 
wards, in our county court house in the presence of the speaker 
who made the foul charge against us, and defied him to 
produce one scintilla of evidence to prove it. 

Because of such slanderous efforts to besmirch his good 
name, I have printed this book, and except for my duty to my 
family and my individual sympathy for Dr. Felton, I would 
never again have collided with the ring politicians of the 
Seventh district. 

The people held public meetings in all the counties and the 
delegates were openly selected. Many of them were farmers 
and some were persons who were denounced as ineligible and 
therefore obnoxious to the Farmers' Alliance. They were 
present in Rome in large force when Dr. Felton and I reached 
the city. 

I had had all "my say" before we left home, and being 
determined to hold up Dr. Felton 's hands in defeat as well 
as success, I had nothing for the public but smiles and cheer- 
ing words to offer. 



648 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

Felton Accepts the Nomination. 

(Rome Tribune.) 

Rome, Ga., September 3. — (Special.) — "The way to fight a 
thing is to fight it. You can't apologize for a thing and fight 
it at the same time." 

This remark made by Dr. Felton a few minutes ago, is the 
keynote of the campaign opened here this afternoon. 

It was the policy of his speech, which is even now thunder- 
ing in the ears of the people who heard it. 

Beginning at about half past 3 o'clock, he chained the at-' 
tention of the crowd in the opera house for an hour and a half, 
and almost every sentence was punctuated with applause. 

The opera house presented a remarkable scene. The stage 
and galleries were decorated with flags and bunting, and the 
men out in the audience were shouting and waving their hats. 
The house was packed with people, and along either side of 
the parquet and in the dress circle, were farmers, or men 
who had that appearance. 

He accepts the Nomination. 

Dr. Felton began by expressing his appreciation of the 
nomination as evidence of his political honesty and fealty to 
Democratic principles. 

This acceptance of the nomination was followed by tremend- 
ous and long continued cheering. Hats were waved, and one 
man raised an umbrella and flopped it as if in imitation of a 
rooster's Avings. 

The Reasons Which Influence Him. 

"I accept it," he continued, "from a sense of duty to my 
brother farmers of the Seventh Congressional district, (ap- 
plause) and the duty that I owe to every business man of every 
class and occupation in the Seventh district. (Applause). I 
accept it from a sense of the duty that I owe to the Democratic 
party. I accept it from a deep sense of the duty that I owe 
to the preservation, maintenance and perpetuation of the 
grandest and freest government on God's earth. (Applause). 

"If defeat were inevitable, and it is not, (great cheering and 
"hurrah for Felton") I feel today that the grand people that 
I have represented in congress, and a part of whom I have so 
long served in your State legislature, I feel today that this 
grand and noble constituency will do right if the heavens fall. 
(Cheers). But I say again that if defeat were inevitable, it is 
right and proper that the proceedings of this Democratic con- 
vention of the Seventh Congressional district should be spread 
out upon the record, the political records of this district at 
least, as a protest against claims and pretenses unparalelled 
in the history of the Democratic party. (Applause). 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 649 

"I repeat, I accept the nomination from a sense of duty to 
the farmers." 

With this the Doctor alluded to his life on the farm for forty 
years, and challenged any man to point to the vote or the 
act of his in the legislature or in congress which was against 
the farmers' interest. Alluding to the State Road lease for 
$420,000 a year, the addition to the school fund of all tax 
arising from an appreciation of property, and to the fight for 
the railroad commission, which he said had saved millions 
to Georgia. He called on the members of the legislature to say 
who had fought longest and most faithfully for the measures. 

Touching on the Alliance. 

"I am a farmer," said he. "I have stood by their interests. 
I love them sincerely and truly, and I accept this nomination 
in part that I may warn them, and that I may entreat them to 
beware of the demagogue that is seeking to despoil them. 
(Great cheering, continued and renewed). I see in my State 
today a vast organization, secret, political, that has its purpose 
to deceive honest, incorruptible men, as pure as live 
under your shining heavens, conservative by nature and by 
occupation. I have seen them, under the impulse of the mo- 
ment, rushing pell mell into an organization that is designed 
to rob and plunder and despoil, not for their benefit, but for 
the crafty, designing and cunning demagogue. (Great cheer- 
ing and a voice, "You have got 'em down right.") 

"I am a farmer, but I have lived long enough to know that 
other industries and other occupations are important and 
essential as well as mine. (Applause). I have lived long 
enough to learn that when you injure one you retard the 
progress of another. When one suffers the whole body is 
disordered. (Applause). The industries of every country, 
the wealth-producing occupations, are all in mutual sympathy. 
They are mutually dependent one upon the other, and where 
you injure one you injure all. ' ' 

Drawing the Line. 

Here he drew a picture of the army and said: "Who 
would then have asked a brave, patriotic young volunteer 
his occupation ? Who would have said to him : Comrade, are 
you a farmer? Comrade, are you a merchant? Comrade, are 
you a clerk? Comrade, do you buy goods? Comrade, are you 
engaged in manufacturing? Comrade, are you a preacher in 
some city or incorporated town? Comrade, are you engaged 
in anything but agriculture ? And if the poor fellow says yes, 
he is kicked out as a dog (Great laughter and applause), un- 
worthy to stand by my side." 



650 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

The Origin of the Alliance. 

Let us see the nativity of this new political party, for it is 
neither more nor less. Where were its platform and principles 
originated? Where was it born? In Georgia! No, sir, in St. 
Louis, Missouri. Who composed the organization that formed 
it? They were not all Democrats, they were not all farmers, 
they were not all Southern men. It was a conglomerated mass, 
a conglomeration of sore-heads. (Great cheering). Mark you, 
in this discussion I draw a broad line, as broad as that between 
heaven and the dark abyss, between the honest, true and pa- 
triotic farmers of Georgiar, who have gone into that organiza- 
tion with pure motives and honest purpose, and the leaders, 
cunning, crafty leaders, the cunning, crafty demagogues who 
seek to despoil. 

"The St. Louis platform has two leading features. The first 
is that we want the sub-treasury system. We want the 
government to build warehouses in every rich county in the 
United States. It does not read that way, but that is what it 
means. I suppose there would be two in the Seventh district. 
(A voice, "Clements says five.") I did not know there were 
five rich counties in the district. Then he argued that to 
build 1,000 warehouses would cost $50,000,000, and put 
a horde of federal officials under the appointing power of the 
administration. Probably Republicans would be sent here 
to administer on your cotton, said he. 

"Mark," he said, "the bill says the owners of these pro- 
ducts, cotton, corn, wheat, tobacco and oats, may deposit in 
the warehouses and draw 80 per cent, on their value. Richard- 
son, the great Mississippi farmer, and the cotton speculators 
could buy up all cotton, put it in the warehouses and draw 
money. Liverpool would say, "We don't want your cotton. 
We can get our supply from India, Egypt and Africa, but as 
a great favor we will give you 4 or 5 cents per pound for it." 
Dalrymple, the great wheat man of Dakota, and old Hutch, 
the grain cornerer, could buy all the grain and put it in the 
sub-treasury. The margin would be exhausted and the govern- 
ment would have to redeem money based on oats. In the mean- 
time the Norway rats will have done their work and the sub- 
treasury notes will have to be redeemed in coin, taxed out of 
the people, for the collateral will have gone down the stomach 
of the Norway rats. Then he drew a picture of the farmer's 
home. Of all men, you can least afford the results of a panic 
that is sure to result from this inflation and contraction of 
the currency. It was not Georgia that constructed this; 
it was done by fifty men at St. Louis, who sent 
it here to cram down the throats of the honest, industrious 
farmers of the Seventh district as the national Democratic 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 651 

party. Fellow-citizens, it is my honest belief that that crowd 
there assembled at St. Louis knew no more about and cared no 
more for, and had no more to do with national Democracy 
than the devil has to do with holy water." (Great laughter 
and applause.) 

Then he compared the St. Louis convention to the star 
chamber. 

"Fellow-citizens, you have heard of the star chamber in 
old England, commencing way back yonder in the time of 
Edward the Third, and running all the way down to Charles 
the First, and probably a little into the reign of James. It was 
a secret political court, which met in a chamber whose ceiling 
was starred. The creatures of a despotic power met to do 
their corrupt master's will. They would bring up any citizen's 
name, hear ex-parte testimony, try and sentence him, and the 
poor wretch never knew of trial or sentence or charge, until 
the officers arrested him and led him to the block, where his 
hand, arm or foot or head was cut off for a political offense. 
It was not a religious court. The high commission determined 
religious offenses. 

"You have read of the council of ten in old Venice, that 
tried men in secret, passed upon men's characters in secret, 
that denounced them by sentence in secret, and it is wonderful 
that the bridge leading from the council of ten to those prison 
walls was called the Bridge of Sighs. My God, how many 
tears ! My God, how many breaking hearts felt that secret 
'chamber ! ! 

Then he alluded to the Spanish inquisition, then to the know 
nothing party, of which, he said, a wave rolled over Georgia. 

They held secret meetings and tested men's political char- 
acters. In secret they tested men's political records. In secret 
they rejected or accepted political aspirants for office. They 
resolved that no foreigner can hold office in this country, for- 
getting that our ancestors were all foreigners. (Applause.) 
They resolved that no Catholic shall hold office in this country, 
forgetting that John Carroll, of Carrollton, was a Catholic ; 
forgetting that if you proscribe and ostracize Catholics, you 
can proscribe and ostracize Baptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, 
all; forgetting that the constitution forbids a religious test 
and religious proscription. No, sir, free government and 
secret political organizations can not live together. (Great 
applause.) Let me emphasize it. Government by a class and 
government by the people can not live together. (Applause.) 
One or the other must die. My countrymen say this day which 
shall survive." 

Here he referred to the Primitive Baptists, who eschewed 
secret political organizations. "God bless them; God bless 



652 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

every freeman today that rallies under the banner of constitu- 
tional liberty. (Applause.) 

"Macauley says the star chamber became malignant and 
energetic in its rapacity. Robespierre died by the guillotine 
that, under his orders, had cut off more heads than all the 
despots. Nature works her own cures. They that take to 
the sword shall die by the sword." 

He then referred to the common expression, current a few 
weeks ago, that the suballiances were then slinging their bal- 
lots to determine who would represent the seventh district in 
Congress. It was done in secret, and men were chosen in 
secret. In conclusion, he said. 

"In sickness and in health, in sunshine or storm, whatever 
may betide, God being my helper, I propose to bear your 
standard to the best of my ability." (Tremendous cheering.) 

A Social Reception. 

Delegates and citizens pressed around Dr. and Mrs. Felton, 
almost suffocating them with attention. 

Mr. and Mrs. McClure tendered Dr. and Mrs. Felton an 
informal reception tonight, and many came in to give con- 
gratulations on the speech. 

Every county in the district sent up its duly elected dele- 
gates. There were seven from Chattooga, 13 from Pauld- 
ing, 4 from Whitfield, two from Walker, four from Murray, 
two from Catoosa, two from Cobb, 25 from Floyd — every 
militia district having sent its quota — 12 from Polk, two from 
Dade, 26 from Bartow, and two from Haralson. Only Gor- 
don county failed to nominate Dr. Felton of all the thirteen. 
The platform was patriotic and sensible, the unanimous en- 
dorsement which these delegates gave to Dr. Felton I have 
kept ail these years as a tribute wrung from his former ene- 
mies in spite of years of opposition. 

But the results of the October election in 1890 made the 
officeholders run to cover, and they made traitorous terms 
v/ith the alliance tricksters to hold their own positions. And 
it turned out as I had predicted — they forsook Dr. Felton and 
excepting some distinguished gentlemen who were honorable 
as well as patriotic, the enthusiastic following which pledged 
the strongest support at the Rome Convention went over to 
the alliance politicians. The public teat was all powerful, and 
the sub-treasury scheme petered out along with the alliance 
ritual. 

But the alliance served its purpose — it gave prominence to 
a lot of blatant demagogues, and they loaded down the national 
Democratic party until it was left prostrate and defeated for 
two decades and over. "Norway rats" would have eaten up 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 653 

the sub-treasury, if they had been given a chance, but the 
scheme only served to elevate a lot of politicians who never 
would have risen out of their native habitat, save for the 
well exploited schemes of Macune, Polk, Mrs. Lease and Com- 
pany, and the "yard-stick" of the so-called Farmers' Alli- 
ance. 

It is a good place just here to allude to an editorial from 
the New York World, written a few weeks after the National 
Democratic party gave to Mr. Bryan the nomination for the 
presidency. Mr. Bryan, a Populist, supported Gen. Weaver 
instead of Cleveland in 1892. 

It goes to prove that the National Democratic party was 
in such straits that it was forced to accept Mr. Bryan at the 
Chicago Convention and has been too weak to do anything 
else since 1896. If he has his usual and continued political 
luck, Mr. Bryan will either be nominated in 1912, or he will 
be the arbiter of the future destiny of the National Democracy 
of the United States. 



John. W. Maddox and Dr. Felton 



In the year 1890 the Farmers' Alliance was in full blast. 
It retired all but four of the Georgia delegation in Congress, 
namely, Lester, Blount, Turner and Crisp. The others were 
steam-rollered, and their places were supplied by Messrs. 
Livingston, Moss, Winn, Everett, Lawson and Watson. The 
displaced members were a unit for tariff reform, and free coin- 
age of silver, and the new members claimed to be the same 
sort of a "unit," but it was the alliance yard-stick, the oath 
bound secret organization, the order which Mrs. Lease and 
Gen. Weaver, Polk and Macune brought to Georgia which 
caused the whirlgig in Georgia politics. Why the other four 
were not upset has not been well explained, though it was 
known that Mr. Crisp was member of a House committee 
connected with Pacific Railroad legislation, and Mr. Turner 
was a single-standard man. Nobody ever knew, I suppose 
what Mr. Blount advocated particularly except to hold on. 
Mr. Lester came from the Savannah district, where elections 
were a farce, and the "party call," and vest-pocket nomina- 
tions prevailed. Whether any of these four gentlemen joined 
the alliance as did Gen. Gordon, I can not say, but it was un- 
derstood that they all made same sort of an obeisance except 
Mr. Turner of Brooks. Mr. Watson explained in 1894 in 
these words: "If I am wrong in fighting ring rule in Georgia, 
Mr. Black had also been leading a crusade against the 
"wicked political ring," which he assured me was "debauch- 
ing the State," and if I am wrong in fighting ring rule in 
Georgia, Mr. Black is one of the men who should hear me 
with great patience and pity, for I caught the tune from him. 
If I am wrong in standing by the principles of the Ocala plat- 
form of the Farmers' Alliance the Democrats did the country 
a grievous injustice in making a governor out of W. J. Northen 
and Congressmen out of Livingston, Moses, Everett and Law- 
son, and a Senator out of John B. Gordon. All these great 
and good men joined the Alliance and championed its prin- 
ciples, as did the majority of the newspapers who have since 
tried to hound me to political death." 

They were measured by the yard-stick and except one or 
two of these Alliance men, every one kicked down the ladder, 
by which they had climbed up in the loft. It goes without 
saying that the great majority of the new Alliance men would 
never have "made the rise" if the yard-stick and the sub- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 655 

treasury had not elevated them into public notice. The "bot- 
tom rail was on top." 

In the seventh district, Mr. Maddox, a superior court judge, 
set his wires to working. By his verdicts in court, and his 
sentences as judge, he tied on to himself a lot of men in Rome 
and elsewhere, who were ready to do his bidding at all times. 
The men who pulled for him the hardest had been protected by 
the court in their escapades. For instance : There were a 
number of white men caught in a gambling scrape. They were 
indicted, convicted and brought before Judge Maddox for 
sentence. He placed a fine of a few dollars and turned them 
all loose. They were ready to "pay back" when the Judge 
concluded to steam-roller Mr. Everett, who was elected to 
Congress in 1890 and by all precedents in the organization 
was due a second term. Rev. Sam Jones held a revival meet- 
ing in Rome, and he fairly blistered the gamblers, the verdict, 
and the judge. He gave these "escaped gamblers" the name 
of "fat rabbits." They were the "pets" of Judge Maddox, 
when he overran Mr. Everett for the nomination. Those "fat 
rabbits," who were indicted for gambling and one for keeping 
a gambling house furiously advocated the judge. 

Perhaps it was the same day when the judge protected his 
"fat rabbits" that he sentenced Sam Jackson, a negro, for the 
same offense, gambling. He placed on him a fine of one thou- 
sand dollars, or a term in the chain-gang. The superior court 
records of Floyd county will give you exact details. 

This is the sort of a politician that Judge Maddox proved 
himself to be. (He has been placed again on the bench in 
the Rome judicial circuit. But that's the sort of a man that 
can keep this high position, and will continue to keep it, so 
long as he deals out justice in the same old way. The curse 
of political judges and solicitors in Georgia can never be fully 
understood or explained until the eternal judgment.) 

In my opinion, Mr. Everett was entirely too decent a man 
to suit the gang that pulled for Judge Maddox, and Judge 
Maddox was counted in in 1892, when the so-called primary 
came off. Nobody knew where he really stood on any public 
question, but it became apparent after 1892 that he followed 
the tide and doomed the poor farmers to dire poverty in his 
support of Mr. Cleveland's policy. True he talked to suit 
every crowd he was in, but he amounted to nothing more than 
a knot on a stick, as to helping the seventh district, except 
in giving fat positions to his pets and "fat rabbits." While 
he was a member of the legislature, he had made public no- 
toriety in Atlanta, resisted arrest, according to the newspa- 
pers, and with indignant protest claimed to be immune to 
arrest, calling himself the "Chief of the Cherokees." The 



656 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

story has been published and narrated time and again. While 
be was Congressman he made additional notoriety at a sea- 
side resort in Georgia, and that story was given to me by a 
most responsible person with full permission to use it when- 
ever, wherever and as fully as I deemed it necessary. It was 
simply outrageous that the State of Georgia could not throw 
off men of Judge Maddox' class who, by such conduct, actually 
fatigued public contempt. Officials who failed to respect their 
high positions undoubtedly should be subject to "recall" if 
not to "referendum." 

I have no hesitancy in this publication. Judge Maddox, 
through his attorney, and by his personal effort, accused me 
of forging a circular that appeared in the campaign of 1894. 
He carried that plea to Washington City, and before the packed 
committee on elections. Then and there he not only accused 
me of forging the circular, but of altering contest papers signed 
and sent up by Justice Gaines, who presided in the contest 
court in Cartersville. A more dastardly effort never gained 
publicity. Neither charge was true. I never saw the circular 
until it was circulated, never heard of it until it was out, and 
the Gaines papers were signed by Justice Gaines, and he made 
affidavit that the charge against me was false and absolutely 
without foundation. The circular I will reprint, and I here 
testify that I not only did not write, print or know anything 
about it, but the man, B. F. Carter, who received it and to 
whom it was addressed, was ready at any time to be examined 
as a witness and was even present where he might have been 
examined ; yet Judge Maddox never called him to the stand, 
and never called me as a witness to prove his foul charge dur- 
ing the entire time of getting testimony. 

It was a concealed weapon and never hurled at me until the 
last hearing in Washington City in April, 1896. 

"Dalton, Ga., Nov. 1, 1894. 
"Mr. B. F. Carter, Cedartown, Ga., 

"Dear Sir: Judge Maddox, the present representative from 
the seventh congressional district of Georgia, in a talk with 
me on the streets the other day said he had been canvassing 
the district and would be re-elected because he had bought 
all the leading negroes in each county, and had bought them 
cheap, as they were not worth much any way, and should not 
be allowed to vote. "Very respectfully, 

"SAM HOLT, Dalton, Ga." 

This is the full text, and Judge Maddox permitted his Car 
tersville attorney to make the foul charge of forgery against 
me before the Committee on Elections, and the only man 
I was acquainted with on that committee. Hon. Charles Bart- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 657 

lett, from the sixth Georgia district, not only failed to rise 
and say that such a charge must be proven before it was 
presented there, but he manifested such rabid partisanship for 
Judge Maddox that it has always been unexplained, unless 
they were both kept in Congress by the same influences and 
for similar purposes. I had but five minutes in which to de- 
clare the forgery claim to be a false accusation and to explain 
that the three men from Georgia, these present — Messrs. Bran- 
ham, Fite and Maddox — were the most implacable and fero- 
cious political enemies that my husband had in the district. 

That was the "final touch" that these attorneys gave to 
the business, and I unhesitatingly declare that I have always 
believed that Hon. Charles Bartlett was placed on that Com- 
mittee of Elections to help Judge Maddox, and that he was 
the chosen spokesman for Maddox as well as for the com- 
mittee. He allowed that foul charge against my integrity, 
as a lady, to pass unchallenged. 

It is well known, positively established, that C. P. Hunting- 
ton placed men on committees and claimed them as his own 
men, and resented any disturbance of these committeemen 
after such placing had been made. 

In the year 1896, when the contest ease of Felton vs. Maddox 
was heard before the Elections Committee, E. P. Stahlman 
was in Washington City pressing his claim for Publishing 
House Money. He was thoroughly exposed when the lobby 
money was made the subject of investigation two years later. 
He was always antagonistic to Dr. Felton because he prowled 
around the legislature while the State road lease was discussed. 
They collided more than once in the committee room. Hon. 
Thos. Felder is on record as saying that Mr. Stahlman inter- 
ested himself in getting a Georgia member of Congress from 
the fifth district. Vice-President Stahlman, of the L. & N. 
Railroad, was interested in the seventh as well as the fifth 
district because there are only six miles of the W. & A. Rail- 
road in the fifth and about one hundred and thirty miles in 
the seventh district, which railroad traverses the seventh dis- 
trict from the Chattahoochee to the Tennessee line. 

After the election in 1894, the Fifty-third Congress con- 
tinued until March 4, 1895. The committees were named after 
the Fifty-fourth Congress was organized in 1895. Mr. Maddox 
was on the ground. Major Stahlman was lobbying in Washing- 
ton City for his various schemes, and the contest between Fel- 
ton and Maddox was held back until April, 1896, nearly two 
years after the election. This forgery charge was arranged 
for during that interval and Mr. Bartlett 's partisanship was 
so unexpected and pronounced that Gen. Dudley said to me : 
"Is that man Dr. Felton 's personal enemy? Has he forgotten 



658 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

that he is a judge, not an attorney on this committee?" This 
occurred while the forgery charge was being pressed on me 
in that last and final hearing. 

There was relationship by marriage between Mr. Bartlett 
and Dr. Felton. I am enough of a "good Injun" to respect 
the rites of hospitality, and in conclusion I will say that if 
Dr. Felton had been on that committee in Mr. Bartlett 's place, 
and such a foul charge had been presented against Mr.. 
Bartlett 's wife, there would have been a different attitude 
and a proper defense or explanation if that committee had 
been ten times as large or more powerful. 

When Dr. Felton served on any committee. State or national, 
there was always dignified attention in marked contrast to the 
Jack-in-the-box performance we witnessed from a much smaller 
man in the National Congress in 1896. 

Those committees are known to be partisan, if nothing worse, 
in politics they care nothing for the testimony, and the case 
of Felton vs. Maddox was evidently in the hands of the mem- 
ber from Georgia, who claimed to know and who played the 
ignoble part of attorney and I presume Mr. Bartlett would 
have sacrificed any relative he had to hold his seat in Congress. 
Bibb county and the sixth district have long been remarkable 
for their humble acceptance of what ring politics offers to 
them, and if they can stand it, I am sure their politics is (at 
present) indifferent to me. 

It is quite fair to both of us for me to discuss Mr. Bartlett 
under these circumstances. He "broke into Congress" from 
the superior court bench. In a newspaper bearing date 1896. 
I find the following editorial : "A poor famished darky opened 
a cupboard and eased the pangs of hunger with a draught of 
milk. Judge Bartlett sent him up for fifteen years. A col- 
ored man stole a shot gun. and the same judge sent him to 
the chain-gang for fifteen years. A negro boy, 12 years old, 
caught out a horse to ride a few miles and back. He was sen- 
tenced to twelve years at hard labor." * * * These foul blots 
on our civilization were placed there by Democratic judges, 
placed in power by Democratic voters, sent to Democratic 
chain-gangs, where Democratic bosses tied them down, almost 
strangled them with water and then compelled them to get up 
and dance, smile and sing, "Jesus, Lover of My Soul, Let Me 
To Thy Bosom Fly." The evidence brought out in various 
investigations is quite sufficient to say that all these things 
here stated might be true. It was well understood that 
long sentences for negroes were more ^than agreeable to 
the Democratic bosses in Georgia, and it is well kno%vn that 
superior court judges were uniform in trying to step from 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 659 

the bench into Congress. Messrs. Maddox and Bartlett were 
ripe samples of such ambitious politicians. 

The political situation in Georgia in 1894 will hardly ever 
be forgotten. Mr. Cleveland secured re-election in 1892, 
through Standard Oil influence, and former Alliance men in 
Georgia forsook the faith and became plain Democrats. 

Cotton went down to four and five cents. The farmers were 
prostrate, and nearly desperate. We sold our entire cotton 
crop in 1892 for a little over four cents, and it did not pay 
taxes, guano and farm supplies. The "Crown of Thorns" was 
placed on the producing classes of the country. The West was 
plastered over with mortgages, and I saw people from Kansas 
in 1893, and 4 who told me that they lost their last dollar 
between contraction legislation and the greed of money lend- 
ers and had to get away. 

All that the Farmers' Alliance claimed and worked for in 
1890 was obliterated by the false representatives sent to Wash- 
ington. So the Alliance went out by the back door, and Messrs. 
Everett and Watson were defeated by Messrs. Black and Mad- 
dox. The others became zealots for Democracy, the usual 
trick with renegades. In 1894 the People's Party made a 
determined stand in Georgia, after the traitors went out and 
over to the opposition. A Congressional Convention met in 
Rome with delegates from all over the District early in Au- 
gust. That convention made a fervid appeal to Dr. Felton to 
allow them to vote for him. They were disqusted with Cleve- 
land, who not only placed negroes in office, but who received 
into the White House, Fred Douglass and his white wife as 
honored guests for a week. They were disgusted, fatigued 
with Maddox, who amounted to nothing except to fix his fol- 
lowers in office. State and national. They came in large num- 
bers to Dr. Felton to ask him to accept their support. They 
asked nothing from him but liberty to vote for him. I heard 
the appeal, and plead with my husband to spare himself this 
fatigue and annoyance. Mr. Watson's treatment in Richmond 
county in 1892 satisfied my mind that nothing would be omit- 
ted in the seventh district. I knew the temper of the opposi- 
tion. They had been tested before me for ten years. I was 
prepared to appreciate what Hon. J. W. Wofford, of Kansas 
City, said of them in a letter to Dr. Felton — ''they were the 
meanest set of politicians in the seventh district on God's 
footstool and not fit to tie his shoestrings." 

Their entreaties prevailed. Dr. Felton said, "they were 
honest, patriotic men; they were nearly desperate under the 
tyranny of national and State legislation, and it seemed a hard 
case when they could not have somebody to defend their cause, 
etc." I will omit my almost tearful pleading with him to 



660 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

spare himself the villianous attempts they would make upon 
him. If I had understood then (as I became satisfied later) 
Stahlman's real business in Atlanta and Washington City, I 
might have feared what unprincipled men would do to de- 
feat, or to elect their chosen candidates. After Dr. Felton 
granted them permission to nominate him, I gave him the best 
help I could muster, but I felt more than anxious as to what 
might befall him. 

The October election opened the eyes of the tricksters. The 
farmers made a determined stand, and elected the governor 
(who was counted out) and a large number of legislature 
members. There were over thirty contests instituted in Geor- 
gia, claimants disputing for legislative seats. The decisions 
of the State committee on elections would tally with the 
same sort of committees in Washington City. The history of 
that period when Hon. Mr. Atkinson came in over Judge 
Hines, and what Hon. Allan G. Candler said of the "rape of 
the Democratic Party" in 1896, and what the Constitution 
said of "Yellowstone kit" in the governor's chair, furnished 
a full and complete arraignment of the Democratic party in 
Georgia. I am not going to reprint that "Rape Circular" in 
these pages, because there must be some regard to decency as 
well as merited exposure. 

Bartow county elected two People's party men to the legis- 
lature with more than 400 majority. Until the November 
election, Maddox politicians made every sort of an effort 
to defeat Dr. Felton. All other congressional candidates 
not belonging to the ring were fought. In Cobb county, 
where 500 majority was counted in for Atkinson, and 
with a concealed registration list, the farmers determined to 
examine the list before November. They sued out a mandamus 
before Judge Gober, who most obligingly (?) postponed the 
hearing to November 12, six days after the election would be 
over. Just here it is proper to say that the registration list 
was kept concealed, although the contest in Cobb could only 
be determined by comparison of the voting list with that of 
registration. Stanback, the tax collector, went into hiding. 
No subpoena would he answer. A duces tecum did not bring 
him, and Judge Gober 's partisanship made it impossible to 
obtain relief from the court. Mr. Clay said there were eight 
or nine hundred votes less in November, but the managers of 
election also gave Maddox 500 majority, and considering the 
poll in Cobb was small this 500 majority in Cobb for Maddox 
would have been a miracle in a fair election after nearly a 
thousand was taken off in November. 

Before Senator Clay died he gave me a word picture of the 
feuds in Marietta. He said it was a crime before God to hate 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 661 

one another as the clans in his town hated each other. The 
story was a graphic one and doubtless not exaggerated, but 
if true, one-half should have been in the penitentiary and 
the other half in the insane asylum. I was told that in one 
election the ballot box counting was suspended to allow man- 
agers to get supper. The desperadoes placed the ballot box 
in the treasurer's vault and when the other man was eating 
supper, they locked themselves inside with a candle and stuffed 
the box with enough ballots to carry their men into office. 
These men were harmonious, so long as they fought the labor- 
ing and rural population. When they begun to knife each 
other then it was "dog eat dog," and their elections became 
carnivals of trickery, abuse and cheating. 

The resignation law required a printed list. The officials 
refused to print "because it was expensive." I know that 
the printing of 100,000 election tickets cost me $12.50 in At- 
lanta, twenty miles off, and this obstreperous official testified 
he was paid $25 to copy off the list. It was because the list 
could be altered and "eight or nine hundred names taken off" 
that the list was written and not printed. The vote in Cobb 
will always be within control, so long as such men are in office. 

In Cartersville voting lists were printed for October and 
November elections. No new assessment of taxes occurred be- 
tween the State and national election. The vote in October 
astounded the reigning officials so they mutilated the Novem- 
ber voting lists, and 300 names in the Cartersville precinct 
were cut off. Those lists were made up as the taxpayers paid 
taxes, the preceding year. From that book the qualified voters 
were named. Tax defaulters were turned over to the sheriff. 
If they paid, they could be registered, but the list must be 
gone over by county commissioners and verified before the Oc- 
tober election. This was done, and the lists prepared and were 
used in October. Yet in November 300 names were stricken — 
men who had voted in October at Cartersville and Maddox's 
attorney said 175 were tax defaulters. The misspelling of a 
name or omission of a letter disqualified a Felton voter. Men 
brought their tax receipts to Dr. Felton and said they had 
voted in October, but they were not allowed to vote for him. 
He encountered ruffianism at the polls, and although he had 
given to Bartow county the best service of more than forty 
years, he was browbeaten at his own precinct by the despera- 
does of the Maddox party. The testimony is all printed, it is 
here, and when he came home that night he said he would 
expose these election methods at every hazard. 

If he had to bear their insolence, their deeds should be 
exposed. It was a reign of terror. The tax collector admitted 
that he received pay after dark one Saturday night before 



662 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

next Tuesday's election by interested men who paid up for 
defaulters to get their votes. "They paid cash until it gave 
out and then they paid in checks." His list for election use 
to be legal had to be gone over by county commissioners, 
verified, printed and tacked on court house wall inside of one 
day, Monday. The whole thing was a fraud, and he abused 
his authority and the commissioners were unfit for their po- 
sitions. Three hundred names stricken at one precinct ! 

The election in Rome was beyond description. It was there 
that Judge Maddox determined to raise his majority. He 
superintended the whole business. Postmaster Pepper paid 
out the cash, but his master or somebody who was interested 
in his election, had a plentiful supply within reach. A bond 
election was fastened on to a national election. This was a 
county affair, and oould have been used at State election in 
October, or more properly at the county election in January. 
The trick was so transparent that Hon. Seaborn Wright de- 
nounced the plot, and told them it would defeat bonds and 
invalidate both elections. He wrote the following to the At- 
lanta Constitution: 

HON. SEABORN WRIGHT EXPOSES FRAUD IN THE 
FLOYD ELECTION. 

The Manner in Which Dr. Felton Was Counted Out — The 
Guilty Ones Scored. 

Editor Constitution : For several years I have been a sub- 
ject of abuse by the politicians of my district. My crime has 
been that I have denounced political fraud and corruption, 
regardless of the party or man that perpetrated it. 

With the silence and seeming indifference of the Democratic 
press, the party, manipulated and controlled by a few men, 
has gone from bad to worse until its domination in Georgia 
is an absolute disgrace to the civilization of the State. I said 
during the campaign — I repeat it now — 

There is a Miniature Tammany Hall 

in every court house in Georgia. In the name of Democracy 
they control the people, hoisting themselves into office with 
no fitness of heart or brain for any trust. 

The infamy of the Augusta election becomes conspicuous by 
the daring boldness of the men who controlled it, but in a 
less degree frauds, destructive of the basic principles of the 
government in almost every county in the State are perpetrated. 

I have lived in Floyd county since manhood. The busi- 
ness men, farmers, mechanics, all the rank and file of her 



My IMemoirs of Georgia Politics 663 

people, are honest and patrotic, and yet, with all the election 
machinery in the hands of a few political heelers they are as 
helpless as a lot of ten-year-old schoolboys. 

I Am No Partisan, 

I have largely lost faith in political platforms, because, as 
a rule, they are formulated by politicians who use them simply 
as a lever to office. T do believe with all my heart in a free 
ballot and fair count. Everything of any political value to 
the American people depends upon an absolutely pure, un- 
tainted election. 

Not then as a partisan, but simply to demonstrate what I 
already knew, I watched the election in Rome. I saw this : 
A Populist manager sworn in, and then given a seat at the 
back of the court house, 30 feet from the ballot boxes over 
which the Democratic managers alone presided and then the 
farce began. 

There were two ballot boxes, one for congressional, one for 
bond votes. I saw an open ticket for W. H. Felton handed the 
manager of the bond box. Instead of handing back to the 
voter and directing him to the proper box, it was quietly de- 
posited in the bond box. I had this vote taken out and my- 
self directed the voter to the proper box. 

I saw as reputable a gentleman as Mr. B. F. Camp deposit 
his ticket for Felton by mistake in the wrong box, and was 
refused the privilege of voting for Felton in the proper box. 

I saw such men as Green R. Dukes refused the privilege of 
voting for Felton because he was not registered. I then saw 
such men as John Boggs, "William O'Neal, John T. Patterson 
and many others vote for Maddox 

Without Being Registered, 

and with no protest from the managers. 

I saw dozens of negro men come to the polls to vote for 
Felton. I saw their votes openly purchased for Maddox with 
a 25 cent ticket to a barbecue just across the street from the 
court house. I saw the keeper of the Floyd county poorhouse 
bring to the polls his inmates, who had never paid a tax or 
had brains enough to register, and vote them for Maddox 
with no protest from the managers. 

The majority for John W. Maddox in Floyd county was 
1,200, the bulk of his majority in the district. 

I am no Populist. I have twice refused their nomination for 
Congress when my election was assured, simply because I 
could not endorse their demands. 

But they are entitled, as any other party in Georgia is 
entitled to, an honest election. The man who denies it has 



664 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

not an element of honesty or a drop of patriotic blood in him. 

The danger that confronts the people of Georgia from cor- 
rupt elections is not imaginary — it is immensely real. 

I pray God for a spirit of independence in Georgia that will 
sweep from power political mountebanks who have disgraced 
the State. 

The Constitution has begun the fight for pure elections. 
Will it keep it up? No spasmodic effort will accomplish the 
reform. The men who have controlled the machinery of the 
Democratic party will not readily submit to the enactment of 
a law that will hurl them from power. 

You make a big demand when you ask the average office- 
holder 

To Cut His Own Throat. 

Four years ago the rallying cry of the Democracy was, 
"Down with the infamous federal election laws!" They were 
repealed, but as sure as you and I live to the end of this cen- 
tury we will see them re-enacted with double power, if the 
States themselves do not purify their ballot boxes. I had 
rather a thousand times to see the weak and strong alike sur- 
rounded by federal bayonets at the polls than the weak swin- 
dled and defrauded by the strong of the priceless rights of 
freemen. 

I speak strongly on this subject because I feel it, and I feel 
it the stronger because of what has been the shameless indif- 
ference of the Democratic press of Georgia. 

Strike for an election law in Georgia that will guarantee 
not only a free vote, but an honest count — a law that will give 
to every party offering a candidate for office a manager at 
the polls — a law that will make every registrar ineligible to 
office and the list free at all times to public inspection. 

SEABORN WRIGHT. 

Rome, Ga. 

Congressman Maddox was there all day, and thore he 
counted in over 1,000 of the 1,500 majority he claimed in the 
seventh district. His majority in this single county was set 
down at 1,200. In addition to the illegal bond election he ran 
a barbecue close by the voting place. He placed a red ticket, 
value 25 cents inside the congressional ticket. That vote was 
paid for, and a bit of barbecue meat additional. He secured a 
former internal revenue official to manage the negroes with 
their red tickets in hand. It was in Ballew's house the meat 
was cut up and handed out. The official gang in Rome worked 
these schemes to the limit. The ''fat rabbits" fought nobly. 
One of them contributed $200 to the red ticket barbecue. No- 
body got a red ticket unless they voted for Maddox. It was 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 665 

a carnival of trickery, bribery and cheating all day. John 
Black, tax collector, helped with all his might, even prompting 
men to vote who were not registered, if they voted for Maddox. 
Jake Moore, sheriff, was active and afterwards promoted for his 
services to the place in the prison department by Gov. Atkin- 
son. He got more money and less honor out of the place than 
anybody in the State, when Georgia rose up and demolished 
the convict lease system, and he resigned to escape with his 
profits. He was the king bolt in Floyd county politics, under 
John W. Maddox. It was about the resignation that the trick 
was hidden and worked to the limit. 

Dr. Felton applied to Judge Wm. T. Newnan to know if 
registration could be enforced in one county and the "open 
and shut" voting in others. It would be a federal election 
and the inquiry was legitimate. Judge Newnan refused to 
reply. He either didn't know, or he wouldn't interrupt the 
plans of the political gang who secured him his life-time posi- 
tion. Judge Emory Speer was asked the same question and 
he said the registration would not figure at all, or words 
to that effect. Jake Moore, John Black and John Maddoy 
hurried to Atlanta and caucused there, came home and Mad- 
dox said the election should go by registration. 

He had a list prepared, a private list, and on election day 
one Hunt was its custodian, and Hunt swore he was paid for 
holding it by Pepper, the postmaster. One Bridges presided 
at the congressional box, a county school commissioner. Be- 
before the contest ended between Felton and Maddox, Bridges 
was a fugitive from justice, was pursued and overtaken at 
Memphis, and the county of Floyd lost a large amount of 
school money through Bridges. His reputation was reported 
to be unsavory before the election in 1894, so he was placed 
at the voting box in Rome to do the bidding of Maddox and 
Company. The law requires three managers and three clerks. 
Bridges was the only man that Maddox needed in the Rome 
court house to take in the votes for Congress. 

Judge Maddox was looking on when the poor house im- 
beciles, and those who never paid a tax, were voted solidly 
for himself. A poor negro named Ober voted for Felton, was 
refused a red ticket at the barbecue place, but he smelt liquor 
in the court house down in the engine room. When he was 
examined during the contest hearing, he said the liquor was 
there, but he did not vote right so he did not get it. It was 
Maddox liquor. The smell was so loud that others located 
the Maddox liquor in the engine room. As soon as he testified 
he was arrested, carried to Birmingham, Ala., on the charge 
that he "had sold a pint of liquor in Piedmont, Ala., four years 
before, and put in Birmingham jail." There he lay until 



666 ^1y Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

he was called for trial and no prosecutor appeared. When 
the penniless negro reached Rome his family had been thrown 
out of their rented house and Ober told me that Maddox men 
told him to "leave Rome or starve!" 

When election returns came in, Dr. Felton had carried Bar- 
tow, Polk, Gordon, Haralson and Paulding, five out of thirteen 
counties. Murray county went to Maddox with twenty ma- 
jority — the difference was small in Whitfield. Dade came up 
with a huge Maddox vote and Cobb counted in 500 majority 
for him, with a concealed registration list. It was in Floyd 
and Cobb where registration frauds were most in evidence — 300 
Felton votes were stricken off at Cartersville precinct alone and 
the Democratic officials in every county laid themselves out to 
keep their own fat places. Chairman Clay was rewarded with 
the United States senatorship. Jake Moore got a fat place in 
the prison department, and the conspirators got their promo- 
tions everywhere, for as Mr. Seaborn Wright said the average 
officeholder was working for himself in these terrible frauds. 
The fault lay in the cowardice of the people, who should re- 
member that such debauchery will finally destroy civil liberty 
and free institutions. 

The elections in Richmond county, like Rome's elections 
were a disgrace to the Commonwealth of Georgia. 

In one election, there were voted in Richmond county, thirty- 
five per cent, of the population. When Mr. Black rode in a 
carriage behind a coffin marked "Watson," on which coffin 
two drunk men played cards, as the procession moved in 
Augusta streets and where he saw the coffin burned in a wild 
frenzy of partisan hate, he should have known such a thing 
would kill itself, time enough being given. When wagon loads 
of negroes were driven from poll to poll by white men time 
and again voted as they were driven around, and paid ten 
cents a vote, the spectacle Avas not only disgraceful but sub- 
versive of everything we should hold dear in private life. 
From all over the State the cry of fraud was heard, after 
the elections of 1894. The methods used to elect Governor 
Atkinson that year were simply atrocious and disgraceful, and 
in 1896 it looked as if its brazen corruption would absolutely 
suffocate its own anatomy. 

We saw the Democratic party defeated abroad, and I verily 
believe the stench that it emitted in Georgia helped to make 
its overthrow complete at the time. 

Dr. Felton decided to carry the contest to Washington City. 
He supposed there would be some chance for a hearing there. 
There was absolutely none in Georgia. Those who have seen 
the effort to dislodge Mr. Lorimer, who was carried into the 
Senate by bribed legislators, so called Democrats in Illinois, 



My jVIemoirs of Georgia Politics 667 

will conclude that Illinois had taken lessons from a State I 
could mention. 

We had difficulty in finding a lawyer to conduct for us the 
contest. They were afraid of political desperadoes clothed 
Avith judicial authority. I found myself very soon in the thick 
of the fight. The story is too long to detail in these pages, but 
I will set down a violent scene which occurred in Rome when 
Judge Branham attempted to attack Hon. Seaborn Wright, 
who was sitting very near me at the time. Mr. Wright had 
asked Judge Branham in my presence if he might be exam- 
ined as a witness that day, etc, having been unavoidably ab- 
sent when his presence was expected by us. Judge Branham 
answered wrathfully he "would not." I then told Mr. Wright 
that we would have ten days of rebuttal testimony, and he 
could then be heard. Mr. Wright remained in the court room, 
to my great relief. 

As soon as a witness was sworn Branham would interro- 
gate him as to Mr. Wright's character, questions entirely un- 
called for and unprovoked by Mr. Wright, who was a quiet 
listener. The questions were in a manner insulting, as well as 
rude. Finally Mr. Wright rose and asked the justice presiding 
to eive 1iim liberty to reply to these attacks on his character 
and integrity. Immediately Judge Branham cried out ! "You, 
Sv^aborn Wright, came here today to consume our time and 
irnerrupt our proceedings." 

Mr. Wright: "I pronounce that statement to be false." 

Judge Branham: "I pronounce you a liar. Seaborn Wright," 
and although fifteen or twenty feet distant he rushed between 
.ludge Maddox and his witness in front of the judge's stand, 
and dashed up to Mr. Wright shrieking: "I'll slap your face, 
Seaborn Wright ! ' ' 

Instanter, Mr. Wright placed a resounding whack on Judge 
Branham 's face, that was heard all over the room. The gentle 
justice looked as if he had been scared out of a month's 
growth — and Judge Maddox sputtered and glowered at Mr. 
Wright, as he led his counsel to his chair. Both were furious, 
but the man who forced the difficulty was neither rebuked or 
fined. At the next hearing Judge Maddox was quite ready 
to make a scene, by requiring me to deliver a copy of the 
Rome Tribune (newspaper) which I had borrowed from the 
editor that morning. 

The justice thought the paper should be given to Mr. Mad- 
dox. Our Mr. Davis said: "I'd like to see you make Mrs. 
Felton give it up." At which everybody laughed but the 
wrathful judge and his little justice. 

I made up my mind to wear out my silk umbrella on who- 
ever attempted to relieve me of the paper, and I am inclined 



668 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

to think I should easily have found a reason for Judge Mad- 
dox's rudeness, where poor Ober also found something: 
"Down in the engine room." 

On the same day that Mr. Wright felt obliged to rebuke 
Judge Branham's violence, Dr. Felton was attending a contest 
hearing in Cartersville. One of our witnesses was set upon by 
a Maddox attorney with a knife and abusive threats. It was 
a reign of terror — where political judges and solicitors went 
in, from stem to stern, to browbeat and cower our witnesses. 
The Rome Tribune (newspaper) loaned to me, had a lengthy 
editorial on the foul election scenes in the city of Rome, and 
a call for cleaner methods and a reformed registration system. 
The articles were not written to aid us in the contest, but 
simply to call public attention to the disreputable methods 
universally employed at polling places in Rome. It spoke 
loudly for the patience or apathy of the Romans, who could 
not command decent observance of law and order during elec- 
tion times. I will also introduce an article written by Dr. 
Felton on the same subject : 

THE TRUE FACTS. 

Dr. Felton Tells Why He Stopped Proceedings — Mr. Fite, He 
Says, Went there for a Row and Tried to Raise One. 

Dr. Felton furnished the Atlanta Constitution of Sunday last 
the following article : 

I notice in today's paper a dispatch from Cartersville in 
which it is stated I stopped proceedings in the contest case 
between myself and Judge Maddox, affecting a seat in the 
fifty-fourth congress, because Mr. Fite occupied too much time 
in the cross-examination of my witnesses. 

Allow me to present the facts to your readers and to your- 
self, without comment. 

On Friday, January 25th, we met in Cartersville, as the law 
directs, to examine witnesses and record their testimony. Mr. 
Joel Branham and A. W. Fite, solicitor-general for the judicial 
circuit in which Bartow county is placed, appeared as the 
representatives of Judge Maddox. 

About twenty witnesses, perhaps more, were present. 

These attorneys fought everything that was presented. 
Irrelevant questions, technical quibbles, and unreasonable 
delay were forced upon the court. 

When night came, but one witness was cross-examined, and 
a mass of typewriting was made to cover nothing material to 
the case, but these objections, etc., as before stated. 

I myself heard A. W. Fite declare he would consume the 
entire forty days, in which I am allowed to take testimony, in 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 669 

Bartow county unless he could ask all the questions he wished 
to ask. 

On Saturday morning we met again. My son and myself 
were sitting by the table when A. W. Fite came in, accom- 
panied by certain persons. 

He said he had understood there was to be a cutting and 
shooting scrape that morning. He further said he was pre- 
pared. 

. Approaching the table he said: "I will not strike an old 
man in his dotage, but he has a son present, twenty-five years 
old, and I can whip Felton or any of his friends." 

I laid my hand on my son, who had brought his hand down 
heavily on the table when Fite said: "What did you do that 
for, you coward?" 

The justice, Mr. R. B. Gaines, presiding officer in the pro- 
ceedings, called for the sheriff to sit in the court and preserve 
order during all the sessions. 

On Thursday, when we met again, this man Fite consumed 
the entire forenoon in the cross-examination of a single wit- 
ness. 

He was so disorderly that the court fined him and collected 
the fine on the spot. 

Seeing the impossibility of continuing the proceedings with 
such threats of violence, and the imminent danger of blood- 
shed if not assassination, I dismissed the court and took down 
the testimony of the witnesses there assembled, whose names 
had been given to Judge Maddox, or his representatives, as 
the law directs. 

This unnecessary delay of proceedings on the part of A. 
W. Fite, and his endeavor to provoke a personal conflict be- 
tween my son and himself, was apparent to every person 
present. My son was a witness, regularly subpoenaed, and 
had given A. W. Fite no provocation for this conduct in the 
court-room. 

These witnesses were detained in Cartersville, from all parts 
of the county, at heavy expense to me, the typewriter paid 
by myself, also the justice and the sheriff, with all the costs 
of the court. Therefore I dismissed the court for the reasons 
aforesaid, and will proceed to lay the facts before the fifty- 
fourth congress when it assembles. 

This A. W. Fite is the solicitor-general of the district in 
which I live, and it is his sworn duty to protect the lives and 
property of all persons in the county under forms of law. 
He attacked a witness in the court, with an epithet which was 
intended to provoke violence, for which he declared himself 
fully prepared. Very respectfully, W. H. FELTON. 

p s — The privilege of cross-examination will be ultimately 



670 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

granted to Judge Maddox, and the dismissal of Fite applies 
to no other county but Bartow. W. H. F. 

Cartersville, Ga., February 2, 1895. 

As I said before, the Georgia case was not brought to a 
final hearing until April, 1896. In the summer of 1895 I was 
called to Washington several times to explain the testimony to 
General Dudley, who conducted our case. 

All that time Judge Maddox was on the ground, at work on 
that elections committee. I had a seat in General Dudley's 
library — or in the typewriter's room — where several ladies 
were employed. I could fill whole chapters with General Dud- 
ley's astonishment, that judicial officers were permitted to 
conduct such cases and browbeat witnesses in boss-ridden 
Georgia. He said it would be impossible to accept the results 
of the election with a fair committee. The bond election would 
invalidate the election in Floyd, with red tickets, as bribes to 
vote for Maddox. McCrary on Elections, the standard work, 
said all the counties must be uniform in their methods — this 
was a "mandatory statute," etc. 

When the hearing came on. General Dudley gave me a seat 
at his right hand. General Dudley explained the election 
methods in an hour. Then Branham, then Fite, in an hour 
and a half. General Dudley had concluding half hour. 
Solicitor Fite produced what purported to be an affidavit 
signed by Squire Gaines, accusing me of interlining his report 
with statements that were not true — that we adjourned hear- 
ings without cause, and both he and Branham declared me to 
be the author of the Sam Holt circular. Judge Branham had 
but little to say of Floyd county, but humped himself on Pauld- 
ing and Haralson. Cobb was passed over with one of his 
peculiar smiles. 

When General Dudley arose he said: "I have been con- 
nected with many election contests. I have never seen a case 
so weak in all my experience, where men have felt obliged to 
attack contestant's wife to bolster up their cause. I do not 
think that I or any other gentleman could be forced to do 
such a thing. Therefore I ask to be allowed to give Mrs. 
Felton five minutes of my time to reply to these outrageous 
assaults upon her reputation." 

I said: "You have been told that I falsified Esquire Gaines' 
certificate. I wrote out his statement at his request — he read 
it time and again, and signed it without an objection. (As soon 
as we could reach him by telegram, he promptly repudiated 
the whole thing as a slander. He sent his repudiation to the 
committee on elections immediately, but it was too late). 
I said neither myself or any of my family had anything to do 
in writing or printing the Sam Holt circular. Mr. Carter was 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 671 

subpoenaed by Judge Maddox, at Cedartown, in Polk county. 
Carter appeared and Judge Maddox never called him at all. 
Carter was elected sheriff in 1894, and Judge Janes dis- 
possessed him." 

Just then Charley Bartlett sprung up to say, "The supreme 
court sustained the judge." I answered, "The supreme court 
said it had no jurisdiction — it was a political, not a judicial 
decision." I then told how Solicitor Fite made efforts to 
provoke a fight with my son in the court house — just to in- 
furiate his aged father. I had only time to say how Judge 
Branham fared for assaulting Mr. Wright, another witness, 
when my five minutes were up. Dr. Felton sat just in my 
rear and General Dudley took the time to say to us that Mr. 
Bartlett had evidently played the part of attorney for Mad- 
dox — and so far as I can judge, he had been busy from the 
date of his appointment on the elections committee, until this 
hearing was had. As I said in my preface to this book, small 
men placed in high positions can be alike dangerous and power- 
ful. 

More than two years after Mr. Bartlett used his committee 
to help Judge Maddox and to approve and condone the mis- 
erable frauds in Georgia elections (because he was the spokes- 
man for the committee at the hearing) ; Mr. E. B. Stahlman 
made an outrageous attack on me in his paper, the Nashville 
Banner. He was employed in Washington City for a number 
of years to lobby the Publishing House claims, by which he 
captured more than one-third of the claim to himself and to 
pass that claim he had use for all the votes in the house and 
senate that he could control. I investigated the assault of 
Stahlman, and found it was Judge Maddox, who had also 
assaulted my reputation before the house of representatives 
in a speech. I addressed a letter to Judge Maddox, sent it 
under cover to Congressman Fleming, (one of the best mem- 
bers of congress Georgia ever had) and Mr. Fleming wrote 
me a line to say he had delivered it per request. 

I politely asked Judge Maddox to reply and tell me if he 
had been correctly reported. Not a line did he send — and a 
respectable gentleman living in Rome afterwards said to me, 
"Pooh, Maddox couldn't reply!" 

A copy of the Congressional Record was applied for and 
there I found what Maddox said. He had only to walk across 
a corridor in the capitol, look over the expenses sworn to by 
authorized persons — all paid before the hearing except the 
lawyers, who conducted the case for Felton against Maddox, 
to know that he was uttering a base falsehood when he said 
Dr. Felton 's "wife got nearly all of $2,000 allowed the con- 
testant. ' ' There was no possible excuse for that brassy, dead- 



672 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

eyed lie in that connection. He had himself been applying 
for more than an extra thousand, as his outlay and expenses 
in same contest, a fact that Hon. J. Watt Harris, of our county, 
made plain before a primary election in the Seventh district! 
I have never knovsrn how he divided with his "pals" in the 
contest, and while he denied any knowledge of his claim for 
extra pay — and while I expect there were many times when 
he was unable to know what he was doing or what was going 
on in congress, I concluded that Mr. Stahlman might also 
decide to graft the U. S. treasury again to help his friend, 
Maddox. With Dr. Felton's open letter, I bid Mr. Maddox 
adieu : 

Near Cartersville, Ga., July 11, 1898. 

To the Editor of The Journal : On June 20th Hon. John W. 
Maddox, from his place in the house of representatives, dis- 
cussing the allowance made to contestants and contestees, took 
occasion to say concerning the contest between himself and 
myself, before the fifty-fourth congress, that it would never 
have occurred ' ' except for the payment of $2,000 in expenses. ' ' 
In the same connection he declared that my wife "received the 
most of the fee." Evidently he was seeking to leave the im- 
pression that I instituted the contest to secure only the most 
of the $2,000 into my own hands, indirectly, and directly into 
the hands of my wife. It will be noticed that he is opposed 
to paying anything to contestants, so that when a member is 
counted in from the South by the most glaring frauds and 
corruption no rebuke to the wrong-doing would be permitted 
unless the defeated and honest candidate could pay all the 
expenses of such contests out of his own pocket, without any 
hope of reimbursement. That plan would evidently suit the 
corruptionists, and was worthy of the brain that evolved it. 

Allow me to copy the words as used by Judge Maddox from 
the Congressional Record, June 20, 1898, page 6926, No. 144: 

"Mr. Maddox — Mr. Chairman, I should like to ask the chair- 
man of the committee why it is that this bill carries appropria- 
tions for contestants in the fifty-fifth congress and not in the 
fifty-fourth. There are some 45 cases in the fifty-fourth con- 
gress. 

"Mr. Cannon — The contestants in the fifty-fourth congress 
were appropriated for during the fifty-fourth congress. 

"Mr. Maddox — There is a bill pending in this house to pay 
contestants in the fifty-fourth congress, of which I am one. 

"Mr. Cannon — That is in cases in excess of $2,000. 

"Mr. Maddox — And this is in excess of $2,000. 

"Mr. Cannon — Oh, no. 

"Mr. Maddox — Then I beg the gentleman's pardon. But I 
want to say this, that I am opposed to the payment of a dollay 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 673 

over the $2,000 allowed by law. If I had it in my power we 
would not pay a cent for the contestants, for I stand here to- 
day as one of the victims who would never have had a contest 
except for the payment of $2,000 for expenses. It happened 
in my case that the wife of the contestant was one of the at- 
torneys that received the most of the fee. (Laughter.) Now, 
I say that I am opposed wholly to this business, and if we 
would wipe it off the statute books there would not be one- 
quarter as many contestants for seats in this house. I would 
amend it so as to pay only the party who got his case, as it 
is in all other courts. If this bill provides for the paying of 
a contestant $2,000 allowed by law, then I have nothing to say. 

"Mr. Cannon— That is all. 

' ' Mr. Maddox — But if it went beyond that I did desire to say 
something." 

It was an unprincipled attack, to be made on a lady before 
that body — with no notice to her or to myself of such action. 
He took opportunity to vent his spite before the elections com- 
mittee in Washington City, in my presence, but no gentleman 
would have occupied the elevation of a seat in congress to 
utter this sneering statement, namely, that my wife "received 
the most of the fee," unless he knew it to be a fact beyond 
question. I was required to lay a bill for expenses before con- 
gress with the evidence, as collected, and paid for at the time. 
My attorneys here and in Washington corresponded as to the 
division of the $2,000 after all such expenses were paid. I had 
to present vouchers for the amounts that I paid out before a 
hearing could be had, and those expenses were filed in the 
house of representatives with the clerk, the official holding 
over from the fifty-third congress, that expired on March 4, 
1895. 
I paid out in Bartow county for witnesses and officers 

of the court, service of subpoenas and other items 

with vouchers $ 98 . 55 

In Cobb county for same work with vouchers 54 . 80 

In Floyd county for same work with vouchers 50.00 

In Polk county for same work with vouchers 12.22 

For stenographers — expenses and per diem, with 

vouchers 130 . 86 

For expressage of books and papers 5.95 

For telegrams, with vouchers attached ' 15 . 62 

For printing bills, with vouchers attached 144.50 

Total $512.50 

When the contest was over, Messrs. Dudley & Michener, our 
Washington attorneys, were paid the $2,000, with a "power of 
attorney" signed by myself. They paid themselves $1,000 and 



674 My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 

returned a check of $1,000 to me to reimburse myself for the 
money expended in actual cash and all other accounts that 
were paid out between August, 1895, and April, 1896, when 
the case was decided in favor of Judge Maddox. 

In the meantime, between May 1, 1895, and April 6, 1896, 
my wife had been called to Washington four times to review 
the testimony and the brief and reply brief, and get the papers 
bearing on the local conditions of the case in proper shape. 
Mr. John K. Davis felt that he had done all he felt obliged to 
do when the testimony was taken, and he declined to go or 
to make a brief of the work down here. He and ]\Ir. Foster, 
of Marietta, made an agreement between themselves that the 
latter was to receive for the work in Cobb one-fourth of the 
amount received by Mr. Davis, which was agreeable to me. 
In this extremity the Washington attorneys said they must 
consult with my wife, as she appeared to be able to give them 
the data they heeded and which they were obliged to have at 
the different times she was sent for, as only Mr. Poster had 
presented a brief with the salient points in the single county 
of Cobb and he was not familiar with or expected to know 
anything of the situation in any of the other counties of the 
district. My wife spent $178.50 in the four trips, ranging from 
a few days up to more than a week at other times. She was 
only allowed $146.10 for these necessary expenses, and the 
balance was paid over to the local attorneys at home. I hold 
a receipt from Col. John K. Davis, of Cedartown, for $256, 
dated July 28, 1896, "in full for legal services, up to date in 
Felton and Maddox contest." I hold a receipt also from Col. 
J. Z. Foster, of Marietta, for $85.50, "in full for legal services >j 

up to date in Felton and Maddox contest, dated July 17, |i 

1896." A letter from Messrs. Dudley & Michener received 
today says: "You can say (in reply to Maddox) that my firm 
was paid $1,000, and that the other half did not reimburse 
your husband for the amount expended in the prosecution of 
his contest by several dollars." 

Allow me to summarize, for I am particular to make the 
statement clear, because my wife's integrity has been thus 
assailed in the congress of the United States by the de facto 
representative from the Seventh Congressional district. 
Expenses in collecting the testimony. Math vouchers 

attached '. $ 512.50 

Paid to attorneys, Dudley & Michener 1,000.00 

Paid to attorney, John K. Davis 256.00 

Paid to attorney, Jos. Z. Foster 85.40 

Total $1,853.90 

Mrs. Felton 's hotel expenses, railroad fare, sleeping 

cars, street car fare and meals en route 146.1 

$2,000.00 



My Memoirs op Georgia Politics 675 

Am I not authorized to brand this man Maddox as an un- 
principled and malicious liar when he could stand in his place 
as the representative from this district and declare that this 
noble, true-hearted woman had received the "most of the 
fee?" 

Am I not authorized to say that he was the dirty tool of a 
dirty master, when he was quoted in the Nashville Banner's 
correspondence from Washington as authority for the state- 
ment that "Mrs. Felton had looted the United States treasury 
of $2,000, which is 40 per cent, of a congressman's salary?" 

The Banner's correspondent was anxious to strike her a 
blow because she ventilated the Methodist war claim scandal 
in the Atlanta Journal and the Washington Post, and placed 
by letter certain facts in the hands of Senator Lodge, who 
shortly afterwards moved for an investigation. 

But why should Congressman Maddox do dirty work for 
Major Stahlman's paper? Did the lobbyist pass through the 
Seventh district going and coming when he appeared in At- 
lanta to renominate a congressman shortly after the war claim 
appropriation passed, with his pockets strutted out with $100,- 
800 that he never could have obtained in the senate if he had 
not uttered falsehoods that puts Ananias to the blush? 

I am told he has been pressing this war claim since 1895 
with a contract for 35 per cent, in his pocket. Perhaps he is 
like the railroad magnate who was reported to the house in 
the year 1878 — 20 years ago — when the Thurman Pacific fund- 
ing bill was on its passage in that body. Hon. S. S. Cox 
declared that the magnate had said he actually "found it 
easier and cheaper to elect his men at home than to buy them 
in Washington." I can now see why I would not be accept- 
able to Major Stahlman, when my contest case was on in 
Washington in 1896, and his war claim went through without 
a hitch. 

The late municipal elections in Marietta and Cartersville, 
where Democrats openly bribed the voters without shame, 
repeated votes brazenly and counted out ad libitum all go to 
show that I had a warrant for such a contest in 1894. In Rome 
the tax-payers actually were stampeded in the superior court 
less than a year ago and were unable to convict the politician- 
preacher. Bridges, or recover a dollar of that stolen school 
money. I have been told that Mr. Bridges dared the "gang" 
to allow him to be sentenced" to the penitentiary. He "could 
and would explain where and when that money went in elec- 
tions." I felt the weight of Preacher Bridges' power and au- 
thority in 1894, when he was stationed alone at Judge Mad- 
dox 's ballot box in Rome, and received or flung out just such 
votes as were or were not desired. Judge Maddox had a 



676 My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 

private registration list to guide Preacher Bridges in the 
hands of one Hunt, who testified on oath that the list was a 
private one, that he was never sworn as a manager or clerk, 
and he also was paid for his day's work by Judge Maddox's 
friends. I did the State a patriotic service in that contest and 
have no regrets to offer. I must take this occasion to say, 
however, that Judge Maddox, and all of his pimps, may now 
understand that an end has come to these base assaults on my 
wife. Perhaps the "Chief of the Cherokees" was able to plead 
exemption from arrest when a member of the legislature, but 
Congressman Maddox will find it both healthy and profitable 
to use different language hereafter before the house of repre- 
sentatives. 

I desire to say, furthermore, that lying is not unfamiliar to 
his character in connection with matters before that body. 

Some time in March a bill was introduced in the present 
congress to repay to contestants and contestees certain amounts 
alleged to have been spent in the fifty-fourth congress over 
and above the $2,000 allowed by law. It was introduced by a 
Mr. Johnson, of Indiana, and carried $50,000 or $60,000, as 
I now recollect. As soon as it was introduced and printed, a 
copy was sent to me, and to my astonishment I was set down 
as claiming $89, while Judge Maddox claimed $1,059.17 as his 
part. I repudiated the scheme by return mail, but not a sound 
was heard from John W. Maddox until Hon. J. W. Harris 
exposed the grab just before the primary election in June. 
Then he became vociferous in his dislike of the bill, and 
pleaded the "baby act," although he must unquestionably 
have heard of a bill that so vitally concerned himself, when 
that bill had to be read before him, then printed and laid on 
his own desk, and all the other desks, to be examined by every 
member in that body. If he is so ignorant that he is pushed 
along that way in spite of himself, he is too manifestly ignor- 
ant to occupy the seat. But if he calculated to get that bill 
passed without allowing his constituents, to know of it until 
he had added another thousand to his $5,000 salary and the 
$1,200 that he claims for clerk hire, he is just the man I have 
taken him to be in his conduct of congressional business. 

It was simply impossible that any member of that body 
should be claiming $1,059.17 from congress and himself un- 
aware of the fact for two months and over. Suppose he tells 
the people of Georgia what he spent that money for and shows 
them where it and the $2,000 went and the receipts for it, 
which would be evidently proper and fair since he asserts 
that my wife "received the most of the fee?" If he does 
such a thing of his own accord, all well and good, but if he 
is forced to appear and make his allegation good, or other- 



My Memoirs of Georgia Poutics 

wise suffer in more ways than one, then he may have to do 
something besides put in a claim for this money, and after- 
wards deny having done so. I'll warrant he never told Mr. 
Johnson, of Indiana, as much. 

General Grosvenor writes to my wife by today's mail 
and says, "nobody noticed the attack at the time, and so far 
as I know nobody has noticed it since." I can readily under- 
stand how such a scurvy politician could go unnoticed in that 
body; but it happens, once in awhile, that you feel obliged to 
kick a scurvy dog out of doors when he assaults you at home, 
with intent to bite. Judge Maddox has but little to lose in 
reputation by this exposure, because he was a disgrace to him- 
self and his position in the Georgia legislature, and a dis- 
grace to the bench, when he could sentence a poor negro to 
a year in the penitentiary or a thousand dollars fine and at 
the same term of court allow certain white men in Rome to 
go free with a nominal fine, after they pleaded guilty to 
gambling (and one to keeping a gambling house), a far deeper 
crime than that charged on the negro. Superior court records 
in Rome will give you the details. If he has ever done any- 
thing in this congress save to speak against war, and then 
vote for war, also to get a claim bill introduced to pay himself 
over $1,000 and then deny it, I have not heard of it, at home 
or abroad. He was evidently **on the make." It speaks 
loudly for the scarcity of candidates in the Democratic party 
of this district that it cannot muster up either a gentleman 
or a man of any ability to count in as the representative of 
the people of this district in congress. I know of no gentle- 
man in the Seventh district who would not have placed a 
higher estimate on his representative position than to have 
made this ignoble statement concerning my wife without furn- 
ishing the proof before the house of representatives. It re- 
quired a dirty blackguard to supplement the attack in Stahl- 
man's paper, and the blackguard was found ready to exploit 
his qualifications according to directions. 

Respectfully, WILLIAM H. FELTON. 



Closing Words 



After my contract was signed with the publishers I continued 
to send in chapter after chapter as I finished them. Every 
word in this book was written by my own fingers, after I had 
passed my seventy-fifth birthday. Not a typewritten line and 
not a page of copyist work was forwarded . The printers set 
up the galleys and their forms from my individual handwriting. 
But my old fashioned pen work spread over an astonishing 
amount of space, and I was obliged to be reminded that I had 
more copy than this book could possibly hold. So I have 
been compelled to omit an article on "Convict Leasing," also 
one on the "Leasing of the W. & A. Road," and one on "Tem- 
perance." I had written a stirring chapter on Dr. Felton's 
efforts for higher education in Georgia, which embraces the 
story of his last speech and last appearance in the House of 
Representatives when a most remarkable demonstration of 
his oratorical powers in an impromptu address before a joint 
session of both Houses was given. It was his last appearance 
in Atlanta, and it was the concensus of public opinion that his 
speech saved the day for the University of Georgia. He was 
obliged to sit because his limbs trembled, but the ancient fire 
of magnetic eloquence was evident. Hon, N. J. Hammond had 
made a long and exhaustive argument as chairman of the 
Board of Trustees, and it was a hard place to fill to come after 
a carefully prepared speaker before such an audience and 
without a single note or memorandum as preparation. But the 
very rafters trembled under the tumultuous cheering of the 
people who packed the building until standing room was in 
demand. It was always a sweet memory with this aged speak- 
er, who was ever most loyal to his beloved Alma-Mater, to 
remember his triumph on that occasion. 

But it was left to Gov. Allen Candler to rebuke this venerable 
trustee by giving the trusteeship directly afterwards to Judge 
Gober, of Marieta. The students held a mass meeting of 
indignation and I hold a copy of the fiery resolutions. Dr. 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 679 

Felton was not disturbed, but I still resent the littleness and 
excessive partisanship of the removal. 

I have also in manuscript a history of the second Atkinson 
campaign, where Hon. Seaborn Wright bore aloft so bravely 
the prohibition flag of an earnest constituency. The story 
of the Rape Circular, where black rapists were encouraged 
to expect a pardon from Democratic governors after conviction 
and sentence to chain-gangs should be told. To that com- 
plexion had it come in old boss-ridden Georgia. It is nothing 
more than fair to quote right here Gov. Allen Candler's arraign- 
ment of his own party, because his wail was only the shrewd 
cry of ''Stop, thief" used for political effect. 

"Without any solicitation on my part, I find myself a candidate for 
the Democratic nomination for governor of Georgia. The men who are 
behind the movement are not the professional politicians, 'the men who 
control,' but the rank and file of our party, the great middle class who 
pay the taxes and bear the burdens of government. I have never seen 
such an uprising of the common people in my life. 

"It is a rebellion against the men and their methods who ravished the 
Democratic party in 1894 and have dominated it ever since, the men who, 
by methods peculiar to themselves, deprived General Evans of the nomina- 
tion after he had fairly won it. 

"I was against them and their methods then, and they are against 
me now. I, therefore, feel at liberty to call on those who stood with me 
by General Evans in the contest to stand by me now. We fought them 
in the same phalanx for pure Democracy and clean methods with General 
Evans as our leader. Now that the same flag has been put into my hand 
and I am battling as he did for the same principles, I invoke that support 
for myself that we all gave the general at that time. Then by political 
trickery we lost, now by united action and honest methods we will win. 
We are right and the people are with us. 

"Many who were with the tricksters and traders then, disgusted with 
their methods are vrith us now. Let us, therefore, be vigilant and active 
and we vrill in October bury them and their nefarious methods so deep 
that the hands of resourrection will never reach them. 

Sincerely yours, 

ALLEN D. CANDLER. 

I have also in manuscript the attack made by Dr. Haygood 
(afterwards bishop) on Dr. Felton, and the use made of his 
words at the close of that Atkinson campaign by Hon. N. J. 
Hammond, in which the latter also made free use of my name 
and temperance articles, on the night before the October elec- 



<^J 



680 



My Memoirs of Georgia Politics 



tion in 1896. This will naturally come in my own recollections 
to be compiled and published before long. With the Rape 
Circular and the complaints urged in this Candler letter, it had 
to be an extraordinary endeavor when I was made the text 
and target of a political speech before a yelling mob of poli- 
ticians in the city of Atlanta. The Constitution's editorial on 
"Yellowstone Kit in Georgia Politics" deserves attention, and 
Col. Reuben Arnold's open letter of October 15, 1878, which 
appeared in the Atlanta Constitution when he gave publicity 
to Col. Hammond's politics when he salary-grabbed under 
Bullock and "subsequently denied his Lord and Master." I 
am regretful that space has thus failed me in this Book of 
Memoirs, but while time is fleeting and my physical strength 
somewhat abated, I expect Deo Volens to complete and print 
another volume of wider scope, thus bringing the story nearer 
to the present stirring scenes in Georgia politics. I also thank 
you, dear reader, for your kind attention. 

MRS. W. H. FELTON. 
Cartersville, Ga., July 20, 1911. 



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